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TRANSACTIONS
THE GAELIC SOCIETY OF INVERNESS.
VOLUM E : XII
rL--
TRANSACTIONS
OP THE
GAELIC SOCIETY OF INVERNESS.
VOLUME XII.
1885-86.
TRANSACTIONS
OF
THE GAELIC SOCIETY
OF INVERNESS.
1885-86.
Claim n\i
an feilto a Cftdle.
PRINTED FOR THE GAELIC SOCIETY OF INVERNESS,
BY R. CARRUTHERS & SONS;
AND SOLD BY JOHN NOBLE, JAMES H. MACKENZIE, JAMES MELVKN
WILLIAM MACKAY, AND A. & W. MACKENZIE,
BOOKSELLERS, INVERNESS ;
AND MACLACHLAN & STEWART, EDINBURGH.
1886.
CONTENTS
PAGE.
Office-bearers for 1885 and 1886 vii
Constitution , . viii
Introduction xiii
Fourteenth Annual Assembly — Speeches by Mr A. R. Mac-
kenzie, yr. of Kintail, and Rev. Archibald Macdonald . 1
The Early Celtic Church in Scotland — Provost Macandrew . 15
The Gaelic Names of Birds — Mr Charles Fergusson . . 28
Donnachadh Ban Mac-an-t-Saoir — Mr Neil Macleod . . 94
Fourteenth Annual Dinner — Speeches by Provost Macandrew,
Mr James Barron, Mr A. Macbain, Mr Duncan Campbell,
Mr A. C. Mackenzie, Mr E. H. Macmillan, Dr Aitken, Mr
Alexander Mackenzie, Mr William Mackay, Mr G. J.
Campbell, Mr A. Mackenzie (Silverwells) . . . . 98
First Impressions of America, a Gaelic Poem — Mr Wm. Fraser,
Illinois 112
Old Gaelic Songs— Mr Colin Chisholm 118
The Isle of Man, its History and Language — Mr Duncan
Campbell 167,
The Heroic and Ossianic Literature — Mr Alexander Macbain . 180
Unknown Lochaber Bards — Mrs Mary Mackellar . . . 211
Archibald Grant, the Glenmoriston Bard — Mr Alexander Mac-
donald 226
A Famous Minister of Daviot, 1672-1726 — Mr Wm. Mackay . 244
Smuggling in the Highlands — Mr John Macdonald . . . 256
The Gael, his Characteristics and Social History — Rev. Mr
Bisset 287
Changes in the Ownership of Land in Ross-shire, 1756-1853 —
Sir Kenneth Mackenzie, Bart 293
The Parish of Rosskeen — Mr Roderick Maclean . . . 324
Etymological Links between Welsh and Gaelic — Canon Thoyts 340
The Dialects of Scottish Gaelic— Professor Mackinnon 345
VI CONTENTS.
Some Unpublished Letters of Simon Lord Lovat to Lochiel of
the '45— Mr Cameron of Lochiel 367
Granting Diplomas of Gentle Birth, <fcc., by Scottish Kings :
Case of Lieutenant-Colonel Alexander Munro of Obsdale,
1663— Mr Fraser-Mackintosh, M.P 383
Old Highland Industries — Mr Alexander Ross . . . 387
Gleanings from the Old Ecclesiastical Records of Badenoch —
Mr Alexander Macpherson 415
Honorary Chieftains 431
Life Members 431
Honorary Members I 431
Ordinary Members . . 433
Apprentice Members . 438
Deceased Members 438
List of Books in the Society's Library 439
GAELIC SOCIETY OF INVERNESS.
OFFICE-BEARERS FOR 1885.
CHIEF.
A. R. Mackenzie, yr. of Kintail.
CHIEFTAINS.
Provost Macandrew.
D. Campbell.
Councillor W. G. Stuart.
HON. SECRETARY.
William Mackay, solicitor.
SECRETARY.
Wm. Mackenzie, 3 Union Street.
TREASURER.
Duncan Mackintosh, Bank of
Scotland, Inverness.
MEMBERS OF COUNCIL.
Colin Chisholm.
Alexander Macbain.
John Whyte.
John Macdonald.
Bailie Mackay.
LIBRARIAN.
John Whyte.
PIPER.
Pipe-Major Maclennan.
BARD.
Mrs Mary Mackellar.
OFFICE-BEARERS FOR 1886.
CHIEF.
R. C. Munro-Ferguson of Novar.
CHIEFTAINS.
Alexander Mackenzie,Silverwells.
Provost Macandrew.
A. Macbain.
HON. SECRETARY.
William Mackay, solicitor.
SECRETARY.
Wm. Mackenzie, 3 Union Street.
TREASURER.
Duncan Mackintosh, Bank of
Scotland, Inverness.
MEMBERS OF COUNCIL.
William Gunn.
John Macdonald.
Bailie Mackay.
Councillor Stuart.
John Whyte.
LIBRARIAN.
John Whyte.
PIPER.
Pipe-Major Maclennan.
BARD.
Mrs Mary Mackellar.
COMUNN GAILIG INBHIR-NIS.
CO-SHUIDHEACHADH.
1. 'S e ainm a' Chomuinn " COMUNN GAILIG INBHIR-NIS.'
2. 'S e tha an run a' Chomuinn : — Na buill a dheanamh
iomlan 'sa' Ghailig ; cinneas Canaine, Bardachd, agus Ciuil na
Gaidhealtachd ; Bardachd, Seanachas, Sgeulachd, Leabhraichean
agus Sgriobhanna 's a' chanain sin a thearnadh o dhearmad ;
Leabhar-lann a chur suas ann am baile Inbhir-Nis de leabhraichibh
agus sgriobhannaibh — ann an canain sam bith — a bhuineas do
Chaileachd, lonnsachadh, Eachdraidheachd agus Sheanachasaibh
nan Gaidheal no do thairbhe na Gaidhealtachd ; coir agus cliu nan
Gaidheal a dhion ; agus na Gaidheil a shoirbheachadh a ghna ge
b'e ait' am bi iad.
3. 'S iad a bhitheas 'nam buill, cuideachd a tha gabhail suim
do runtaibh a' Chomuinn ; agus so mar gheibh iad a staigh : —
Tairgidh aon bhall an t-iarradair, daingnichidh ball eilc an tairgse,
agus, aig an ath choinneimh, ma roghnaicheas a' mhor-chuid le
crannchur, nithear ball dhith-se no dheth-san cho luath 's a
phaidhear an comh-thoirt ; cuirear craiiin le ponair dhubh agus
gheal, ach, gu so bhi dligheach, feumaidh tri buill dheug an crann
a chur, Feudaidh an Comunn Urram Cheannardan a thoirt do
urrad 'us seachd daoine cliuiteach.
4. Paidhidh Ball Urramach, 'sa' bhliadhna . £0 10 6
Ball Cumanta 050
Foghlainte 010
Agus ni Ball-beatha aon chomh-thoirt de . 770
5. 'S a' cheud-mhios, gach bliadhna, roglmaichear, le crainn,
Co-chomhairle a riaghlas gnothuichean a' Chomuinn, 's e sin — aon
Cheann, tri lar-chinn, Oleireach Urramach, Runaire, lonmhasair,
agus coig buill eile — feumaidh iad uile Gailig a thuigsinn 's a
bhruidhinn ; agus ni coigear dhiubh coinneamh.
GAELIC SOCIETY OF INVERNESS.
CONSTITUTION.
1. The Society shall be called the "GAELIC SOCIETY OP
INVERNESS."
* 2. The objects of the Society are the perfecting of the Mem-
bers in the use of the Gaelic language ; the cultivation of the
language, poetry, and music of the Scottish Highlands ; the res-
cuing from oblivion of Gaelic poetry, traditions, legends, books,
and manuscripts ; the establishing in Inverness of a library, to
consist of books and manuscripts, hi whatever language, bearing
upon the genius, the literature, the history, the antiquities, and
the material interests of the Highlands and Highland people ; the
vindication of the rights and character of the Gaelic people ; and,
generally, the furtherance of their interests whether at home or
abroad.
3. The Society shall consist of persons who take a lively in-
terest in its objects. Admission to be as follows : — The candidate
shall be proposed by one member, seconded by another, balloted
for at the next meeting, and, if he or she have a majority of votes
and have paid the subscription, be declared a member. The ballot
shall be taken with black beans and white ; and no election shall
be -valid unless thirteen members vote. The Society has power to
elect distinguished men as Honorary Chieftains to the number of
seven.
4. The Annual Subscription shall be, for —
Honorary Members . . . . . £0 10 6
Ordinary Members . . . . .050
Apprentices . . . . . .010
A Life Member shall make one payment of . 770
5. The management of the affairs of the Society shall be en-
trusted to a Council, chosen annually, by ballot, in the month of
January, to consist of a Chief, three Chieftains, an Honorary
Secretary, a Secretary, a Treasurer, and five other Members of the
Society, all of whom shall understand and speak Gaelic ; five to
form a quorum,
X CO-SHUIDHEACHADH.
6. Cumar coinneamhan a' Chomuinn gach seachduin o thois-
•'. -\ an Deicheamh mios gu deireadh Mhairt, agns gach ceithir-
la-deug o thoiseach Ghiblein gu deireadh an Naothamh-mois. 'S
i a' Ghailig a labhrai gach oidhche mu'n seach aig a' chuid a's
lugha.
7. Cuiridh a' Oho-chomhairle la air leth anns an t-Seachdamh-
mios air-son Coinneamh Bhliadhnail aig an cumar Co-dheuchainn
agiis air an toil-ear duaisean air-son Piobaireachd 'us ciuil Ghaidh-
ealach eile ; anns an fheasgar bithidh co-dheuchainn air Leughadh
agus aithris Bardachd agus Rosg nuadh agus taghta ; an deigh sin
cumar Cuirm chuidheachdail aig am faigh nithe Gaidhealach rogh-
ainn 'san uirghioll, ach gun roinn a dhiultadh dhaibh-san nach tuig
Gailig. Giulainear cosdas na co-dheuchainne le trusadh sonraichte
a dheannamh agus cuideachadh iarraidh o'n t-sluagh.
8. Cha deanar atharrachadh sam bith air coimh-dhealbhadh a'
Chomuinn gun aontachadh dha thrian de na'm bheil de luchd-
bruidhinn Gailig air a' chlar-ainm. Ma's miann atharrachadh a
dheanamh is eiginn sin a chur an ceill do gach ball, inios, aig a'
chuid a's lugha, roimh'n choinneimh a dh'fheudas an t-atharrachadh
a dheanamh. Feudaidh ball nach bi a lathair roghnachadh le
lamh-aithne.
9. Taghaidh an Comunn Bard, Piobaire, agus Fear-leabhar-
lann.
Ullaichear gach Paipear agus Leughadh, agus giulainear gach
Deasboireachd le run fosgailte, duineil, durachhdach air-son na
firinn, agus cuirear gach ni air aghaidh ann an spiorad caomh,
glan, agus a reir riaghailtean dearbhta.
CONSTITUTION. XI
6. The Society shall hold its meetings weekly from the
beginning of October to the end of March, and fortnightly from
the beginning of April to the end of September. The business
shall be carried on in Gaelic on every alternate night at least.
7. There shall be an Annual Meeting in the month of July,
the day to be named by the Committee for the time being, when
Competitions for Prizes shall take place in Pipe and other High-
land Music. In the evening there shall be Competitions in Read-
ing and Reciting Gaelic Poetry and Prose, both original and select.
After which there will be a Social Meeting, at which Gaelic sub-
jects shall have the preference, but not to such an extent as
entirely to preclude participation by persons who do not under-
stand Gaelic. The expenses of the competitions shall be defrayed
out of a special fund, to which the general public shall be invited
to subscribe.
8. It is a fundamental rule of the Society that no part of the
Constitution shall be altered without the assent of two-thirds of
the Gaelic speaking Members on the roll ; but if any alterations
be required, due notice of the same must be given to each member,
at least one month before the meeting takes place at which the
alteration is proposed to be made. Absent Members may vote by
mandates.
9. The Society shall elect a Bard, a Piper, and a Librarian.
All Papers and Lectures shall be prepared, and all Discussions
carried on, with an honest, earnest, and manful desire for truth ;
and all proceedings shall be conducted in a pure and gentle spirit,
and according to the usually recognised rules.
INTRODUCTION.
In presenting the Society with its twelfth Volume, the
Council has again to announce a larger Volume than any of its
predecessors ; and it is a further matter of congratulation that,
while former Volumes were larger by reason of two or more years'
work being issued together, this Volume contains but the record
of one Session's work only. Nothing could at once better prove
the wealth of the Gaelic material with which we deal, the useful-
ness of the Society's work, and the energy and vitality of its mem-
bers. It will be found that the papers and lectures in this book
are not merely interesting in themselves, but also most important
in their bearing on Highland History, Antiquities, and Literature.
The Volume begins with the Society's July Assembly last year,
and ends with the winter and spring papers in May, thus contain-
ing exactly a year's record of work. The last Session has probably,
in respect of papers, lectures, and discussions, been the most active
the Society has ever had.
In taking a general survey over men and work in the Gaelic
and also in the wider Celtic field, we have first, with sorrow, to
record the death of the veteran Gaelic scholar, the Rev. Dr
Thomas Maclauchlan, of Edinburgh. For the last generation Dr
Maclauchlan was our leading Gaelic scholar; he was practically
arbiter in matters of Gaelic literature and scholarship, a position
which he filled with honour and good judgment. He was the
connecting link between the old literary school of Gaelic writers
and scholars, and the new school of critics and philologists. His
works have had a most potent effect in bringing Gaelic studies
into good repute among British scholars, and his editions of the
Dean of Lismore's Book, and Bishop Carsewell's Prayer Book,
have done more than anything else to give people a proper idea
of what the history of the Gaelic language must have been. The
XIV INTRODUCTION.
translation of the Dean's Book was a most arduous task, and,
considering the state of Celtic scholarship at the time, a marvel
of accuracy and learning. His other chief works are "Celtic
Gleanings," and the "Early Scottish Church," while he also wrote
the history of Gaelic Literature in Keltic's History of the High-
lands, a piece of work which is unique in its excellence. He was
also engaged on the revision of the translation of the Gaelic Bible.
Dr Maclauchlan was chief of our Gaelic Society in 1880, and, be-
sides doing his duty as that year's chief, his name appears often
in our Volumes as the author of papers delivered before the Society
and printed in our Transactions.
In Gaelic literature, considerable activity and interest are
manifested. Mr Lachlan Macbean, a well-known member of our
body, besides translating into beautiful English verse the poems of
Dugald Buchanan, has returned to his old love of music, and has
issued a selection of the most popular Gaelic psalm tunes; while
Mr Henry Whyte is still adding to his " Celtic Lyre." Rev. Mr
Cameron's first volume of the Scottish Celtic Review has been com-
pleted by the issue of number four. And while these words are
being penned, Mrs Mackellar's translation of the Queen's " More
Leaves " has been handed in to us, fresh from the press. Who
but the queen of our modern Gaelic poets should translate our
Queen's book 1
In general Celtic scholarship and literature there are one or
two events of importance to record. The Revue Celtique, the
most important of Celtic periodicals, devoted as it is to Celtic
philology, antiquities, and the editing of texts and MSS., is now
edited by M. D'Arbois de Jubainville, one of our foremost Celtic
philologists, M. Gaidoz, who started and who so ably conducted
the Revue for fifteen years, having sought well-earned repose.
Mr Stokes has published in the last volume of the Philological
Society's Transactions two treatises of vast importance to Celtic
Philology. The first work — over one hundred pages in length
— discusses in a concise form "Celtic Declension." It is un-
doubtedly the most important contribution that has yet been made
to the subject since the time of Zeuss. It contains not only Old
INTRODUCTION. XV
Irish and Old Welsh Declensions, but also attempts to restore the
Old Celtic Declension. A concise account is given of the " des-
mential changes," and also of the Gaulish inscriptions. The other
paper is upon the Neo-Celtic Verb Substantive, and it contains a
most important account of vocalic change. Dr Kuno Meyer has
published valuable editions of the Cath Finntraga, and Merugud
Uilix. Professor Rhys has been the Hibbert Lecturer for this
year; his subject was "the Origin and Growth of Religion as
Illustrated by Celtic Heathendom." He passed in review the
whole subject of Celtic Religion and Mythology, and advanced
such interesting and startling theories that his published work
will be waited for with some eagerness by enthusiastic Celtists.
The Educational Minute of May of last year, which we de-
scribed in Vol. XI., has been embodied in the new Scotch Code.
But unfortunately, though Gaelic is allowed as a specific subject,
it is, nevertheless, not placed upon the specific schedule: only a
note at the bottom of the page informs the public that Gaelic may
be taken as a specific subject, "provided it be taught upon a
graduated scheme, to be approved by Her Majesty's Inspectors" !
The Gaelic to be taught is to be settled for each school by the
caprices of teachers and inspectors ! Evidently, however, this is
only a temporary device, and next year we may hope to see Gaelic
on Schedule Four beside Latin and Greek. A committee of this
Society drew up a Gaelic Scheme that may be worth reproducing
in the circumstances : —
1st Stage. Reading of 50 pages of ordinary Gaelic prose.
Reciting of 50 lines of Gaelic Poetry. General knowledge of
Gaelic Declension.
2nd Stage. Reading 100 pages of Gaelic poetry and verse.
Writing to dictation from the same. Reciting of 100 lines of
Gaelic Poetry, with meanings and allusions. General knowledge
of Gaelic Grammar.
3rd Stage. Reading of Gaelic prose and verse. Reciting of
150 lines of Gaelic poetry. Composition of a theme in Gaelic,
and some knowledge of the history, construction, and literature
of the Gaelic language.
XVI INTRODUCTION.
The above scheme is as difficult as can be allowed with a
view to any practical good being intended to result from the con-
cession of Gaelic as a specific subject ; and, as such, we venture to
think, it is worthy of consideration in official quarters.
We must not close the introduction to this Volume, the
magnum opus of the Society, without referring to its editor, our
secretary, Mr Mackenzie. Mr Mackenzie has been appointed
Principal Clerk to the Crofter Commission, and, although this
means the loss of his invaluable services to us, we sincerely con-
gratulate him on a step of advancement so well-deserved for his
unremitting energy in the Gaelic cause. Our very best wishes
follow him. His decade of work for the Society will be a proud
memory for him as it is, in the excellence of its results, an honour
to us. He has fitly crowned his work by the energy of last
session, leaving to his successor the Gaelic Society in a condition
which, because flourishing and in good order, will be all the more
difficult to maintain.
INVERNESS, August 1886.
TRANSACTIONS.
ANNUAL ASSEMBLY.
The Fourteenth Annual Assembly of the Society took place
in the Music Hall, Inverness, on the evening of Thursday, 9th
July 1885. The chair was occupied by Mr Allan R. Mackenzie,
yr. of Kintail, Chief of the Society. He was supported by Sir
K. S. Mackenzie of Gairloch, Bart.; Rev. A. Macdonald, Logie-
Easter; Mr William Fraser, of Elgin, Illinois; Mr A. Macdonald,
Balranald ; Captain A. M. Chisholm, Glassburn; Mr Alexander
Macdonald of Treaslaiie; Bailie Mackay, Bailie Ross, Mr Duncan
Shaw, W.S., Inverness ; Mr William Mackay, solicitor ; Mr G.
J. Campbell, solicitor ; Mr F. Macdonald, Druidaig ; Mr R. Mac-
lean, Ardross ; Mr Colin Chisholm, Namur Cottage ; Mr E. H.
Macmillan, Caledonian Bank; Mr A. Macbain, Raining's School;
Mr A. Mackenzie, Ballifeary; Mr A. Mackenzie, Silverwells; Mr
P. II. Srnait, drawing-master; Mr A. C. Mackenzie, Maryburgh;
Dr F. M. Mackenzie, High Street ; Mr William Mackenzie,
secretary, &c. There was a large attendance of the members of
the Society and their friends, as well as the general public and
strangers from a distance who came to Inverness to take part in
the Wool Fair. While the company were assembling, the pipers
of the Rifle Volunteers, under Pipe-Major Ferguson, perambulated
the principal streets, Pipe-Majors Maclennan, of the 2nd Bat-
t#lion Cameron Highlanders, and Mackenzie, of the 3rd Battalion
Seaforth Highlanders, at the same time playing a selection of
Highland airs in the entrance lobby. Shortly after eight o'clock
the proceedings commenced by
Mr Mackenzie, the Secretary, intimating apologies for absence
from the following gentlemen : — Lord Dunmore, the Earl of Sea-
tield, Lord Archibald Campbell, The Chisholm, Mr D. Cameron of
Lochiel, M.P.; Mr Munro-Ferguson of Novar, M.P.; Mr Charles
Frasci'-Mackintofih, M.P.; Mr Osgood H. Mackenzie of Inverewe;
Mr K. J. Matheson, yr. of Lochalsh ; Major Rose of Kilravock ;
Mr J. Douglas Fletcher, yr. of Rosehaugh ; Mr Angus Mack-
2 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.
intosh of Holme ; Sheriff Blair, Inverness , Rev. A. D. Mac-
kenzie, Kilrnorack ; Captain O' Sullivan, Inverness ; Mr Charles
limes, solicitor, Inverness ; Mr A. Burgess, banker, Gairloch ;
Mr P. Burgess, factor, Glenmoriston ; Ex-Bailie Macdonald,
Aberdeen ; Mr James Barren, Inverness ; Mr L. Macdonald of
Skeabost, and others.
Professor Blackie wrote : —
" Broughton, Peeblesshire, 3rd July.
" Dear Sir, — You are very kind to wish to keep me longer as
a Highlander, but I have done my work in that quarter, and must
now submit to die as I was born, a Lowlander. Nevertheless,
had I been free to wander about at this season, I might have done
myself the pleasure to visit the fair city, whose beauties, I think,
I once sang in a sonnet ; but, unfortunately, this year I am tied
down to Tweedside, doing family duty from which only the im-
perative call of public work could withdraw me. With best
wishes for the success of your gathering on the 9th, believe me,
sincerely yours, " JOHN S. BLACKIE."
The Chief, on rising to speak, was received with loud cheers.
He said — When travelling in a railway carnage a few months ago,
I read a report of a meeting of this Society, and saw that
I had been elected Chief for the year, I thought there must
have been some mistake, and it was not until I arrived at
home and found a letter from our worthy Secretary, confirm-
ing the report, that I fully realised the great honour which
had been bestowed upon me. (Applause.) Ladies and gentle-
men, we have met here to-night to celebrate the fourteenth annual
assembly of the Gaelic Society of Inverness, and holding as I do
a very strong opinion that, if we, as a Society, ever allow political
questions of any sort, no matter how important, or of how great
interest they may be to us, to appear at our assemblies, from that
time dissension and strife will spring up amongst us — (Hear, hear)
— and we will soon drift apart, and thus do away with the great
power for good, which I am certain this Society can bring to bear
on the people in whose welfare and prosperity we take, and should
take, so active an interest. (Applause.) Holding these opinions, I
do not intend to say one word which can be turned by my bitterest
political opponent into a channel which I never intended, or even
to mention a subject which is never for long out of our thoughts,
or our daily conversation. That our Chief at the last annual
dinner had to do this we are aware, but on that occasion it was
Annual Assembly. 3
almost forced upon him, and you would all have been much dis-
appointed if he had not chosen the subject he did for his speech,
but I know he is the last man who would wish to establish that as
a precedent. (Applause.) I have to congratulate the Society
that since the loss of Cluny, which was so feelingly referred to by
Lochiel on that occasion, none of our members have been taken
from us, and on the other hand we have to welcome a great
number of gentlemen who have since joined us. It is, as I have
already stated, now fourteen years since this Society was first
started, and the success which has attended it is remarkable.
Not only is it still living and nourishing, but it appears destined
in the future to exercise a still more powerful influence over all that
pertains to Celtic literature and Celtic life than it has even hitherto
accomplished, and those of us who have followed the Transactions, as
they appeared from year to year, must have been struck with the
marvellous amount of research, involving enormous labour, and in
all cases a labour of love, on the part of the authors of those
papers ; and it is not too much to say that it is principally owing
to the efforts of the members of this Society that a large quantity
of Celtic poetry, history, and tradition have been rescued from
oblivion. (Cheers.) The success of the past ought to encourage
us to harder work in the cultivation of the language, poetry,
antiquities, and history of the Scottish Highlands, to promote
which is one of the main objects of the Society. The revival
of Celtic literature must, I think, produce good results on the
character and interests of the Gaelic people. When the revival
took place, as you may remember, the language and customs of
the race were on the eve of disappearing ; the movement for a
Celtic Chair was brought forward, and mainly owing to the great
zeal and enthusiasm of one of the honorary chieftains of this
Society, successfully carried out ; from that time, the interests
which it is the province of this Society to preserve have prospered,
and all that is worth preserving is now certain to be saved from
destruction. (Cheers.) There is one subject which this Society
has always taken a great interest in, and that is the teaching of
Gaelic in Highland schools Last year, for a reason which I need
not mention, it was my duty, as well as my pleasure, to enter into
more schools, and to converse with more teachers than often falls
to the lot of one man — (Laugbter) — and I found that the feeling
was unanimous that it was essential that there shoiild be a special
grant for the teaching of Gaelic, and I cannot see any reason why
a boy or a girl should not be taught Gaelic as thoroughly as they
are taught English. (Cheers.) Necessary as it is for children to
4 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
learn English, so that they may be able when they grow up
to fight the battle of life, I am not at all certain that they
would not be able to fight this battle better, and with more hopes
of success, if they could speak not only English but Gaelic as well.
(Heai-, hear.) Personally, I regret that T am not able to speak
Gaelic, and though, perhaps, I am now wo old to hope to attain any
great result if I were to try and overcome this defect, I can only
trust that if, in years to come, it should be your wish to confer
the honour you have paid me on my son, I may be one of the
company who will listen to him making a Gaelic speech in this
room, even though I may have to get him to translate it after-
wards for my special benefit. (Applause.) I have often been
much struck — in spite of the concessions which were granted by
the Government in 1875 and 1878, practically teachers, even
when the children only understand Gaelic, make very little use of
that language in the schools — at the rapid strides which the
children make, and which speaks very highly both of the natural
sharpness and cleverness of Highland children, as well as the
trouble and patience which teachers must exercise to bring this
about. I remember one teacher in a Highland parish telling me
that though he himself was quite ignorant of Gaelic, he found the
children who attended his school very soon, by the help of the
different picture maps on the walls, and with a little patience on
his part, were able to under&tand and speak English thoroughly.
The day for saying that a knowledge of Gaelic was any hindrance
to success in life is of the past. (Cheers.) Now that it is recognised
as one of the ancient languages, we shall find that these amongst
us who are not only able to speak, but read, and what I believe is
more difficult still, to spell Gaelic — (Laughter) — will be looked up
to as being a great deal superior to those poor unfortunates who
cannot do any one of them. (Cheers.) I was talking to our
Secretary the other day, and asked if it was not probable that we
could devote some of our funds towards forming a bursary
for the promotion of Gaelic. He told me that at present
we were hardly in a position to do so, and I wish to impress
upon you that the remedy for this lies in your own hands.
Those of you who are not members of: this Society, I hope will
at once belong to it — (Applause) — and those of you who are
should try and prevail upon as many of your friends as you can
to join it, so that we may be in a position not only to go on pre-
serving and publishing works bearing on Gaelic literature in our
Transactions, but that we shall be able to give special prizes to the
poorer amongst our children for proficiency in that language.
Annual Assembly. 5
(Cheers.) You must remember, if it had not been for this and
kindred Societies, Highland education would never have received
the attention which it now -does, and I think therefore it is incum-
bent on us all to do what we can to help and increase their prosperity.
In conclusion, let me add that though I have briefly referred to one
or two of the main objects which this Society has in view, one of
the most important of them — notwithstanding that you will not find
it in its constitution ; for it is supposed to be so well understood
and so engrafted in our hearts, that it was unnecessary to put it
into print — is, that it is desirous above everything to encourage
kindly feeling among all classes, and to promote the welfare and
happiness of everyone ; that it is not only our business to see to
the preservation of the language and customs, but to maintain all
that is elevating and noble in the character of the Celt at home
and abroad ; and that we wish to uphold that character for honour
and right feeling which has always hitherto been characteristic of
Scotland, and which has enabled her to enroll in the most brilliant
pages of history so many of the names of her sons — (Cheers) — and
I earnestly trust that some of the able and influential Gaelic
speakers who belong to this Society will, even at some self-sacrifice,
try and instil this important object into the minds of the people,
and let them understand that our great desire is, not to set class
against class, but to recruit in our ranks all men, whether they
be rich, or whether they be poor, so that in time those who may
be in need of either advice or counsel may come to look upon this
Society as a sure place to obtain it. (Loud cheers.)
Rev. Archibald Macdonald, Logie-Easter, delivered the Gaelic
address. He was received with loud and hearty cheers. He said :
— Fhir na Cathrach, a mhnathan uaisle, agus a dhaoin uaisle, —
Tha mise an comain Comunn Gaidhlig Inbhirnis, air son gu 'n do
ghabh iad a leithid de dheagh bharail dhiom 's gun do chuir iad
romham beagan bhriathran a labhairt 'n 'ur eisdeachd 's an ionad
so anns a' chanain a tha ro dhluth do chridhe gach fior Ghaidheil
—canain bhinn, mhilis nam beann. Agus a nis b'fhearr learn gu'n
robh air a thiodhlacadh orm a h-aon de na teangaibh sgoilte bha
aig na ciad Chriosduidhean a chum, ma tha feadhainn an so aig
am bheil cluasan Sasunnach gu 'n cluinneadh iad mise labhairt
riutha 'nan canain fein. Ach o nach gabh sin deanamh, dh'
iarrainn air gach aon fa leth misneachd a ghlacadh car beagan
mhionaidean, agus cuimhneachadh gu faigh foighidinn furtachd
agus gur searbh a' ghloir nach faodar eisdeachd rithe. 'Nuair a
sgriobh an Run Chleireach thugamsa ag innse gu 'n robh 'n dleas-
nas tlachdmhor so air a chur romham dh'fheoraich mi dhiom fein,
6 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
c'arson a chuir iad cuireadh ormsa air son oraid Ghailig a thoirt
seachad1} Thubhairt mi rium fein gu faodadh e bhith gu 'm b' eol
do chuid de 'n chomunn-riaghlaidh gu 'm buininnse do chearn de 'n
Ghaidhealtachd anns a bheil a' Ghaidhlig fhathast air a labhairt
gun truailleadh, agus gun mheang, agus mar sin gu faodadh comas
a bhi agam air beagan bhriathran Gaidhlig a chur an altaibh a
cheile gun cheann no earball Beurla bhi air gach dara h-aon. Cha'n
urrainn domhsa radh mar a thubhairt Mairi a' Ghlinne gu'n do
rugadh mi ann an Eilein a' Cheo, far am bheil beannta siorruidh
na Cuilthionn a folach an cinn arda 's na neoil. 'S ann a bhuineas
mise do " Uidhist bheag riabhach nan cradh-ghiadh " anns an
Eilean Fhada — na ceud cladaichean 's an righeachd air am bheil
stuadhan caolas America a' briseadh, agus far am bheil an sealladh
mu dheireadh r'a fhaotainn de 'n ghrein air dh' i a bhi " fagail
gorm astar nan speur" agus a' triall gu "pail linn a' clos anns an
lar." Agus, Fhir na Cathrach, cha'n aobhar naire leamsa mo
dhuthaich 'nuair a chuimhnicheas mi gur ann aisde dh' fhalbh
Fionnghal Dhomhnullach, bean uasal a bhitheas a h-ainm cubhraidh
gu brath ann an cuimhne gach Gaidheil. B' ann do Sgir na h-
Earradh, duthaich mo bhreith, a bhuineadh Mairi Nigh'n Alastair
Ruaidh a sheinn ann a rannaibh nach teid air di-chuimhn am feasd
mu'n " Talla bu glmath le Macleoid." Faodaidh mi aireamh am
measg mo luchd-duthcha, Iain Mac Codrum, Smeorach bhinn
Chlann Domhnuill ; Eachann Mac Leoid a rinn an hiinneag mhilis
sin "Oran do Choileach Smeoraich;" agus Gilleasbuig Domhnullach,
Gille-na-Ciotaig, a rinn an t-oran magaidh, " Tha Biodag air Mac
Thomais," oran a bha gle iomraideach bho chionn beagan mhiosan,
ach a reir coslais gu 'm bi la 'us bliadhna ma 'm bi a' bhiodag sin
a rithist air a toirt a truaill. Air dhomhsa muinntir cho ainmeil
riutha sin aithris am measg mo luchd-duthcha, cha'n ioghnadh ged
a chanainnse mu 'n Eilein Fhada mar a thubhairt am bard
Leoghasach m' a dhuthaich fein —
" 'S e eilein mo ghraidh e,
'S bha Ghaidhlig ann riamh,
'S cha 'n fhalbh i gu brath as
Gu 'n traigh an Cuan Siar."
Bhiodh e gle iongantach mar an ceudna mur biodh tlachd ro rnhor
agam ann an cainnt mo mhathar, agus mur a biodh gradh nach
traoigh^'s nach teirig 's nach fas fann agam do "Thir nam
beann 's nan gleann 's nan gaisgeach." Gu cinnteach tha e
toirt mor thoil-inntinu dhomhsa bhi faicinn gu bheil spiorad cho
fior Ghaidhealach a' gluasad am measg muinntir Inbhirnis, Ceann-
Annual Assembly. 1
bhaile Gaidheaitachd na h-Alba ; gu bheil sibh a' cur romhaibh
gu 'n cum sibh suas cliu bhur sinnsir agus nach talaidh ni sam
bith bhur cridheachan air falbh bho ghradh 'ur duthcha agus 'ur
canain. Bha la eile ann, Fhir na Cathrach, eadar ceud agus leth-
cheud bliadhna roimh 'n diugh, agus cha mhor nach biodh naire
air duine air son a bhi 'na Ghaidheal. Bha na Goill a' deanarnh
tair air a' h-uile ni Gaidhealach, agus cha b'urrainn dhuit di-moladh
bu mho a dheanamh air rud sam bith na radh gu'n robh c "gle
Hielan'." Bha daoine do nach b'aithne Ghaidhlig a deanamh a
mach nach robh innt' ach seann ghoileam gun doigh ; gu'n robh i
deanamh tuilleadh cron no maith, agus mar bu luaithe gheibheadh
i bas gur e b'fhearr. A leig mi leas a radh ribhse gu'n d'thainig
caochladh cur air clo Chaluim ? Fhuair ard luchd-foghluim a
mach gu'n robh a' Ghaidhlig na canain gle aosda agus mar sin
gu'n robh i 'na meadhon ro fheumail air son a bhi tilgeil soluis air
eachdraidh agus gne chanain eil. Thuig na Gaidheil fein gu'n
robh ionmhasan ro luachmhor foluichte ann an canain, bardachd,
ceol, beul-aithris, agus cleachdaidhean an duthcha, a bhiodh nan
call do-labhairt an leigeil air di-chuimhn; agus a bharrachd air a
sin, gu'n robh coraichean aig na Ghaidheil fein a dh' fheumadh a
bhi air an agairt. B'ann uaith sin, Fhir na Cathrach, a dh' fhas
suas na Comuinn Ghaidhealach a tha'n diugh air feadh na righ-
eachd, mar tba Comum Oiseineach Oil-Thigh Ghlascho, anns an
na robh mi fein aon uair na'm Run-Chleireach, agus an t-aon is
sine tha mi 'm barail de na Comuinn Ghaidhealach ; Comunn
Gaidhlig Inbhirnis, agus feadhain eile de 'n t-seorsa cheudna ann
an Glascho, an Duneidin, agus an Lunainn. Anns na Comuinn
sin tha na Gaidheil a' feuchainn ri bhi seasamh guallainn ri guallainn
a' cumail greim daingean air canain agus cleachdaidhean an duthcha,
agus mar sin a bhi coimhlionadh na h-oibre a thug am Freasdal
dhoibh ri dheanamh mar mheanglan maiseach agus torrach ann an
craoibh mhoir chinneach na talmhainn. Ach faodaidh a' cheisd a
bhi air a faighneachd, Ciod a tha agaibh r'a radh air bhur son fein?
A bheil bhur n-eachdraidh mar chomunn ag muse gu bheil sibh
torrach ann an oibribh. 1 Agus 's e mo bharail-sa nach leig
Comunn Gaidhlig Inbhirnis a leas eagal a ghabhail roimh'n cheisd.
Cha chreid mi gu'n canar mu bhur timchoill gu'n can sibh moran
's nach dean, sibh ach beagan. Cha'n urrainn domhsa 'nam sheas-
amh am Baile Inbhirnis a bhi diochuimhneachadh batail a bha o
chionn cheithir bliadhna eadar sibh fein agus ard chomunn riagh-
laidh na righeachd ann a' Lunnain, 'nuair a dh' fheuch na daoine
mora a bha 'n ughdarras atharrachadh a thabhairt air tartain nan
reiseamaidean Gaidhealach. Tha cuimhn' agam mar a chuir sibhse
8 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
bhur cinn agus bhur guallainn r'a cheile — mar a cliaidh an crann-
tara mu 'n cuairt bho ghleann gu gleann, bho sgir gu sgir, agus
bho shiorramachd gu siorramachd, gus mu clheireadh, mar bu dual 's
mar bu ghnath, gu'n d'thug sibh striochdadh air na Goill. Ghleidh
sibh do na reiseamaidean Gaidhealach an t-eideadh a bhuineadh
dhoibh o chian, anns an deachaidh iad gu iomadh batail agus buaidh,
le brosnachadh agus caismeachd na pioba-moire — eideadh anns 'n
do dhoirt iomadh gaisgeach bho thir nam beann, fail chraobhach
a' chuim, a' seasamh suas air son coir agus cliu na righeachd, air
son coir theallach agus dhachaidhean a dhuthcha. A.£us is
cinnteach mi nach biodh so cho furasda dheanamh mur a b'e
gu'n robh sibh a' faotainn neart o' bhi air 'ur n-aonadh r'a cheile
aim an comunn de'n t-seorsa so. Tha e 'na chomharra maith air
an deagh obair a tha na Comuinn Ghaidhealach a' deanamh, nach
robh riamh a leithid de mheas air canain agus litreachas nan Gaidh-
eal 's a tha 'nar linn fein. Bha cheist air a cur riumsa, 's cha'n 'eil
fada uaith, Ciod e 'm feum a bhi cumail suas na Gaidhlig — 's cinn-
teach gu faigh i bas co dhiubh, agus nach 'eil e cho maith siubhal a
leigeil leatha ann an sith 1 B'e so an fhreagairt a thug mi dha, Ciod e
'm feum dhuitse bhi 'g a d' chumail fein suas le ithe 's le ol, oir
gheibh thusa mar an ceudna bas la eigin ? Tha Ghaidhlig
cosmhuil ris a' h-uile ni talmhaidh agus aimsireil, tha i cosmhuil
ris a' Bheurla fein, gheidh i bas ' nuair a thig a h-am. Cha'n 'eil
i 'n deigh galar a' bais a ghabhail fhathast ; tha i beo, slan, fallainn,
agus c'arson nach faigheadh i 'n ceartas a tha canaine eile 'faotainn
le bhi g'a labhairt, g'a sgriobhadh, agus g'a teagasg, an aite
feuchainn air gach laimh a bhi tabhairt dhi a buille bais 1 Cha'n
'eil againne, dhaoin' uaisle, ach aon fhreagairt do 'n cheisfc am bu
choir a' Ghaidhlig a bhi air a cumail suas. Air a chor is lugha
bhiodh e iomchuidh urram na h-aoise a thabhairt dhi, oir cha'n
'eil teagainh nach i h-aon de na canainibh is sine tha 'n diugh air
a labhairt air aghaidh na talmhainn. Bha leabhar air a sgriobhadh
le fear a mhuinntir Ghlascho, Lachlan Mac-a-Leathain, no
<' Lachlain nam Mogan " mar a theirte ris, gu bhi dearbhadh gu
'm b'i Ghaidhlig a' cheud chanain. Cha 'n e mhain gur
" I labhair Padruig Innisfail nan Righ,
'S a' faidh naomh sin Calum caomh an I,"
ach, fada cian roimh sin, gur
" I labhair Adhamh ann am Parras fein
'S gum bu bhinn a' Ghaidhlig am beul alttinn Eubh."
Ni-headh, Fhir na Cathrach, ma 'n robh duine riamh air tlialamh
tha seann fhilidh ag innse dhuinn :
Annual Assembly. 9
" Nu air a bha Gaidhlig aig na h-eoin,
'S a thuigeadh iad gloir nan dan ;
Bu trie an comhradh 's a' choill,
Air iomadh pone, ma's fior ain bard."
Ma bha Gaidhlig aig na h-eoin 's mor m' eagal gu 'n do chaill iad
i. Co dhiubh chreideas sinn e no nach ereid, cha d' fhuair mise
naigheachd riamh air duine chual eun a' labhairt Gaidhlig, ach
aon fhear, agus b'e sin Murchadh nam Port. Air dha tigh'n.
dhachaidh bho chuairt air Tir Mor, bha e gearan nach cuala e
focal Gaidhlig fad 's a bha e air falbh, gus an cual e coileach a'
gairm ann a' Forres. Ach ciod air bith cia mar tha so, co dhiubh
tha Ghaidhlig aosda no chaochladh, 's fhiach i bhi air a cumail
suas, agus air a' cleachdadh agus a rannsachadh air a sgath fein.
Nach i so an teanga 's 'n do chuir Oisein an ceill euchdan Fluiin
agus Chuchullain, 'nuair a thubhairt e ann am feasgar a bhreoit-
eachd agus a dhoille,
" Mar ghath soluis do m' anam fein,
Tha sgeula na h-aimsir a dh' fhalbh."
Nach ann innte sheinn Donncha Ban " Moladh Beinn Dorain "
agus "Cead Deireannach nam Beann,' agus a chuir Mac Mhaighstir
Alastair r'a cheile a' bhardachd chumhachdach sin " Sgiobaireachd
Chlann Raonaill," agus a chuir Tormod Mac Leoid a mach an
" Cuairtear," agus an "Teachdaire Gaidhealach " ann am briath-
raibh cho milis, ceolmhor, binn, ri sruthaibh seiinh na Marbhairn.
C' aite 'm bheil orain is luraiche na tha r' am faotainn ann an "Sar
Obair nam Bard Gaidhealach," no 's an "Oranaiche" fein, agus
c'aite 'm faigh thu leithid de ghliocas, de thuigse, agus de
dh'abhachdas 's tha r' am faicinn ann a Leabhar Shean-fhocal an
t-Siorraim Mhic Neachdainn ? Ni mo bu choir dhuinn a bhi
smaointinn gu bheil linn nam bard air siubhal seachad, gu bheil
clarsach nam beann air tuiteam ami an tosd bhithbhuan. Tha
trusgain nan seann fhilidh an deigh teachd a nuas air guaillibh a
chaitheas iad le urram, agus fhad 's a bhitheas Mairi Nio
Ealair, Eoghainn Mac Cola, agus Niall Mac Leoid, agus
feadhain eile 's 'a cholluinn daorina, cha bhi na Gaidheil gun
bhaird 'nam measg a chumas suas an cliu agus an onoir. Ach,
Fhir na Cathrach, bu choir a' Ghaidhlig a chumail suas agus a bhi
faotainn ceartais air sgath an t-sluaigh a tha 'ga labhairt — na
ceudan mile de luchd-aiteachaidh na Gaidhealtachd d' an i
is cainnt mhathaireil ; agus d' am bheil Bheurla mar theanga
choimhich. Gidheadh 's aithne dhomhsa na sgireachdtm
js Gaidhealaiche ann an Gaidhealtachd na h-Alba, agus an sin tha
10 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
maighistearan sgoile a' teagasg, aig nach 'eil lideadh Gaidlig 'n an
ceann ; agus eadhon far a bheil maighstii sgoile Gaidhealach, cha
chluinn thu bho bhliadhn' ur gu Nollaig focal Gaidhlig air a
leughadh no oran Gaidhlig air a sheinn. Tha so' nam bharail-sa
na aobhar naire, ach tha mi nis toilichte fhaicinn gu'm bi misneachd
air a tabhairt seachad le tabhartasan bho 'n Pharlamaid, air son
a' Ghaidhlig a theagasg ann an sgoilean na Gaidhealtachd, agus do'n
luchd teagaisg is fearr fuireach anns a' Ghaidhealtachd, agus iad
fein a dheanamh ni's eolaiche air canain an duthcha. Ann a bhi
tabhairt fainear an t-suidheachaidh anns a bheil litreachas agus
canain nan Gaidheal cha'n urrainn domh a bhi di-chuimhneachadh
gu bheil a nis Cathair Ghaidhlig air a suidheachadh ann an Oil-
Thigh Dhuneidin, agus gu'n robh so air a thabhairt mu'n cuairt le
saothair agus dealas aon duine— duine bhitheas ainm air chuimhne
aig na Gaidheil fhad 's a bhitheas bainne aig boin duibh, no fhad
'sa dh'fliasas fraoch air sliabh. Agus tha Chathair sin air a
lionadh le duine tha 'n a smior Gaidheil, 'n a ard sgoilear, agus a tha
'n deigh e fein a thabhairt suas do'n obair le uile chridhe agus le
idle neart. Agus a nis canamaid le durachd ar cridhe; gu ma
fada beo Blackie gu bhi faicinn saothair a laimhe soirbheachadh,
agus gu ma fada beo Maclonmhuinn gu bhi teagasg ann an
Cathair Ghaidhlig Dhuneidin. Buaidh 'us piseach orra ; sao»hal
fada 'n deagh bheatha dhoibh le cheile. Tha mi'n dochas, a<nis
tha mi cinnteach, gu'n dean a' Chathair Ghaidhlig feum ann'an
lomadh doigh agus do iomadh aon. Far a bheil doctairean, luchd-
lagha, luchd-teagaisg, agus ministeirean aig am bheil suil am beatha
a chur seachad anns a' Ghaidealtachd bu choir dhoibh, air a' char is
lugha dol aon seisein a dh'ionnsachadh gu Professor Maclonmhuinn
an Duneidin. Bu choir gu h-araidh do'n chleir so a dheanamh
b iomadh mmisteir a tha deanamh' droch dhiol air deagh chomh-
thional leis an t-seorsa Gaidhlig anns am bheil iad a searmonach-
adh an t-soisgeil dhoibh. Chuala mi mu aon fhear, agus 'n uair a
bha e g urnuigh air son nam bochdan 's ann a thubhairt e— « A
I highearn, bi cuimhneach air na buic." Bha aon fhear sonruichte
na mhmisteir aim a' Sgire Dhiurinnis 's an Eilein Sgianach, ris an
"butar, agus tha ainm gu maith air chuimhne, leis na rainn
«JT ,f? an deanamh dha le Gilleasbuig Aotrom. Ged a bha
S ?nKu?.r anU an canainibh eile cha robh e ach gle fhad'
air ais s a' Glmdhhg. B'ann mar so a thubhairt Gileasbufg ris:_
" 'Nuair a theid thu do'n chubaid
Ni thu urnuigh bhios gleusda,
Bidh pairt dh'i 'na Gaidhlig
'Us pairt dh'i 'na Beurla;
Annual Assembly. 11
Bidh pairt dh'i 'na h-Eabhra,
'Na Fraingis, 's 'na Greugais,
'S a' chuid nach tuig each dhi
Bheir i gair' air Fear Gheusto."
Agus a nis am faod mi ma'n criochnaich mi tarruing a thabhairt
air ni eile tha na Comuinn Ghaidhealach air a ghabhail os laimh.
'Se sin cuis nan croitearan Chan 'eil mise dol a chur mo sheula
ris na rinn na croitearan no leis na bha air a dheanamh 'n an ainm.
B'fhearr leam nach robh iad air an cuis a lagachadh le aon ghniomh
mi-laghail. Ni mo tha mi dol a shuidhe ann am breitheanas
agus a dhiteadh nan uachdaran gu h-iomlan. " Chan 'eil gur gun
ghoirean, 's cha'n 'eil coille gun chrianaich," agus cuiridh beagan
de dhroch uachdarain droch ainm dhe'n chorr. Ach tha mi 'ga
radh so, 'nam biodh na h-uachdarain Ghaidhealach- -cha'n e an
fheadhainn a tha ann an duigh, ach an fheadhainn a bha rompa
air fuireach ni bu mho am measg an tuatha ; 'nam biodh iad
air an canain ionnsachadh agus dol a mach 's a steach 'nam measg
air la feille 'us Di-domhnaich, an aite bhi cosg an storais le
struidhealachd agus straic ann an Lunainn ; agus 'nan robh iad
mar so an deigh greim a chumail air an oighreachdan, cha bhiodh
an fhicheadamh cuid dhe na h-uilc fo'n robh iad ag osnaich air
teachd air luchd aitichidh na Gaidhealtachd. Bha'n t-uachdaran
mar bu trice mo 's coltach ris a' chuthaig ; dh'fhaodadh e tighinn
do'n duthaich beagan laithean 's an t-samhradh, ach cha b'fhada
gu uair am fhalbh. B'e sin aon rud air an robh duine bochd aon
nair a' gearan 'n uair a thubhairt e —
" Uachdaran nach faic sin,
Bailidh nach dean ceartas,
Ministeir nach dean baisteadh
Dotair nach toir feairt oirnn,
Agus sgaoth do dhiabhuil bheag eile de mhaoir 's de chonstabuill,
's am fear is isle post 's e 's airde focal." Cha'n 'eile duine air
thalamh leis an docha tir a' bbreith na'n Gaidheal. Co dhiu tha e
bochd no beairteach, tha e 'na fhior fhaoileig an droch-cladaich,
ged a dh'fhaodas an gleann 'san robh e og a bhi lorn creagach
agus neo-thiorail, ged nach tigeadh as deigh na curachd ach a
bhuinteag 's an t-sealbhag cha'n 'eil ceam dhe'n chruinnece cho
alluinn 'na shuilibh-san. Tha e coltach ris an fhaoileig ann an oran
Dhorahuill nan Oran —
12 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
" 'S ami air slinnein an aigeich
A rinn mo mhathair an t-eun dioru,
'S a dh'aindeoin uidil 'us anraidh,
Cha tig an la theid air di-chuimhn'
Mo ghaol do'n bhad."
Fhir na cathrach, cha'n 'eil raise 'g radh air a shon sin gu'm bu
choir do dhaoin' oga, laidir, fallain, fuireach an diamhanas aig an
tigh far am bheil ni 's leoir aig a' chirc le sgrioban gu'n lion i
s^roban. B'fhearrdhoibh gu mor a bhi bogadh nan gad, agus ged
nach biodh aca ach an t-ubh beag le bheannachd, mar a bha aig
mac na bantraich's a' sgeulachd, dol a shiubhal an t-saoghail 's a
dh'iarraidh an fhortain. Ach ma dh'fhalbhas iad, falbhadh iad
le'n toil fein, agus na biodh iad air an co-eigneachadh. Cha'n
urrainn do dhuine air bith a thoirt a chreidsinn ormsa gu'n do
rinn na tighearnan Gaidhealach an ceartas 'n uair a dh'fhasaich
iad bailtean agus sgireachdan, 'n uair a bha iomadh aitreabh agus
coisir mhuirneach air a sgapadh agus gun air fhagail far an robh
iad ach larach lorn gun chloich gun chrann. 'N uair a bha luchd
shoithichean dhe'n tuath air am fogradh a dheoin no dh'aindeoin
gu duthchana cein a chum aite reidh a dheanamh do chaoirich
agus do fheidh. Agus ged a tha mi cinnteach gu'm bu choir
cothrom a thabhairt do chuid dhe na croitearan dol far am fearr
an dean iad beolaint, bhiodh e chum maith na righeachd gu'm
biodh aite taimh air fhaotainn dhoibh aim an Alba chaomh nan
stuc 's nan cam. 'S e na croitearan cnaimh-droma agus feithean
na Gaidhealtachd agus b'olc a dheanadh an duthaich as an aonais
ami a' latha chunnart agus ann an uair na deuchainn
" Ged a gheibheadh tu caogad
Mhuilt'us reithichean maola,
'S beag a thogadh a h-aon diubh
Claidheamh faobharrach stailinn."
Cha'n 'eil e furasda dha na Gaidheil an cruaidhchas troimh 'n
each an luchd-duthcha a dhi-chuimhneachadh. Ach cha'n
urrainn do Achd Parlamaid peanas a dheanamh air na mairbh no
furtachd a thabhairt do mhuinntir a tha na ficheadan bliadhna
fliod. « Beannachd leis 'na dh'fhalbhas, cha 'n e dh'fhoghnas."
Ach tha mi n dochas gu leasaichear cor na muinntir a tha beo
s e so seachdmn Feill na Cloimhe agus tha mi cluinntinn gu
bheil cmd dhe no tuathanaich mhora a bhitheas cminn an
nblnrms a leigeil seachad pairt dhe'n gabhalaichean. Cha'n 'eil
iad a faotamn a mach gur fearr cluan a dh'fhearran na cuan a
Annual Assembly. 13
dh'fhearann. Ma tha so fior, tha mi'n clochas gu faigh na croit-
earan tuilleaclli fearainn, co dhiubh gheibh iad e le Achd Righ
agus Parlamaid no air dhoigh air bith eile, agus gu'm bi an
suidheachadh amis gach ait' am bheil iad air a dheanauih ni's fearr
na bha e o chionn fhada. Cha do thogadb an Roimh an aon la,
agus cha'n fhaigh na Gaidheil an coraichean ann an latha ; ach is
cmnteach mi gu'n tig am an soirbheachadh ann a' freasdal De,
luath no mall ; gu'rn bi coir air a cur air steidhe agus eucoir air a
smaladh Fhir na cathrach, 's mor m' eagal gu'n do chum mi ro
fhada sibh, ach ge fada 'n duan ruigear a cheann. Rachaibh air
aghaibh mar fhior Ghaidheil gu duineil, misneachdail, treibhdhir-
each; cumaibh suas canain, bardachd, beul-aithris agus cleach-
daidheaii nam beann ; tagraibh cuis 'ur luchd-duthcha a tha
diblidh agus bochd, agus na cuireadh a h-aon agaibh smal air
ainm agus cliu a' Ghaidheil. 'S e deireadh gach comuinn deal-
achadh. Beannachd Dhe leibh. (Loud cheers.)
An attractive programme of Highland music and dances was
gone through in admirable style. Some interest was evinced in
the first public appearance in Inverness of Miss Jessie N. Mao-
lachlan, whose musical abilities were so highly spoken of, and
judging from the hearty reception which she met with on this occa-
sion, the expectations formed were more than sustained. Her
rendering of " Caismeachd Chlann-Chamaroin " and other Gaelic
as well as English songs, was marked by perfect enunciation and
genuine feeling. Her voice is clear and ringing, with well -balanced
strength both in the lower as well as in the upper registers, and as
a ballad singer she exhibits a thorough appreciation of her theme.
An encore was awarded on each appearance. Miss Nora Thomson
of Aberdeen, gave "Wae's me forPrince Charlie" with much feeling,
and as an encore sang " Cam' ye by Athole." She subsequently
gave the " Macgregor's Gathering" with much spirit. Miss
Hutcheson, whose reappearance showed that her efforts at former
festivals of the Society were appreciated, sang with her accustomed
sweetness "Fear a' Bhata," and "Thug mi Gaol," securing a
hearty encore for her first song. A selection of Highland melodies,
consisting of old bagpipe airs, was played in an admirable manner
by Miss Shaw, Thornhill, whose arrangements were at once ap-
preciative and sympathetic. Mr Paul Fraser in " Mairi Bhoidh-
each," sang with much care, and his rendering of " The Garb of
Old Gaxil " was full of spirit. Mr Ross Campbell, elocutionist,
gave "The Gowk's Errand" in a style which convulsed the
audience with laughter, and proved Mr Campbell to be a mimic of
considerable talent. Pipe-Major R. Mackenzie danced Gille-
14 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.
Calum with his customary ability, and he also took part in the
Highland fling with Pipe-Major Ferguson, Mr Mackenzie, jun.,
and others. In an interval of five minutes between the first and
second parts of the programme, Captain Chisholm discoursed
excellent music on the pipe, and also played a reel in which the
dancers joined. The pianoforte accompaniments were played with
much taste by Mr M' Walter, Inverness. At the close of the
programme,
Sir Kenneth Mackenzie proposed a vote of thanks to the
speakers, and to the ladies and gentlemen who had entertained
them that evening. (Loud applause.)
The Chairman, on behalf of the performers, as well as on
behalf of Rev. Mr Macdonald and himself, leturned thanks, in-
timating at the same time that at the close of the meeting an
opportunity would be given to such as desired to join the Society.
A most successful gathering was then brought to a termina-
tion.
Through the kindness of Messrs Macbean & Sons, Union
Street, and Councillor Snowie, the platform was decorated with
tartans and stags' heads.
The following is a copy of the programme : —
PART I.
Address— The Chief.
Oran Gailig — " Caismeachd Chlann-Chamaroin " — Miss Jessie N.
Maclachlan.
Scotch Song — " Wae's me for Prince Charlie " — Miss Nora Thom-
son.
Orau Gailig—" Mairi Bhoidheach " — Mr Paul Fraser.
Sword Dance — " Gille-Calum " — Pipe-Major R. Mackenzie.
Pianoforte Selections — " Highland Melodies " — Miss Shaw.
Oran Gailig — " Fear a' Bhata " — Miss Hutcheson.
Scotch Song — " Dark Lochnagar " — Miss Jessie N. Maclachlan.
Dance — " Highland Reels " — Oganaich Ghaidhealach.
Interval of Five Minutes — Bagpipe Music.
PART II.
Gaelic Address. — Rev. Archibald Macdonald.
Scotch Song—" Macgregor's Gathering "—Miss Nora Thomson.
Oran Gailig— Thug mi gaol do'n fhear bhan"— Miss Hutcheson.
Oran Gailig— " Muile nam Mor-bheann "--Miss Jessie N. Mac-
lachlan.
The Early Celtic Church in Scotland. 15
Song—" The Garb of Old Gaul"— Mr Paul Eraser.
Humorous Scotch Reading — " A Gowk's Errand " — Mr Ross
Campbell, Elocutionist.
Oran Gailig — " Cruinneachadh nan Gaidheal" — Miss Jessie N.
Maclachlan.
Dance — "Highland Fling and Reel o' Tulloch " — Oganaich
Ghaidhealach.
Vote of thanks to the speakers and performers — Sir K. S. Mac-
kenzie.
STH DECEMBER 1885.
A largely attended meeting was held on this date, when
Provost Macandrew delivered the inaugural address for the
Session of 1885-6 — the subject being "The Early Celtic Church
in Scotland." Provost Macandrew's paper was as follows: —
THE EARLY CELTIC CHURCH IN SCOTLAND.
What I have undertaken to do to-night is to give some account
of the Christian Church as it existed in Scotland in the earliest
Christian times, and before it fell under the influence and authority
of the Bishop of Rome. The Christianity of Scotland cauie from
Ireland, and at the outset of our enquiry it is necessary to consider
when and by whom the Irish were converted. The Roman world
become officially Christian about 321, and at that time Britain, up
at least to the Southern wall, was a Roman province, and pre-
sumably it became Christian as the rest of the Empire did. We
know that a Christian Church existed among the provincial
Britons at the time the Romans took their departure, and con-
tinued to exist among those Britons who were not subdued by the
Saxons. But whether the Christianity of the Roman Province
extended itself among the unsubdued Caledonians to the North,
or among the inhabitants of Ireland, is a matter as to which we
have no certain light. About 397, thirteen years before the final
abandonment of the province by the Romans, St Ninian, a bishop
of the Britons, built a Church at Whithern, in Galloway, and is
said by Bede to have converted the Southern Picts; and the
Southern Picts are said by Bede to have been those living
between the Firths of Forth and Clyde and the Grampian range.
Whether Bede is right in this is a matter about which I shall have
something to say farther on ; but if the Picts to the south of the
16 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.
Grampians were converted by Ninian, they appear soon to have
lapsed into paganism. Again there are evidences of a tradition
in Ireland that Ninian went to that country and preached
Christianity, and he is commemorated there under the name of
Monen — the term of endeannent " mo " being very frequently
prefixed to the names of saints — while, at a later period, the
monastery at Whithern, supposed to have been founded by
Ninian, was undoubtedly resorted to by Irish ecclesiastics for
instruction. Bede states that about 430, Palladius was sent by
Celestine, the Roman Pontiff, to the Scots (that is the Irish) that
believed, to be their first bishop, and from this it might be inferred
that Christianity had made some progress in Ireland before that.
In the 8th century there is no doubt the Irish believed that they
had been converted by Saint Patrick : and that a saint of this
name did go to Ireland about the year 432, and became at least a
main instrument in the conversion of the Irish, is beyond doubt.
There remains a confession or account of himself by St Patrick,
and a letter by him to Coroticus, the British prince then reigning
at Dumbarton, which those competent to judge accept as genuine.
From these it appears he was born in the Roman province of
Britain, that his father was a deacon, and also a decurio or
" bailie" of a Roman provincial town, that his grandfather was a
presbyter, that his father lived in " Bannavern of Tabernia," that
in his youth he was carried as a captive to Ireland and remained
there for six years, that he then escaped and returned to his
parents, and that he afterwards went back to Ireland as a mission-
ary, and in or about his 45th year was ordained a bishop. In his
confession he says that he converted many in Ireland who had
hitherto worshipped unclean idols, that he had ordained many
clerics, and that the sons of the Scoti, and the daughters of
princes, were seen to be monks and virgins of Christ. All this
seems to be authentic, but it is singular that Bede, while he
mentions Palladius, makes no ireiition of Patrick, and that, when
about 100 years after his death, the Irish and Scottish Church
came in contact with the Church of Rome, and had to defend
their peculiar customs, they do not appeal to the authority of
Patrie. Columbanus, in his controversy with the Clergy of Gaul
does not mention him, nor does Colman of Lindesfarne, in his
controversy with Wilfred, in presence of King Oswy, appeal to
his authority, and Adamnan only once mentions him incidentally
as " Patrinus the Bishop." In the Irish annals there is frequent
mention of a saint who is called Sen, or old Patrick, and who is
said in one place to be the tutor of Patrie, and in another to have
The Early Celtic Church in Scotland. 17
been the same as Palladius, and the later lives of St Patrick are
evidently made up of the acts of two distinct persons who are
confounded.
It is certain, however, that about the year 432 Christianity
WHS firmly established in Ireland, and it would appear that the
type of Church then established did not differ in any respect from
the Church in other parts of the Western World. It was a
Church with three orders of clergy — bishops, priests, and deacons
— and in which the bishops had the rule, if not over distinct
districts or dioceses, at least over the churches which they had
themselves established. The conversion of the Irish, it will be
seen, was almost contemporaneous with the final departure of the
Roman Legions from Britain, and with the arrival of the Saxons.
Soon after the time of Patrick all intercourse between Ireland
and the outer world seems to have ceased for upwards of 100 years,
and during this time there grew up in Ireland a Church consti-
tuted in a manner entirely different from that founded by Saint
Patrick, and exhibiting features which do not appear to have
distinguished the Christian Church in any other part of the
world at any time. And after this Church had fully developed
itself in Ireland, it manifested an extraordinary missionary zeal
which lasted for several centuries, and spread its establishments
from Iceland to Italy, and covered the continent of Europe with
bands of Scottish monks, apt scholars, and eager teachers. It
was to this burst of missionary zeal that our ancestors owed their
conversion in or about the year 565.
It may be well to consider for a moment what the political
condition of Scotland was at this time. About the beginning of
the century, Fergus Mor M'Erc, of the Royal Family of the Scots
of Dalriada, in Ireland, had led a colony of Scots into Scotland,
and established himself in Argyllshire ; his descendants had some-
what extended their dominions, and had crossed the mountain
range separating Argyllshire and Perthshire — but about the time
of which we now speak, Brude, the King of the Picts, had attacked
them and driven them back within that range which from that
time formed the boundary of the Scottish Kingdom during the
whole time of its existence. The Picts held the whole country
north of the Friths of Forth and Clyde ; the Welsh or British
Kingdom of Strathclyde, extending from Dumbarton to the River
Derwent, was maintaining a struggling existence against the
Saxons, and Galloway was inhabited by a race of Picts, who
remained distinct, and retained the name of Picts, until long
after the time of David First. It is usually said that the Picts in
2
18 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Scotland, north of the Friths, were divided into two nations, the
Northern and the Southern Picts, and that the mission of St
Coluniba was to the Northern Picts. I venture to suggest, how-
ever, that this is a mistake. The statement rests on the autho-
rity of Bede, who, as I have mentioned, says that Ninian con-
verted the Southern Picts. But in Bede's time King Oswy had
extended his dominions up to the Grampians, and thus for a time
created a division between the Picts subject to his authority, and
those beyond the mountains who remained independent, and thus
probably misled Bede. He heard or read that Ninian had con-
verted the Southern Picts, and assumed that they were those
subject to the. Saxons ; but I think it is obvious that the Picts,
with whom St Ninian came in contact, were those of Galloway,
and they would naturally, in his time, be designated as Southern
Picts, as distinguished from the Picts dwelling beyond the
Northern Wall. The statement in the Saxon Chronicle is as
follows : —
" A. 565. This year Ethelbert succeeded to the Kingdom of
the Kentish-men, and held it fifty-three years. In his days the
holy Pope Gregory sent us baptism, that was in the two and
thirtieth year of his reign ; and Columba, a mass-priest, came to
the Picts, and converted them to the faith of Christ ; they are
dwellers by the northern mountains. And their king gave him
the Island which is called li [lona] ; therein are five hides of land,
as men say. There Columba built a monastery, and he was
abbat there thirty-seven years, and there he died when he was
seventy-two years old. His successors still have the place. The
Southern Picts had been baptized long before : Bishop Ninia, who
had been instructed at Rome, had preached baptism to them,
whose church and his monastery is at Whitherne, consecrated in
the name of St Martin : there he resteth, with many holy men.
Now in li there must ever be an abbat, and not a bishop ; and
all the Scottish bishops ought to be subject to him, because
Columba was an abbat and not a bishop.
"A. 565. This year Columba, the presbyter, came from the
Scots among the Britons, to instruct the Picts, and he built a
monastery in the Island of Hii."
Be this as it may, however, it is quite clear that the Picts never
were divided politically into two nations. We have lists of their
kings, and they never had more than one king at a time, and
there can be no doubt that Brude M'Mailchon, who was converted
by Saint Columba, reigned over the whole Pictish race north of
The Early Celtic Church in Scotland. 19
the Friths — his seat being at Inverness. His successor appears
to have had his capital at Abernethy, and there is some ground
for the conjecture that the Pictish kings may have been chosen
alternately from two families, the one having its possessions and
settlements south of the mountains, and the other north of them,
but so far as I have been able to trace, there is no authority for
holding that there was any political separation except during the
thirty years that the Saxons held dominion up to the Grampians.
I think, therefore, that we may safely hold that St Columba's
mission was to the whole Pictish nation ruled by Brude, as his
Church xindoubtedly was established among them.
The reason of Saint Columba leaving Ireland is by one tradi-
tion said to have been that he was excommunicated, and sentenced
to perpetual exile by a Council of the Irish Clergy on account of
his having been the cause of the bloody Battle of Cuildreanhne.
But this is contradicted by all the facts of the Saint's life — for he
repeatedly went from lona to Ireland, and undoubtedly retained
the rule over all the monasteries which ho had founded in Ireland,
and a most powerful influence in that country till his death.
Adamnan mentions, however, that a sentence of excommunication
was unjustly passed on him, but that it never took effect, or was
recalled at the Council at which it was pronounced. His removal
from Ireland, therefore, need not be attributed to any other cause
than the missionary zeal which had taken possession of him and
his contemporaries at that time ; but it may have had a partly
political object, for at that time his kindred, the Scots of Dalriada,
were being hard pressed by King Brude ; they were Christian,
and he may have feared that they would be destroyed, and resolved
to make an effort to save them. And it is a fact that from his
time for very many years there was peace between the Picts and
the Scots.
Whatever the impelling cause, in 565 Saint Columba sailed
from Ireland and landed in lona, and, finding it a suitable place
for his purpose, he established there a monastery of monks on the
model of that which he and others had previously established in
Ireland, having obtained a grant of the island, according to Bede,
from Brude ; but, according to other accounts, from the King of
the Scots of Dalriada. From thence he went to the Court of
King Brude, then at Inverness ; and he appears soon to have
gained him over to the faith, and to have always retained a great
influence over him. During the remaining years of his life he
seems to have laboured mainly among the Picts, and before his
death he had converted the whole nation and established his
20 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Church securely among them ; and so vigorous was it that, within
less than forty years after Columba's death, it undertook the con-
version of the Northumbrians, and established a Church among
them which existed, under the primacy of lona, for thirty years,
when it retired before the advancing Church of Rome.
As I have said, the Church which developed itself in Ireland,
and of which the Scottish Church was long a branch, had certain
peculiarities which distinguished it from all other Churches. To
state these distinctions in a word, it may be said that the Church was
a monastictribal Church, not subject to the jurisdiction of Bishops.
Monasticism was first introduced from the East, but it was
well known in the Roman Church before the time of St Patrick,
and we have seen that he says that through his means the sons of
the Scoti and the daughters of princes became monks and virgins
of Christ ; but in the Roman Church monasticism was an order
within the Church, existing along with a secular clergy, and
subject to the jurisdiction of the bishops. In the Church which
developed itself in Ireland, and was introduced into Scotland, on
the other hand, the whole Church was monastic, and subject to
the jurisdiction, not o? bishops, but of abbots, who were not neces-
sarily, and, in point of fact, seldom were bishops, and while the Epis-
copal Order and the special functions of the Episcopate in the
matter of ordination and the celebration of the mass with Pontifical
rites, was recognised, the bishop was not a prelate, but a functionary
and official of the Church, living as a monk in the monastery, and
subject to the abbot. This peculiarity of the Church was for
long a battle ground between Presbyterians and Episcopalians,
and founding on a passage in Fordun, it was maintained by the
advocates of Presbyterianism that the Church of St Columba was
a Presbyterian Church, in something of the sense in which that
word is applied to the present Churches in Scotland — but this
contention is now exploded. In the sense of equality among the
clergy, either in the matter of power or of functions, the Church
was entirely different from the Presbyterian Churches. The
abbot, although he might be only a presbyter, ruled over the
whole community with absolute power. On the other hand,
while the bishops had no jurisdiction, they were recognised as a
distinct and necessary order of clergy, with certain functions
which the presbyter could not assume, and the Church had thus
the three orders of clergy, and that regular succession of Bishops,
which are looked on by some as essential requisites of a Church.
The respect in which St Columba himself held bishops is shown
by an anecdote told by A.damnan as follows : —
The Early Celtic Church in Scotland. 21
"Of Cronan the Bishop. — At another time a stranger from
the province of the Munstermen, who, in his humility, did all he
could to disguise himself, so that nobody might know that he was a
bishop, came to the saint ; but his rank could not be hidden from
the saint. For next Lord's day, being invited by the saint, as
the custom was, to consecrate the Body of Christ, he asked the
saint to join him, that, as two priests, they might break the
bread of the Lord together. The saint went to the altar accord-
ingly, and, suddenly looking into the stranger's face, thus
addressed him : — ' Christ bless thee, brother ; do thou break the
bread alone, according to the Episcopal rite, for I know now that
thou art a bishop. Why has thou disguised thyself so long, and
prevented our giving thee the honour we owe to thee? On hear-
ing the saint's words, the humble stranger was greatly astonished,
and adored Chiist in His saint, and the bystanders in amaze-
ment gave glory to God."
We find too that when a mission was sent to a distance, the
leader was ordained a bishop, so that he might be able to ordain
local clergy, and in this case the office of abbot and bishop was
generally combined. The three abbots who ruled at Lindesfarne,
while the Church there was subject to lona, were ordained bishops
at lona.
The tribal organisation of the Church seems to have been a
counterpart of the tribal organisation of the people among whom it
arose. There seems to have been no head of the Irish Church. Each
saint bore rule over all the monasteries founded by him, and his
disciples, and the abbot of the head monastery succeeded to this
jurisdiction. Thus the Abbot of lona, which had the premacy
among the foundations of Columba, ruled over all the monasteries
founded by him in Ireland and Scotland, and this continued till
the community at lona was broken up. The monks belonging to
the foundations of one saint thus formed an ecclesiastical tribe,
and in the same way the monks in each monastery formed a sub-
tribe. There was, too, a regular law of succession to the headship
of a monastery. We find mention of lay tribes and monastic
tribes in the Brehon laws, and elaborate rules are laid down for
the succession to an Abbacy. Thus the succession was first in the
tribe of the patron saint, next in the tribe of the land, or to which
the land had belonged, next to one of the tine manach, that is,
the monastic tribe, or family living in the monastery, next to the
anoit Church, next to a dalta Church, next to a compairche
Church, next to neighbouring cill Church, and lastly to a pilgrim.
That is, if there was a person in the monastery of the tribe ot the
22 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
patron saint fit to be abbot, he succeeded ; if not, then the succes-
sion went to one of the tribe from whom the land had been acquired,
and if there was no such, then it went to all the others in succes-
sion, the Churches mentioned being connected in various degrees
with the foundation, the headship of which was vacant. Accord-
ing to this rule, we find that for more than a hundred years the
Abbots of Ion a were all of the bribe and family from which
Oolumba himself was descended.
The peculiarity which, however, appears to have attracted
most attention from the Roman clergy, when the two Churches
came in contact in the seventh century, was the time at which the
Scottish clergy celebrated the festival of Easter, and their form of
tonsure, and these were for long subjects of contention. The
difference in the mode of calculating Easter is easily accounted
for, as the Scottish Church adhered to the method which was
common to the whole Western Church, previous to 457, when all
connection between Britain and Ireland and the Continent ceased;
and during the time of isolation a new method of computation was
adopted by the Roman Church ; but the mode of tonsure is not so
easily accounted for. The Columban Monks tonsured the front of
the head from ear to ear, while in the Roman Church the crown
of the head was tonsured. The former mode of tonsure was
that adopted at one time by the Eastern Church, and it may point
to some Eastern influence on the Irish Monastic Church at the
time of its development.
Such, then, was the Church established by St Oolumba in
Scotland in its outward aspect and organisation. Of its internal
economy and of the daily life of its members, as exhibited in the
parent Monastery of lona, we can, by careful reading, obtain
a tolerably clear picture from Adamnan's life of the founder,
written by an Abbot of lona, about eighty years after St
Columba's death. And, as lona was the parent monastery, it
was no doubt the pattern and example of the others. The monks
in lona lived together as one family, each having his separate
house or bothy, but taking their meals in common. They lived in
strict obedience to the abbot, they were celebate, they had all
their property in common, and they supported themselves by
their own labour. There are numerous notices of them labour-
ing in the fields, bringing home the corn, milking cows, and
so forth, and they had a mill and a kiln. Their food seems to
have consisted of milk, bread, fish, the flesh of seals, and beef
and mutton. They had numerous services in the church, they
were much given to reading and repeating the Scriptures, and
The Early Celtic Church in Scotland. 23
particularly the Psalms, and they were diligent scribes. There are
repeated notices of their labours in writing — the last labour in
which St Oolumba was engaged was copying the psalter — and,
naturally, they became the teachers of the community. They
were also much given to hospitality, for there are frequent notices
of the guest chamber, and of the arrival of guests, and of additions
made to the meals on account of such arrivals.
From this monastery, as a home, Columba's mission was
conducted. As we have seen, he got a grant of the Island of
lona, either from the King of the Picts or the King of the Scots ;
and his method seems to have been to go in the first instance to
the King or Chief of the territory in which he arrived, to interest
him in his mission, then to obtain a grant of a village or rath, or
dune with surrounding land, and then to establish a monastery,
under the protection and patronage of the chief: in fact, to
establish and endow his Church. Of this method we have an
account in the Book of Deer, the contents of which, philologically,
were so ably dealt with by Mr Macbain last season. The
morastery of Deer was, perhaps, the very last of the Columban
foundations which retained anything of its original character, and
in this relict of it which has come down to us we have the legend
of its establishment, which admirably illustrates St Coluraba's
method.
Columcille, and Drostan, son of Cosgrach, his pupil, came
from Hi, as God had shown to them, unto Abbordoboir, and Bede,
the Pict, was Mormaer of Buchan before them, and it was he that
gave them that town in freedom for ever from Mormaer and
toisech. They came after that to the other town, and it was
pleasing to Columcille because it was full of God's grace, and he
asked of the Mormaer, to wit, Bede, that he should give it to him,
and he did not give it, and a son of his took an illness after (or
in consequence of) refusing the clerics, and he was nearly dead
(lit. he was dead, but if it were a little). After this the Mormaer
went to entreat the clerics that they should make a prayer for the
son, that health should come to him ; and he gave an offering to
them from Cloch in Tiprat to Cloch pette meic Garnait. They
made the prayer, and health came to him. After that Columcille
gave to Drostan that town, and blessed it, and left as (his) word
" Whosoever should come against it, let him not be many yeared
(or) victorious." Drostan's tears came on parting from Collumcille.
Said Columcille, " Let Dear be its name henceforward."
Having thus established a community, they were placed under
the superintendence of a subject abbot to prosecute their work of
24 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
bringing the tribe among which they were established to a know-
ledge of the truth, and from the monastery thus established there
branched out cill churches, anoit churches, and all the other sub-
ordinate establishments which I have mentioned, and there went
forth pilgrims and teachers, and sometimes colonies of monks, to
establish other monasteries. Columba's idea of the method of
spreading Christianity seems to have been— first the establishment
of a separate Christian community in the midst of the people to
be converted, the leading by the members of this community of a
pure and self-denying Christian life, practising the precepts which
they taught, and exhibiting the effect on their own lives of a be-
lief in the doctrines which they preached ; and next, the reading
and teaching of the Scriptures, and the preaching of its doctrines.
That his influence long survived him, and that a pure and holy life
was long characteristic of the clergy of his Church, is amply testi-
fied by Bede, who never mentions any of the clergy of the branch
of the Church of lona, which existed, as I have said, for 30 years in
Northumberland, without — while deploring their ignorance and per-
versity in not observing Easter at the proper time — praising their
chaste and self-denying lives. Thus he says of Colman, the last
of the three abbots and bishops of this Church, who ruled at
Lindesfarne, and who returned to lona on the King and people
adopting the Roman time of celebrating Easter : —
"The place which he governed shows how frugal he and his
predecessor were, for there were very few houses besides the
church found at their departure ; indeed, no more than were
barely sufficient for their daily residence; they had also no money,
but cattle ; for if they received any money from rich persons,
they immediately gave it to the poor; their being no need to
gather money, or provide houses for the entertainment of the
great men of the world ; for such never resorted to the church,
except to pray and hear the Word of God. The King himself,
when opportunity offered, came only with five or six servants,
and having performed his devotions in the church, departed.
But if they happened to take a repast there, they were satisfied
with only the plain and daily food of the brethren, and required
no more ; for the whole care of those teachers was to serve God,
not the world — to feed the soul, and not the belly."
And again of Aiden, the first of these bishops, he says: —
" I have written thus much concerning the person and works
of the aforesaid Aidan, in no way commending or approving what
lie imperfectly understood in relation to the observance of Easter;
The Early Celtic Church in Scotland. 25
nay, very much detesting the same, as I have most manifestly
proved in the book I have writen, "De Temporibus;" but, like
an impartial historian, relating what was done by or with him,
and commending such things as are praiseworthy in his actions,
and preserving the memory thereof for the benefit of the readers;
viz., his love of peace and charity ; his continence and humility ;
his mind superior to anger and avarice, and despising pride and
vainglory ; his industry in keeping and teaching the heavenly
commandments ; his diligence in reading and watching ; his
authority becoming a priest in reproving the haughty and power-
ful, and at the same time his tenderness in comforting the afflicted,
and relieving or defending the poor. To say all in a few words,
:is near as I could be informed by those that knew him, he took
care to omit none of those things which he found in the apostolical
or prophetical writings, but to the utmost of his power endeavoured
to perform them all."
As I have said, the Columban monks naturally became the
teachers of the community, and their are numerous notices of
persons of distinction residing in the monasteries for the purpose
of being instructed. Oswald, the King of Northumbria, when
driven into exile, [lived for several years in lona, and was there
instructed. The clergy had a great reputation for learning, and
Bede tells us that many of the nobles and princes of the English
resorted to them for instruction. In what their learning consisted
is an interesting question. That they wrote Latin well is evid-
enced by writings which have come down to us, and we are told
that when Columbanus, in the year 590, went to Gaul, he was
able to converse freely in that language. It would also appear
that he had some knowledge of Greek, for he talks about the
meaning of his own name in that language. It does not appear,
however, that, previous to their coming in contact with the outer
world, they had any knowledge of Roman or Greek literature, or of
the writings of any of the fa there of the Roman, Greek, or Eastern
Churches. And Bede more than once, as in the passage I have
read about Aidan, mentions that they taught only what was
contained in the Scriptures. The literary remains of the Church
which have come down to us, consist entirely of the lives of saints,
with the exception of an account of the holy places, written by
Adamnan, from information given to him by a bishop of Gaul, who
was driven to lona by stress of weather, and resided there for a
winter — some letters of Columbanus to the Pope, and to a Council
of the clergy of Gaul ; and there are some hymns and poems
attributed to St Columba, but whether any of them are authentic
26 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
seems doubtful. That he wrote poetry, and "was a friend and
patron of bards, is beyond all doubt, and Bede mentions that
writings of his were said to be in existence in his time. It would
rather appear, therefore, that as the lives of the Columban clergy
were an effort to translate its teaching into practice, so their
learning consisted in a knowledge of the Bible, the transcribing
of which was one of their chief occupations.
Their architecture was of the simplest and rudest, and if their
general state of culture were to be judged by it, we should pro-
nounce it of the lowest. Their churches were constructed of
wattle work of branches, covered with clay. We frequently hear
of the cutting of branches for the building or repair of churches ;
and Bede tells us that when Aidan settled at Lindesfarne he built
a church there, after the manner of his country, of wood thatched
with reeds. The monks, as has been said, lived in "bothies, ' and
these seem to have been erected by the occupants, and to have
been of slight construction. In the Irish Life of St Columba, we
are told of his asking, when he went to a monastery for instruction,
where he was to set up his bothy, and in another place mention is
made of a bothy being removed from one side of a river to
another. But, as we should commit a grievous error if we judged
of the general intelligence and culture of our own peasantry by
the houses in which they live, so we should commit a like error if
we judged of the culture of these monks by their churches and
dwellings. That they had examples of more substantial and
elaborate structures we know, and the poorness of their building
was probably only one mode of expressing the highest thought
that was in them, that taking for themselves no more of this
world's goods than was necessary for existence, they should teach
and illustrate their religion not by stately edifices, but by pure
and holy lives.
In metals they seem to have been skilful workers. Adamnan
tells us that, on one occasion, St Columba had blessed a certain
knife, and said that it would never injure man or beast, and that
thereupon the monks had the iron of which it was made melted,
and a number of other tools in the monastery coated with it. The
ceard or artificer seems to have been a regular official in the
monasteries, and specimens which have come down to us in the
decoration of shrines, cases for books, bells, &c., show that they
had acquired a proficiency in art work of this description which
has never been surpassed.
Another branch of art in which they have never been excelled
was the ornamentation and illumination of their Bibles and service
The Early Celtic Church in Scotland. 27
books. The only manuscripts which have come down to us, and
which can be traced to the hands of Columban monks in Scotland,
are the Book of Deer and one of the manuscripts of Adamnan's
life of St Coluruba, and these are not highly ornamented. But
there are numerous examples in Ireland, some of the more elaborate
of which can be almost traced to the hands of St Columba, and
there can be no doubt that the art which produced the Irish
specimens was the common property of both Churches, if, indeed,
some of the books now existing in Ireland were not actually pro-
duced in lona. One of these books was seen in Ireland by
Geraldus Cambriensis, who accompanied some of the first Norman
and Welsh invaders in the twelfth century, and he thus describes
it: —
" Among all the miracles in Kildare, none appears to me more
wonderful than that marvellous book which they say was written
in the time of the Virgin [St Brigit] at the dictation of an angel.
It contains the Four Gospels according to St Jerom, and almost
every page is illustrated by drawings illuminated with a variety of
brilliant colours. In one page you see the countenance of the
Divine Majesty supernaturally pictured ; in another, the mystic
forms of the evangelists, with either six, four, or two wings ; here
are depicted the eagle, there the calf ; here the face of a man,
there of a lion ; with other figures in almost endless variety. If
you observe them superficially, and in the usual careless manner,
you would imagine them to be daubs, rather than careful com-
positions ; expecting to find nothing exquisite, where, in truth,
there is nothing which is not exquisite. But if you apply yourself
to a more close examination, and are able to penetrate the secrets
of the art displayed in these pictures, you will find them so
delicate and exquisite, so finely drawn, and the work of interlacing
so elaborated, while the colours with which they are illuminated
are so blended, and still so fresh, that you will be ready to assert
that all this is the work of angelic, and not human, skill. The
more often and closely I scrutinise them, the more I am surprised,
and always find them new, discovering fresh causes for increased
admiration."
And art critics of our own day speak of the work in terms of equal
commendation.
Such was the first Christian Church established among us,
and such the mode of life and state of culture of its clergy. It
existed in full vigour among us for about two hundred years, and
then, partly from external causes, and partly from internal, it
began to decay; but it was not finally superseded by a system of
28 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
diocesan episcopacy under the supremacy of the Bishop of Rome,
until the time of King David the First. To trace the process of its
decay would be interesting, but this paper has already extended to
too great a length.
16-TH DECEMBER 1885.
At the meeting on this date the following new members were
elected, viz.: — Miss Marion Ferguson, 23 Grove Road, St John's
Wood, London, honorary member ; Mr George Black, National
Museum, Edinburgh ; and Dr Thomas Aitken, Lunatic Asylum,
Inverness, ordinary members.
Some routine business having been transacted, the Secretary
read the second* instalment of the paper on "The Gaelic Names
of Birds," by Mr Charles Fergusson, Cally, Gatehouse, Kirk-
cudbright. Mr Fergusson's paper was as follows : —
GAELIC NAMES OF BIRDS.
PART II.
LONG-EARED OWL.
Latin — Otus vulgaris. Gaelic — Comhachag, CumJiachag-adliarcaich.
Welsh — Dylluan gorniog.
SHORT-EARED OWL.
Latin — Otus brachyotus. Gaelic — Cumhachag-ctduasach. Welsh
— Dylluan glustiog.
BARN OWL.
Latin — Strix flammea. Gaelic — Cumhachag, Cailleach-oidhche,
Cailleach-oidhche-bhan, CumJiachag-bhan. Welsh — DyUuan
wen.
The hooting of this owl is supposed in the Highlands to fore-
tell rain, hence the old saying — " Tha 'chomhachag ri bron, thig
tuiltean oirnn " — The owl is mourning, rain is coming.
TAWNY OWL.
Latin — Syrniuim-strodch. Gaelic — Cumhachag-dhonn, Cumha-
chag-ruadh, £odach-oidhche, Cailleackoidhche. Welsh —
Dylluan frech.
This owl is very common in the wooded parts of the High-
lands, and his melancholy hooting at night has been the cause of
* For the first part of Mr Fergusson's paper, see "Transactions "
Vol. XL, page 240.
The Gaelic Names of Birds. 29
many a good fright to people coming from the unwooded glens,
where they are not acquainted with this mournful bird of night,
and also the origin of many a ghost story. Alluding to this, the
old phrase says — "Tha mi na's eolaiche air coille na bhi fo eagal
na caillich-oidhche" — I am more accustomed to a wood than to be
afraid of an owl.
SNOWY OWL.
Latin — Surnia nyctea. Gaelic — Comhachag bhan, Cailleach-bhan,
Comhachag -mhor. Welsh — Dylluan mauer.
This very beautiful bird may be said to be common in parts
of the Highlands, especially the Hebrides, during the spring gen-
erally.
HAWK OWL.
Latin — Surnia funerea. Gaelic — Seobhag-oidhche, Seobhag-
fheasgair.
This is a very rare bird, but I have often seen it on the
Stiathardle hills, hunting in broad daylight. I remember seeing
a very tine specimen shot in Glenderly when out grouse shooting
about twenty years ago. The day was clear and sunny, and we
saw it hunting abroad for its prey a good while before it came
within shot
LITTLE OWL.
Latin — Noctua passerina. Gaelic — CumhacJiag-bheag. Welsh —
Coeg daylluan.
This finishes the Raptores, or rapacious birds, and brings us
to the second order — the Insessors, or tree-perchers.
INSESSORS.
Group I. — Dentirostres. Family 1. — Laniadce.
GREAT GREY SHRIKE, OR BUTCHER BIRD.
Latin — Lanius excubitor. Gaelic — Buidseir, Pioghaid-ghlas (Grey
Piet). Welsh — Cigydd Mawr.
The first Gaelic name, which I must say looks suspiciously
like a mere translation from the English, is that given by Alex-
ander Macdonald (Mac Mhaighstir Alastair) in his Gaelic
Vocabulary, published in 1741. The second is the name by which
the bird is known in Strathardle, where it is often found, and
where 1 well remember shooting a very fine male specimen —
amongst the very first birds ever I shot — with an old flint gun,
30 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.
with which in my boyish days I shot many a rare bird, though it
did sometimes take a very long time puffing and fizzing from the
time I pulled the trigger till the shot went off.
Group II. — Muscicapidce.
SPOTTED FLYCATCHER.
Latin- Muscicapa grisola. Gaelic — Breacan-glas, Beiceiu-glas,
JBreaczn-syiobalt, Glac-nan-cuileag. Welsh — Y Gwybedog.
Group III. Merulidce.
COMMON DIPPER OR WATER-OUZEL.
Latin — Cinclus aquaticua. Gaelic — Gobha-uisge, Gobha-dubh,
Gobha-dubh-nan-allt, Gobhachan, Gobhachan-altt, Gobhachan-
dubh, Gobhachan-uisge, Lon-uisge, Feannag-uisge, Bogachan,
Boq-an-lochan. Welsh — Mwyalchen y dwfr.
This lively little gentleman with the many titles, in full
evening dress, black suit and white shirt front, is to be found on
the banks of every burn in the Highlands, and has a different
name almost on every burn. In some districts it is a much
maligned and much persecuted bird, through the ignorant belief
that it lives entirely on fish spawn, a very great mistake. Grey
says — "Instead of doing harm in this way, it is in fact the anglers'
best friend by devouring immense quantities of the larvae of dragon-
flies and water-beetles — creatures which are known to live to a
great extent upon the spawn, and even the newly hatched fry of
both trout and salmon." He also adds, that to this day a reward
of sixpence a head is given in some parts of Sutherlandshire for
water-ouzels. And we read in the New Statistical Account that
the slaughter of one of those innocent birds was counted such a
meritorious deed that " formerly, any person who succeeded in
killing one of these birds was allowed, as a reward, the privilege
of fishing in the close season ; but for a long time back this has
been lost sight of." Not, I am sorry to say, because the poor
•water-ouzel gets more justice, or is now counted innocent by the
class of people that slaughter it, but because the fishings are more
valuable, and sharper looked after.
MISSEL THRUSH.
Latin — Turd us viscivorus. Gaelic — Smeorach-mhor, Smeorach-
gJdas, Sgraicheag, Sgraicheag-ghlas. Welsh — Tresglen, Pen y
Llwyn.
FIELDFARE.
Latin — Turdus pilarus. Gaelic — Liatruisg, Liatrasg. Welsh —
Caseg y ddryccin.
The Gaelic Names of Birds. 31
MAVIS OR COMMON THRUSH.
Latin — Turdus musicus. Gaelic — Smeorach, /Smeorach-bltuidhe.
Welsh — Aderyn Groufraith.
Of all singing birds in the Highlands the mavis is the favour-
ite, and reckoned the sweetest singer. All our bards, late and
early, delight in comparing their sweet singers to the mavis,
which is the highest praise they can give, hence the saying — "Oho
binn ri smebrach air geug" —as tuneful as a mavis on a bough.
It is the first bird that begins to sing in the Highlands, often
beginning, on an occasional fine day, before the storms of winter
are over. As the old proverb says— "Cha'n 'eil port a sheinneas
an smebrach 's an Fhaoilleach, nach, caoin i mu'n ruith an
t-Earrach" — For every song the mavis sings in February she'll
lament ere the spring be over. Another says, "Cha dean aon
smebrach samhradh" — One mavis makes not summer. One of
the most ancient styles of composition in the Gaelic language,
and a very favourite one with most Highland bards, is that in
which they represent themselves as the "smeorach," or mavis of
their respective clans, to sing the praises of their chiefs and
clans. Of this curious species of composition we have many
examples, notably "Smeorach Chlann Jlaonuill" — The Mavis of
Clan Ranald, by Alex. Macdonald (Mac Mhaighistir Alastair): —
"Gur 'a mis an smebrach chreagach,
An deis leum bharr cuaich mo nidein
Sholar bidh do m' ianaibh beaga,
Seinneam cebl air barr gach bidein.
'S smeorach mise do Chlann Donuill,
Dream a dhiteadh a 's a leonadh ;
'S chaidh mo chur an riochd na smeoraich,
Gu bhi seinn 's ag cur ri ceol dhaibh.
'S mise 'n t-ianan beag le m' fheadan
Am madainn-dhriuchd am barr gach badain,
Sheinneadh na puirt ghrinn gun sgreadan —
'S ionmhuinn m' fheadag fead gach lagain."
There are also smeorachs by Mac Codrum, Macdougall, Maclack-
lan, Macleod, and others — all admirable compositions of their
kind.
KED-WING.
Latin — Jardus iliacus. Gaelic — Sgiath-dheargan, Ean-an-t-
sneachda} Smeorach -an-t- sneachda. Deargan - sneachda .
Welsh — Soccen yr lira, Y dresclen goch.
32 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.
BLACKBIRD.
Latin — Jurdus tnerida. Gaelic — Lon-dubh, Eun-dubh. Welsh —
Mwyalch, Aderyn du.
The blackbird has always been reckoned a mournful bird in
the Highlands, partly, perhaps, from its sombre colour, and more
especially because of its sweet plaintive song, the rapid warbling
notes of which the Highlanders likened to some of their most
mournful piobaireachd laments, whilst the mavis' song resembled
the salute or welcome class of piobaireachd — "An smeorach ri
failte, 's 'n lon-dubh ri cumha" — " The mavis sings a welcome, and
the blackbird a lament." Ewan MacColl, the Lochfyne bard,
expresses this old Highland belief very beautifully in his address
to a blackbird, some of the verses of which I may quote —
" A. loin-duibh, a loin-duibh, 's fada dh' imich uait surd —
Ciod e so, 'chuir mulad 'na d' dhan-s?
Tha 'n samhradh a' tighinn, tha 'choille 'fas domh'il,
'S gach eun innt' le sunnd 'cur air failt.
" A loin-duibh, a loin-duibh, 'n uair tha'n uiseag 's an speur,
'Cur gean air High aobhach an Lb,
'Nuair tha 'n smeorach '» a leannnan 'comh-shodan ri d' thaobh,
'M bi thusa 'n ad aonar ri brbn 1
" A loin-duibh, tha do thuireadh a' lotadh mo chri —
'S ioghnadh learn ciod a chradh thu co ghoirt :
'N e namh 'an riochd caraid a ghoid uait do shith 1
'N e gu 'n d' mhealladh 'n ad dhoohas thu 'th' ort ?
" A loin-duibh, a loin-duibh, 'in beil do leannan riut dur 1
Cha 'n urrainn do 'n chuis bhi gu brath :
Co ise air thalamh 's an cuireadh tu uidh,
Nac mealladh 's nach maoth'cheadh do dhan 1
" A loin-duibh, a loin-duibh, dearc 'us suthag nam blar,
Bi'dh deas dhuit gun dail air son bidh :
Tha 'n clamhan 'san t-seobhag fad', fada o laimh 1
Nach sguir thu, ma ta, de do chaoidh ?
" A loin-duibh, a lion-duibh, tha mi 'cuimhneachadh nis !
Bha 'n t-eun'dair an rathad so 'n de
O an-iochd an trudair ! do leannan thuit leis
Eoin ghrinn, 'se so 'ghuin thu — nach e?"
The Gaelic Names of Birds. 33
Fond blackbird, fond blackbird, sad, sad is thy soug —
The cause of thy grief I would Iparn ;
Bright summer is coming, hear how the woods ring,
And welcome his kingly return.
Fond blackbird, fond blackbird, the lark, soaring high,
Salutes the bright orb of the day;
The cuckoo and tlmish sing together for joy,
Why then art thon joyless, 0 say 1
Fond blackbird, thy plaint makes my heart almost bleed;
Dire, dire must indeed be thy doom ;
Has the friend of thy bosom proved false 1 or did fade
Each young hope that once promised to bloom 1
Fond blackbird, fond blackbird, say, lov'st thou in vain,
Or is thy fair consort unkind 1
Ah, no — could she listen to that melting strain,
And leave the sweet warbler to pine !
Fond blackbird, fond blackbird, the berry and sloe
Will soon be thy banquet so rare ;
The buzzard and falcon are far out of view,
To wail, then, sweet mourner, foi-bear.
Fond blackbird, fond blackbird, now, now do I mind —
The fowler yestreen sought the brake ;
Thy partner's soft plumage he strew'd on the wind !
Nought else could such deep woes awake.
Very curiously the Gaelic name of the huge and long extinct deer,
the elk, is the same as that of the blackbird, Lon-dubh, and most
certainly it is the elk that is referred to, and not the blackbird in
the very ancient saying — " An Lon-dubh, an Lon-dubh spagach !
thug raise dha coille fhasgach fheurach, 's thug esan dhomh an
monadh dubh fasach." Sheriff Nicholson translates this — The
blackbird, the sprawling blackbird ! I gave him a sheltered grassy
wood, and he gave me the black desolute moor. Mackintosh in
his Gaelic Proverbs translates it — The ouzel, the club-footed ouzel,
ic., (which, of course, is wronj.', as the ouzel has no claim to this
name), and adds a note — " Some say that this alludes to the
Roman invasion, and others refer it to the Scandinavian incursions,
when the Gael left the more sheltered spots and pasture ranges,
and fled to the fastnesses of the Grampian hills." I have no
doubt the proper translation is — The elk, the bow-legged, or club-
3
34 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
footed elk, <fec.; for who could possibly apply the word,
" spagach " to the straight, slender, genteel feet of the blackbird 1
whereas nothing could be so descriptive of the great clumsy club-
feet of the elk, whose hoofs are so much and so loosely divided
that when it puts its weight on them, they spread out so wide
that when it lifts its foot, the two divisions of the hoof fall to-
gether with a loud clattering noise, which would be sure to draw
the attention of our remote ancestors to them, and what would be
more likely than that they would in derision liken the hated
Roman soldiers, with their great broad sandals on their feet, to
the clumsy lumbering elk; certainly they would be more likely to
do so than to liken them to the sprightly blackbird. If the saying
does refer to the elk, which was extinct in Britain ages before all
written history, it is another proof added to the many, of how the
ancient lore of the Celts, though unwritten, was handed down
through so many generations of the children of the Gael.
RING OUZEL.
Latin — Tardus torquatus. Gaelic — Dubh-chraige, Druid-mhonaidh
Druid-dhubh. Welsh — Mwyalchen y graig.
Group IV. — Sylviadce.
HEDGE SPARROW.
Latin — Accentor modularis. Gaelic — Gealbhonn-nam-preas,
Sporag, Donnag. "Welsh — Llwyd y gwrych.
I have no doubt the common English country name of this
bird — Dunnock (Rev. J. C. Atkinson) — is simply a corruption of
the Gaelic name, Donnag — Brownie, or little brown bird.
ROBIN.
Latin — Erythaca rubecula. Gaelic — Bru-dhearg, Bru-dheargan,
Broinn-dhearg, Broinn-dheai gan, Broinileag, Nigidh, Ruadh-
ag, Roban-roid. Welsh — Yr hobi goch, Bron-goch.
Here also one of the English country names given by the
Rev. J. Atkinson seems to come from the Gaelic — Ruddock,
Ruadhag, little red bii-d — and as the English borrow from the
Gaelic, it is only fair that we should do the same frcm their lan-
guage (in modei-n times, of course, as everybody knows most of
our Gaelic names of birds were in use many centuries before the
English language had an existence). So, very curiously, one of
our greatest bards, Alexander Macdonald, has done in this case,
for though in his Gaelic Vocabulary he gives the Gaelic name of
the robin as Broinn-dheargan, yet in his poems he always calls
The Gaelic Names of Birds. 35
this bird by the names of Richard and Robin. In his " Song of
Summer," " Oran an t' Sambraidh," he says —
"Agus Robin 'g a bheusadh
Air a' gheig os a chionn,
Gur glan gall-fheadan Richard
A' seinn nan cuisleannan grinn."
And in " The Sugar Brook," " Allt-an-t Siucair "—
" Bha Richard 's Robin bru-dhearg
Ri seinn, 's fear dhiubh 'n a bheus."
Macintyre again uses Bru-dhearg. in Coire-Cheathaich. He says: —
" An druid 's an bru-dhearg, le moran uinich,
Ri ceileir sunntach bu shiubhlach ranii."
I have never heard the name Nigidh, for the robin, anywhere in
common use, but it is given in the Highland Society's Dictionary.
The common name in Perthshire is Roban-roid. Most writers
on birds have taken notice of the many wonderful places in which
this bird will sometime build its nest. I remember, when a boy,
preserving as a curiosity for several years a robin's nest which
was actually built inside the ribs of a dried skeleton of a buzzard
hawk, which the keepers had nailed to the back wall of a stable
many years before. The impudent bird reared its young brood in
that strange nesting place to the astonishment of the natives.
Had that hawk known the fate that was before it, it might well
say with Napoleon that there was only one step between the sub-
lime and the ridiculous.
BLUE-THROATED WARBLEB.
Latin — Phcenicura Suecica. Gaelic — Ceileiriche, Oranaiche*
REDSTART.
Latin — Phcenicura ruticiUa. Gaelic — Ceann-deary, Ceann-dhear-
yan, Earr-dhearg, Ton-dheary. Welsh — Rhonell goch.
STONE-CHAT.
Latin — Saxicola rubicola. Gaelic — Cloichearan, Clacharan (Grey).
Welsh — Clochder y cerrig.
Sheriff Nicolson gives the following old Lismore saying,
which, he adds, is suggestive of the development theory : —
" Cloicheirean spagach, ogha na muile-maig." — The waddling stone-
chat, the frog's grand-child.
36 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.
WHIN-CHAT.
Latin — Saxicola rubetra. Gaelic — Gochdan, Gochcan. Welsh —
Clochder yr eithin.
WHEATEAR.
Latin — Saxicola cenanthe. Gaelic — Cloichearan, Bru-ghetd, Crith-
achan, Bogachan. Welsh — Tinwyn y cerrig.
This bird no doubt got its two last Gaelic names from its
constant habit of shaking or quivering its tail. Grey gives the
following old Hebridean superstition about this bird: — "There
is a very curious superstition prevalent in North and South Hist
regarding the bird on its arrival. When seen for the first time
in the season, the natives are quite unhappy if it should happen
to be perched on a rock or a stone — such a circumstance, as they
say, being a sure sign of evil in prospect ; but should the bird be
seen perched on a bit of turf, it is looked upon as a happy omen."
SEDGE WARBLER.
Latin — Salicaria phraymitis. Gaelic — Glas-eun, Uiseag-oidhche.
Welsh — Hedydd yr helyg.
This bird got its Gaelic name — Uiseag-oidhche, Night-lark
• — from its well-known habit of singing all through the night,
which makes so many people mistake it for the nightingale.
NIGHTINGALE.
Latin — Philomela Luscinia. Gaelic — Spideag, JBeul-binn, Ros-an-
ceol. Welsh — Eos.
The first Gaelic name is that given by Alex. Macdonald in
his vocabulary, also in the Highland Society's Dictionary, which
also gives the second name — Beul-binn, sweet mouth ; the third
is that given by Logan in his Scottish Gael. He says — "The
Nightingale, which has now forsaken the northern part of the
island, is supposed to have once frequented the woods of Scotland.
Its name in Gaelic is beautifully expressive of the sweetness of its
song and the character of the bird. In Ros-an-ceol, the rose
music, the melody is put for the melodist, the former being heard
when the latter is unseen."
BLACKCAP.
Latin — Curruca atricapilla. Gaelic — Ceann-dubh. Welsh
Penddu V brwyn.
WHITE-THROAT.
Latin — Curruca cinerea. Gaelic — Gealan-coille. Welsh Y
gwddfgwyn.
The Gaelic Names of Birds. 37
WILLOW WREX.
Latin — Sylvice trochilttg. Gaelic — Crlonag-ghiubhais.
GOLDKN CRESTED WREN.
Latin — Regulus cristatus. Gaelic — Dreathan-ceann-bhuidhe,
Crionag-bhuidhe, Bigein.
GREAT TITMOUSE.
Latin — Parus major. Gaelic —Currag-bhain-tiyhearna (the lady's
nightcap) . Welsh — F Beuloyn fwyaf.
BLUE TITMOUSE.
Latin — Parus coeruleas. Gaelic — Cailleachag-cheann-yhorm, An
Snoileun (Grey). Welsh — Y Lleian.
COLE, TITMOUSE, OR BLACKCAP.
Latin — Parus ater. Gaelic — Smuiag, Cailleachag-cheann-duibh,
Welsh — Y Benloyn lygliw.
This bird got its name of " Smutag" no doubt from its habit
of spitting and puffing, like an enraged cat, when on its nest, in a
hole on a wall or tree, if disturbed.
MARSH TITMOUSE.
Latin — Parus pahistris. Gaelic — Ceann-dubh. Welsh — Benloyn
y cyrs.
LONG-TAILBD TITMOUSE.
Latin — Parus Condatus. Gaelic — Ciochan, Ciochan-fada, Miontan.
Welsh — F Benloyn gynffonhir.
Group I. Family VII. — Motacillidce.
PIED WAGTAIL.
Latin — Motadlla Yarrellii. Gaelic — Breac an t-sil, Glaisean
seilich. Welsh — Brith y fyches, Tinsiyl y gwys.
GREY WAGTAIL.
Latin — Motadlla boarula. Gaelic — Breacan-ban-tiyhearna (spotted
lady). Welsh— £rith y fyches Iwyd.
YELLOW, OR RAY'S WAGTAIL.
Latin — Motadlla flava. Gaelic — Breacan-buidlie. Welsh —
Jjrith y fyches fellen.
Group 2. Family VIII. — Anthidce.
TREE PIPIT.
Latin — Anthus arbor eus. Gaelic — Riabhag-ckoille.
38 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
MEADOW PIPIT, OR HEATHER LINTIE.
Latin — Anthus pratensis. Gaelic — Snathag, Riabhag-mhoitaidh
(Grey). Welsh — Hedydd y cae.
The first is the Gaelic name always given in Athole to this
bird, and a story is told in Strathardle of an English gentleman,
who had asked an old shepherd what were the commonest birds on
his hill, getting for answer — "Needleag, whistleag, heatheraig-hen,
and rashirag-horn ;" being the best English the old man could
muster for snathag (heather lintie), feadag (golden plover), cearc-
fhraoich (grouse), and adharcan-luachrach (green plover).
ROCK PIPIT.
Latin — Anthus petrosus. Gaelic — Gabhagan, £igein, Glas-
eun (Grey).
Group II — Conirostres. Family 1. — Alaudidce.
SKY-LARK, OR LAVEROCK.
Latin — Alauda rpleshis. Gaelic — Uiseag, Riabhag. Welsh —
Hedydd, UcJwdydd.
The Douglas said that he would rather hear the laverock sing
than the mouse squeak. The old Highlanders expressed the same
sentiment in their old proverb — " Cha 'n 'eil deathach 'an tigh na
h-uiseige" — There is no smoke in the lark's house. Sheriff Nicol-
son says — " The bird of most aspiring and happy song has untainted
air in its lowly home." As the mavis was honoured aa the prima
donna of song in the woods and bushy glens, so the lark was
reckoned the sweetest songster in the open moors and meadows. As
the bard says —
" Bidh uiseag air Ion
Agus smeorach air geig."
The lark on the meadow
And the mavis on the tree.
WOOD LARK.
Latin — Alauda arborea. Gaelic — Uiseag-choille, Riabhay-choille
(Grey). Welsh — Hedydd y coed.
The wood lark is mentioned by Macintyre and amongst his
other woodland birds in " Coire-cheathaich " —
" Bha coin an t-sleibhe 'nan ealtainn gle-ghlan,
A' gabhail bheusan air gheig sa' choill,
An uiseag cheutach, 's a luinneag fein aice,
Feadan speiseil gu reidh a' seinn :
The Gaelic Names of Birds. 39
A chuag, 'sa smeorach, am barr nan bgan,
A' gabhail brain gu ceolmhor binn :
'Nuair ghoir an cuannal, gu loinneil guanach,
'Se 's glain a chualas am fuaim sa' ghleann."
Group II. Family II — Emberrizdce
SNOW BUNTING.
Latin — Plectrophanes nivalis. Gaelic — Eun-an-t-sneachdai. Welsh
—Golfan-yr-eira.
COMMON BUNTING.
Latin — Emberiza mUiaria. Gaelic — G ' ealag-bhuacliair, Geala-
bigein. Welsh — Bras y ddruttan, Bras yr yd.
BLACK-HEADED, OR REED BUNTING.
Latin — Emberiza schoeniclus. Gaelic — Gealag-dubh-cheannach,
Gealag-loin. Welsh — Golf an y cyrs.
YELLOW HAMMER.
Latin — Emberiza citrinella. Gaelic— Smdheag-bkealaidh, Euidlieag-
bhuachair, BuidJtean. Welsh — Llinos felen.
This beautiful bird is of very evil repute in the Highlands'
where it is counted a very meritorious deed to harry its nest, from
the old superstition that this bird is badly given to swearing ; also
that it sang on Calvary during the time of the crucifixion. In
the lowlands one of its country names is the yellow yeorling, and
the old rhyme says —
" The Brock, the Toad, and the Yellow Yeorling
Get a drap o' the deil's bluid ilka May morning."
So that, if it imbibes much of that blood, it will account for its
swearing as well as for the evil reputation it has gained.
Group II. Family III. — Fringillid^.
CHAFFINCH.
Latin — Fringilla Ccelebs. Gaelic — Bricean-beithe fireacan-beithe.
Welsh — Asgell arian, Wine.
Alex. Macdonald in his Allt-a-n-t Siucair, says —
" Am-bricein-beithe 's lub air,
'Se gleusadh luth a theud."
MOUNTAIN FINCH.
Latin — Fringilla MontifrinyiUa. Gaelic — Lii-eun, Breicean-coarainn.
Welsh — lironrhnddyn y mynydd.
40 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.
TREE SPARROW.
Latin— Passer Montanus. Gaelic— Gealbkonn Gealbhonn-nan-cruobh
Gla*s-enn. Welsh— Golfan y mynydd.
HOU15E SPARROW.
Latin— Passer Domesticus. Gaelic— Gealbhonn, Sporag. WeMi—
Aderyn y to, Golfan.
GREENFINCH.
Latin — Coccothraustes Chloiis. Gaelic — Glaisean-daraich.
Welsh — Y Gegid, Llinos werdd.
HAWFINCH.
Latin— Coccothraustes Vidgaris. Gaelic — Gobach. Welsh—
Gylsfinbraff.
GOLDFINCH.
Latin — Cnrdnelis ehgans. Gaelic — Lasair-choille, fimdhean-rmlle.
Welsh — GVKIS y Sierri.
COMMON LINNET.
Latin — Linota cannabina. Gaelic — Gealan-lin, Gealan. Welsh —
Llinos.
COMMON REDPOLE.
Latin — Linota linaria. Gaelic — Deargan-seilich, Ceann-deargan.
Welsh — Llinos bengoch leiaf.
MOUNTAIN LINNET.
Latin — Linota Montium. Gaelic — Riabkag-mhonaidh, RiabJiag-
fhraoich, Bigean-bain-iigheama (Uist). Welsh — Llinos Jynydil.
BULLFINCH.
Latin — Pyrrhula mdgaris. Gaelic — Corran-coille, Deargan-fhraoich.
Welsh — Y Clttvybanydd, Rhawn goch.
PINE GROSBEAK.
Latin — Pyrrkula enucleator. Gaelic — Cnag, Lair fliyh.
Of this bird Logan says — " The Cnag, or Lair fligh, a bird
like a parrot, which digs its nest with its beak in the trunks of
trees, is thought peculiar to the county of Sutherland."
COMMON CROSSBILL.
Latin — Loxia. curvirostra. Gaelic — Cam-ghob, Deargan ginbhnis.
Welsh — G
The Gaelic Names of Birds. 41
Grmtp II. Family IV. — Stitrnidce.
STARLING.
Latin — Stum-its vulgaris. Gaelic — Druid, Druid-dhubh, Druid-
bhreac, Druidean. Wddk—Pryatfenj Drydwy.
Group II. Family V.—Corvidw.
CHOUGH, OR RED-LEGGED CROW.
Latin — Fregilus graculus. Gaelic — Cathag-dhearg-
ahearg-chasach (Skye). Welsh — Brdn big
This bird, from some unaccountable cause, is getting rarer
in the Highlands every season, for in many districts where it
used to breed in flocks it is now utterly unknown, even though
qxiite undisturbed by man. Don mentions it as a common bird
in Glen Clova, and Pennant as very common in Glenlyon and
Breadalbane. Within the last forty years it used to breed in
flocks in the Islands of Rum, Coll, Caniia, and Tyree, where now
it is never seen. Its gradual disappearance without any known
cause is one of those problems which naturalists sometimes find
so difficult to solve.
RAVEN.
Latin — Corvus corax. Gaelic — Filheach, Biatach (Uist and Skye).
Welsh — Cigfran.
Even the raven, once so common in every glen in the High-
lands, is becoming, from constant persecution, rare there now,
except in the wilder and more remote districts ; though in general
the raven, from his cunning and keen scent, is pretty well able to
take care of himself. Every one knows the old saying that there
is a Scotchman, a raven, and a rat to be found in every clime and
country under the sun, from the equator to the pole. However,
one would be inclined to think that it prefers the colder parts,
from the old Gaelic saying so often quoted on a very warm day —
" Am titheach a' cur a mach a theanga leis an teas,'"' The raven
putting out his tongue for heat (i.e., like a dog). Being rather a
bird of evil omen, the raven is seldom mentioned by our Gaelic
bards, except sometimes that they compare the hair of the heroes
and heroines in blackness to the raven. For instance, in the very
ancient poem of Fraoch, given in Gillies' collection, we have —
"Bu duibhe na 'm fitheach a ghruag,
Bu deirge a ghruaidh na fuil laoigh ;
Bu mhine na cobhair an t-mith,
Bu ghile na'n sneachd corp Fhraoich."
42 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Blacker than the raven his hair,
Redder than calf's blood his cheek,
Softer than the froth on the stream,
Whiter than snow the body of Fraoch.
Though seldom mentioned in the poetry, there is no other bird I
know of so often mentioned in the proverbs of the Gael, generally
not to its credit, though all showing an intimate knowledge of the
nature and habits of the raven. Alluding to the ravages it com-
mits amongst lambs, the old nursery rhyme, imitating the croak
of the raven, says — " Groc, grbc', ars am fitheach, 'se mo mhac-sa
chrimeas na h-uain" — Groc, groc, says the raven, it is my son that
will pick the lambs' bones. From its being a great glutton, which
often leads it into danger, we have — " Meallaidh am biadh am
fitheach bho'n chraoibh" — Food will lure the raven from the tree ;
and from its so quickly finding out any carrion or carcase we have —
" Fios fithich gu roic" — The ra ven's boding of a feast. And also —
" Cruinnichidh na tithich far am bi a chairbh" — Where the carcase
is the ravens will gather. We cannot blame it for this, as we have
it on the high authority of the Bible that the eagle, the king of
birds, does the same — " Wheresoever the carcase is, there will the
eagles be gathered together" — Matthew xxiv. 28. From its well-
known habit of always attacking the eyes of an animal first, we
have — " Am fitheach a dh' eireas moch, '$ aim leis a bhios suil a'
bheothaich a tha 's a' pholl" —The raven that rises early gets the
eye of the beast in the bog. So very fond is the raven of the eye
of an animal that it wont even share that tit-bit with its own
young, so the old saying is — " Cha toir am fitheach an t-suil dha
'isean fhein" — The raven wont give the eye to his own chicken.
When a raven happened to perch on a house-top, or on a tree near
a house, it was supposed to portend death to one of the inmates,
which explains the old saying — " Fitheach dubh air an tigh, fios
gu nighean an dathadair" — A black raven on the roof, a warning
to the dyer's daughters. This dyer's daughter was a famous Athole
witch, who lived to an extreme old age, and when she was dying an
old raven came and perched on the top of the house, and croaked there
till she died, and was supposed to have been the messenger sent to
claim her by the Evil One, to whom she had sold herself nearly a
century before. If the old witch and her master were the company
the raven kept, no wonder though another old Gaelic proverb says —
"Ma' s olc amfitheach, cha'nfhearrachomunn" — If bad be the raven,
his company is no better. Another common old saying is — "Tha
fios fithich agad" — You have a raven's knowledge. Of this Sheriff
The Gaelic Names o/ Birds. 43
Nicolson says — " That is, knowledge more than is natural. The
raven was believed to possess supernatural knowledge, and of
coming events in particular. This was also the Norse belief. Odin
was said to have two ravens which communicated everything to
him." There was also an old Highland superstition that the
young ravens killed the old ones, which is the origin of one of the
bitterest wishes or curses in the Gaelic language — "Bas fithich
ort" — A raven's death to you, i.e., May you be killed by your own
child. The raven being rather a tyrant over the crows and other
weaker birds, gave rise to the saying — " Ceist an fhithich air an
fheannaig " — The raven's question to the crow ; which Sheriff
Nicolson explains — " The sort of question sometimes asked by a
' Great Power ' of another, or per-haps smaller Power, in cases of
annexation, oppression, <fec." Having now given so many of the
proverbs of the Gael about the raven, I may give an example of
their prophecies as well. The famous Coinneach Odhar Mackenzie,
the Brahan Seer, in one of his predictions regarding the Clan
Mackenzie, speaking of the famous stone — " Clach an t-Seasaidh,"
near the Muir of Ord, says — " The day will come when the ravens
will, from the top of it, drink their three fulls, for three successive
days, of the blood of the Mackenzies." Another version has it —
" A's olaidh am fitheach a thri saitheachd
De dh-fhuil nan Gaidheal, bho Clach-nam-Fionn,"
" And the raven shall drink his three fills
Of the blood of the Gael from the Stone of the Feinne."
Let us hope, for the sake of the Clan Mackenzie, that this bloody
feast for the raven may never come, like the still more bloody one
promised to the ravens by Alex. Macdonald (Mac Mhaighster
Alastair), in his Oran nam Fineachan, or Gathering of the Clans,
when all the Clans were to rise for the " Auld Stuarts," and to
triumph —
" Over the necks of the foes o' Prince Charlie;"
and in one great battle to convert " the foes o' Prince Charlie" into
food for the ravens —
" S mdr a bhios ri corp-rusgadh
Nan closaichean 's a' bhlar :
Fithich anns an rochdadaich,
Ag itealaich, 's ag cnocaireachd ;
Ciocras air na cosgarraich,
Ag 61 's ag ith an sath.
Och, 's tursach, fann a chluinnear moch-thrath,
Ochanaich an air.
44 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Having given so many old sayings unfavourable to the raven, I
think I must in justice now give other two more favourable ones,
which say, " Feuinaidh na fithich fhein a bhi beo" — The ravens
themselves must live ; and, " Ge dubh am fitheach, is geal leis
'isean" — Black as is the raven, he thinks his chickens white.
Here, of course, the white raven's chicken is used figui-atively,
but as the old saying holds good that "truth is stranger than
fiction," so we have even pure white ravens in the flesh, as will be
seen from the following quotation from Grey's Birds of the West
of Scotland : — " In Macgillivray's work on British Birds, it is
stated that as many as two hundred ravens have been known to
assemble in a flock on the Island of Pabby, in the Sound of Harris,
a large herd of grampuses which was driven ashore there having
been the means of attracting them. Afraid of their prolonged
stay, and not liking the company of so many birds of evil repute,
the inhabitants resorted to the extraordinary expedient of captur-
ing a few and plucking off all their feathers, except those of the
wings and tail, in which plight they were set adrift as scare crows.
The main flock then left in a fright and did not return. In this
unusual congregation of ravens, an albino (or pure white one) was
observed, and a pied specimen was noticed some time afterwards
in Harris by Macgillivray. . . . These pied birds have been
observed of late years in one or two of the Outer Hebrides." This
mention of a white and pied raven reminds me of a story common
in Strathardle, of a farmer who had a shepherd, who thought the
only way to gain favour with his master was to say with him in
everything right or wrong, a practice, I am sorry to say, far too
common. However, after a time the farmer began to have his
suspicions that the constant backing up of his opinions and sayings
was not genuine, so to try the truth of them, he one day, on his
return from the hill, said to the shepherd, " Chunna mi fitheach
geal, am braighe a mhonaidh n' duigh" — I saw a white raven to-
day on the top of the hill. Now, this was a staggerer, for even
the obsequiousness of the shepherd, who, afraid to go quite that
length, yet still true tc his nature, answered, " Creididh mi sin,
oir cliunna mi fear breac n' de ami !" — I can well believe that, for
I saw a spreckled one there myself yesterday —an answer which
soon convinced the farmer how far his servant could be relied
upon. The raven is the first bird to breed in the Highlands,
which was noticed and put into rhyme by our ancestors, like so
much else of their knowledge, as being more easily remembered : —
" Nead'air Brighde, ubh air Inid, ian air Chaisg ;
Mar bi sin aig an fhitheach, bithidh am bas."
The Gaelic Names of Birds. 45
Nest on Candlemas, egg at Shrove-tide, bird at Easter :
If the raven have them not, death then is his lot.
Another old proverb about the raven's nest says — " Ciod a b'aill
leat fhaighinn 'an nead an fhithich ach am fitheach fein ?" — What
would you expect to find in the raven's nest but the raven itself.
The well-known crest of the Macdonells of Glengarry is a raven
perched upon a rock, and the slogan or war-cry of that gallant
clan was — " Craggan-an-Fhithich" — The Raven's Rock.
CARRION CROW.
Latin — Cormts cor one. Gaelic — Feannag, Cnaimheach ; G array,
Garrach — the young. Welsh — Brdn dyddyn.
A good friend of mine in Galloway, when questioned lately
about his religion, denned it — "That he aye tried to do as little
ill and as muckle guid as he could," but I am afraid the conduct
of the carrion crow is just the very reverse, as he seems "aye to do
as muckle ill and as little guid as he can ;" an opinion in which
Grey agrees with me, as he says, in his Birds of the West of Scot-
land— " On one occasion, when walking along the banks of Loch-
Eck, in Argyllshire, I observed a small party of carrion crows in
a rye-grass field, busily engaged in catching moths as they clung
to the stems of grass. The birds drew up their bodies, and
appeared as if wading at some disadvantage, the tall grass obliging
them to jump occasionally off the ground to reach their prey.
This is the only instance I can recollect in which it can be said
that their repast was not a work of mischief." The only redeem-
ing trait in this bird's chai-acter is the extreme care it takes of its
young, and its untiring exertions in feeding them, a fact taken
notice of and expressed by our ancestors in the old sayings :
" Is toigh leis an fheannaig a h-isean garrach gorui " — the crow
likes her greedy blue chick ; and " Is boidheach leis an fheannaig
a gorm garrach fhein " — the crow thinks her own blue chick a
beauty. We have also two other old sayings imitating the cry of
the crow :— " Fag, fag ! thuirt an fheannaig, 's i mo nighean a
gharrag dhonn " — go, go ! said the crow, that brown chick is my
child ; " ' Gorach, gorach', ars an fheannag, ' 's e mo mhac-s' an
garrach gorm ' " — gorach, gorach, said the crow, it is my son that
is the blue chick. Other the old proverbs referring to the crow-
are : — " An taobh a theid an fheannag, bheir i Teaman leatha " —
Wherever the crew goes, she takes her tail with her ; and "Is
dithis dhuinn sin, mar thuirt an fheannag ri 'casan'' — That's a
pair, as the crow said to her feet.
46 Gaelic Society of Inverness,
HOODED CROW.
Latin- Corvus co mix. Gaelic-- Feannag-gMas, Garrag-ghlas, Gar rac/t-
young, Starrag-young, in Harris. Welsh — Bran yr Jiverddon.
Bad as the character of the carrion crow is, I am afraid that
the hoodie is worse, as will be seen from the following quotation
from Grey — "The hoodie has got a terrible name, and his best
friend could hardly say one good word in his favour, supposing
he ever had such a thing as a friend, which is improbable. A
greedy, cowardly, destructive creature, his appearance is ugly,
and his voice hateful. But though no doubt ready enough to
commit any villainy against eggs, young game, chickens, and even
young lambs, yet in these wild districts where there is not much
game to injure, he subsists almost entirely on the bountiful pro-
vision afforded by the receding tide, and upon this multiplies ex-
ceedingly." A well-known habit of the hoodie is that, when it
gets a crab or shell-fish with too strong a shell to break with its
bill, it carries it high up in the air and lets it fall on the rock to
break it, and, if it does not succeed in the first attempt, it goes
much higher the second time. There is a very old Gaelic proverb
common in Atholl — Cha tig olc a teine, ach ubh naglas fheannaig.
— Nothing evil will come out of the fire but the grey crow's egg.
Sheriff Nicolson explains — "There is a strange story in Rannoch
about the great wizard, Michael Scott, to account for this saying.
It is said that, fearing his wife, to whom he had taught the
Black Art, would excel him in it, he killed her by means of
hoodie crows' eggs, heated in the fire and put into her arm -pits,
as the only thing against which no counter charm could prevail!"
So commom and ?o destructive were the hoodies at one time in
the North that they gave rise to the old Morayshire proverb —
"The Guil, the Gordon, and the Hooded Craw
Were the three worst things Moray ever saw."
The gule is well-known weed, even yet too common amongst grow-
ing crops, but at one time so very abundant that most tenants
were bound by their leases to eradicate it. The Gordon was the
famous Lord Lewis Gordon, who so often plundered Moray, and
whose example seems to have been followed with a vengeance by
the hoodie crow.
ROOK.
Latin — Corvus frugilegus. Gaelic — Rociis. Creumhach. Garraq
(Athole). Welsh— Yd/ran.
Clio Gaidhealach ris na garragan— as Highland as the rooks —
is a very common saying in Athole, where, from the wooded
The Gaelic Names of Birds. 47
nature of the country, rooks have always been very common,
though never great favourites, for though such familiar neighbours
in the every day life of the Gael, yet we very seldom find the rook
mentioned, either in their proverbs or poetry, excepting when
some disagi'eeable noise is likened to their noisy cawing in their
rookeries — as, for instance, when the bard Mac Codrum, disgusted
with the bad pipe music of Donald Bane, likens it to the cawing
of rooks. —
" Ceol tha cho sgreataidh
Ri sgreadail nan rocus."
In many parts of the Highlands, especially in Easter Ross, rooks
have become so numerous that measures have been taken to reduce
their numbers. However, rooks have been long accustomed to
persecution, and it does not seem to affect their numbers much.
As early as May 1424, we find an Act of the Scots Parliament
against " Ruikes biggan in trees"; and again in March 1457,
James II. passed the following strict Act against rooks and
"uther foules of riefe": — "Anent mikes, crawes, and uther foules
of reife, as eirnes, bisseites, gleddes, mittales, the quhilk destroyis
baith cornes, and wild foules, sik as pertrickes, plovares, and
utheris. And as to the ruikes and crawes, biggand in orchards,
trees and uther places : It is seen speedeful that they that sik
trees perteinis to, let them to big and destroy them with all their
power, and in no waies that their bhdes flee awaie. And quhair
it is tainted that they big and their birdes flee, and the nest be
founden in the trees at Beltane: the tree shall be faulted to the
King : bot gif they be redeemed fra him be them that they
perteined first, and five shillinges to the King's unlaw. And that
the said foules of reife all utterly be destroyed be all maner of
men, be all ingine of all maner of crafts that may be founden.
For the slaughter of them sail cause great multitudes of divers
kinds of wilde foules for man's sustentation." Grey quotes the
following original plan for catching rooks, from a curious old
work called the " Gentleman's Recreation," published in 1678 —
" How to take rooks when they pull up the corn by the roots.
Take some thick brown paper and divide a sheet into eight parts,
and make them up like sugar loaves ; then lime the inside of the
paper a very little (let them be limed three or four days before
you set them); then put some corn in them, and lay three-score of
them or more up and down the ground ; lay them as near as you
can under some clod of earth, and early in the morning before
they come to feed, and then stand at a distance and yon will see
48 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
most excellent sport, for as soon as rooks, crows, or pigeons come
to pick out any of the corn, it will hang upon its head, and he
will immediately fly, bolt upright so high, that he shall soar
almost out of sight, and when he is spent, come tumbling down
as if he had been shot in the air."
JACKDAWS.
Latin — Corvus gladanus. Gaelic — Cat/tag, Catkaij i/hlus, Cnnimk-
fhiach (Alex. Macdonald), Corrachan (lona and Mull). Welsh —
Cogfran.
Pennant, in his "Tour in Scotland in 1772," mentions as a
curious fact that he found jackdaws breeding in rabbit holes in the
Fame Island?. They do so still by the hundred amongst the rocks
of Strathardle, especially in Kindrogan Rock, not only in ready-
made rabbit holes, but in holes of their own making — about two
feet deep — in the earth amongst the very steep precipices, where
it is utterly impossible for a rabbit to reach. Almost as far back
as I can remember, I used to spend many a happy boyish day
taking them out of those holes in the breeding season ; and an
uncle of mine did the same a generation before me. One day in
particular he had provided himself with a long string, to which he
knotted the leg of every jackdaw he got out of a hole till he had
some dozens, when the string broke, and off they went fluttering
and screaming, each one wanting to go its own way, in a body
continually changing in shape, and so noisy, and so big and so
black, that had many of the good country folks seen it they would
at once have concluded that it was something very uncanny.
However, they had not gone very far ; for some time afterwards
he came across their bodies hanging in a tree in which they had
got entangled.
MAGPIE.
• Latin — Pica caudatag. Gaelic — Piogkaid, Cadhag, Aaid. Welsh
— Pioen.
This is another bird of evil omen, which even to this day is
disliked in most districts of the Highlands. The old rhyme says —
" H-aon aig breth, dha aig bron,
Tri aig banais, ceithir aig bas."
One at a birth, two at a grief,
Three at a wedding, four at a death.
Though the magpie is, perhaps, in the words of the old song, " Na
sae guid 's it should hae been," still it is a very beautiful bird,
which no doubt is the reason why some of our ladies, who not
The Gaelic Names of Birds. 49
being quite perfect, are sometimes likened in our old songs and
proverbs to magpies. For instance, Duncan Lothian, the Glen-
lyon. bard, in his proverbs in verse, likens a young woman who,
though she had great flocks and wealth, was so headstrong that her
husband had no peace with her, to a magpie —
" Pigheid chaileig air bheag ceill,
Ged robh feudail aic 'us stor,
Cha'n fhaod a fear a bin soiia,
Ma bhios i gnogach anns an t-sroin."
An old Strathardle saying, not very complimentary to either party,
used sometimes when an old bachelor from that strath takes a wife
from the Vale of A thole, goes —
" Cuiribh bonaid air bioran,
'S gheibh e pioghaid a Adholl."
Put a bonnet on a stick,
And it will get a magpie (wife) from Athole.
One of the old prophecies of Coinnich Odhar, the Brahan Seer, was
that — " When a magpie shall have made a nest for three successive
years in the gable of the church of Ferrintosh, the church will fall
when full of people." Regarding this, we read in the prophecies
of the Brahan Seer — " There were circumstances connected with
the church of Ferrintosh in the time of the famous Rev. Dr Mac-
donald, the Apostle of the North, which seemed to indicate the
beginning of the fulfilment of the prophecy, and which led to very
alarming consequences. A magpie actually did make her nest in
the gable of the church, exactly as foretold. This, together with
a rent between the church wall and the stone stair which led up
to the gallery, seemed to favour the opinion that the prophecy was
on the eve of being accomplished, and people felt uneasy when
they glanced at the ominous nest, the rent in the wall, and the
crowded congregation, and remembered Coinneach's prophecy, as
they walked into the church to hear the Doctor. It so happened
one day that the church was unusually full of people, insomuch
that it was found necessary to connect the ends of the seats with
planks in order to accommodate them all. Unfortunately, one of
those temporary seats was either too weak or too heavily burdened ;
it snapped in two with a loud report, and startled the audience.
Coinneach Odhar's prophecy flashed across their minds, and a
simultaneous rush was made by the panic-struck congregation to
the door. Many fell and were trampled under foot, while others
fainted, being seriously crushed and bruised."
4
50 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
JAY.
Latin — Gamdus glandarius. Gaelic — Sgraicheag, Sgraichay choille.
Welsh — Screch y coed.
Group III. — Scansores. Family I. — Picidce.
GREEN WOOD-PECKER.
Latin — Picus viridis. Gaelic — Lasair-choile (Lightfoot). Welsh —
Cnocell y coed, Delor y derw.
This beautiful bird, now very rare, if not extinct, in the
Highlands, seems to have been quite common in olden times.
Pennant mentions it in 1777. Lightfoot gives its Gaelic name in
1772. It is mentioned as a common bird in Dunkeld parish in
the Old Statistical Account in 1798, also in Don's Fauna of Forfar-
shire, 1812. This is an example, like the nightingale and several
others, of how some birds, without any known cause or reason,
have left Scotland entirely, or else become very rare, within the
last fifty years, while many others seem to be getting much more
common.
GREAT SPOTTED WOODPECKER.
Latin — Picus Major. Gaelic — Snagan-daraich (Grey), Snagan-mor,
Snag (Alexander Macdonald). Welsh — Delor fraith.
WRYNECK.
Latin — Yunx torquilla. Gaelic — Geocair, Gille-na-cubhaig. Welsh —
Gwas y gog, Gwddfdro
Very curiously I find that in most countries this bird is
reckoned the cuckoo's forerunner, or attendant, and so gets that
name in most languages.
In English — Cuckoo's mate. Gaelic — Gille-na-cubhaig. Welsh —
Gwas y gog. Swedish — Gjoktyta, &c.
In the Highlands we have the old nursery rhyme —
Le theanga fad biorach
Thug Gille-na-cubhaig, smugaid na cubhaig,
A beul na cubhaig, gu brog-na-cubhaig.
With his long sharp tongue,
The cuckoo's attendant carried the cuckoo's spittle
From the cuckoo's mouth to the cuckoo's shoe.
The wryneck has an extremely long tongue, which it can dart out
to a great length to catch an ant or insect, and it was supposed to
carry the " cuckoo's spittle," the well-known white frothy sub-
stance so often seen on plants, and to deposit it on the " cuckoo's
The Gaelic Names of Birds. 51
shoe," which is one of the names by which the corn-cockle, the
cowslip, and the wild hyacinth are known in Gaelic. If the wry-
neck had anything at all to do with the cuckoo's spittle, I should
say it would be to dart its long tongue into it for the sake of the
insect always to be found in it.
Family II. — Certkiadw.
CREEPER.
Latin — Certhiafamiliaris. Gaelic — Snaigear, Meanglan, Streapach.
Welsh — Y Gi epianog.
WREN.
Latin — Troglodytes vulgaris. Gaelic — Dreathan, Dreathan-donn,
Dreollan. Welsh — Dryw.
The lively little wren — "An dreathan surdail" — with its
brisk, active, and sweet song, which it pours out even in winter,
was a great favourite with our ancestors, and is very often men-
tioned in our poetry and proverbs. In fact, our best Gaelic bards
seemed to think no picture of niral scenery complete unless this
restless little songster figured in it. Macintyre, in his " Coire-
Cheathaich," says —
" An dreathan surdail, 's a ribheid chiuil aige,
A' cur nan smuid dheth gu lughor binn."
And the lively wren, with his tuneful reed,
Discourses music so soft and sweet.
And in his " Oran-an-t-t Samhraidh," or " Song of Summer " —
" San dreathan a' gleusadh sheannsairean
Air a' gheig is aird a mhothaicheas e."
And the wren then tunes his chanter
And sings on some high bough.
Alexander Macdonald mentions him in his " Allt-an-t-Suicair ; '
also says in his " Song of Summer "-
" Bidh an dreathan gu bailceant ;
Foirmeil, tailcearra, bagant',
Sior-chur failt' air a' mhadainn,
Le rifeid mhaisich, bhuig, bhinn."
And the little wren is ready
The morning light to greet,
So cheerfully and gladly,
With his reed so soft and sweet.
52 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Again in his " Allt-an-t-Siucair " the same bard says —
" An dreathan-donn gu surdail,
'Sa rifeid chiuil 'n bheul."
And the wren there sings so briskly
With his musical reed in tune.
Now let me draw attention to the curious fact that, in those four
quotations from the masterpieces of our two best modern Gaelic
bards, the song of the wren is always likened to pipe music or the
sound of the chanter reed, and certainly there is nothing to which
I can compare the rapid warbling song of this bird so much as to
the quick running notes in the crunluath of a piobaireachd
when played on the small chanter. Alexander M'Donald,
in his " Failte na Morthir," also mentions the wren by its other
name —
" Chiteadh Robin 'seinn a's sog air,
Agus frog air dreollan."
Though so much admired as a songster, and so often mentioned in
our poetry, yet when we turn to our proverbs, we find that they,
in a good humoured, bantering sort of way, generally make fun of
the consequential little wren. For instance, we have — " Is bigid
e sid, is bigid e sid, mar thuirt an dreathan, an uair a thug e Ian
a ghuib as a mhuir" — Tis the less for that, the less for that, as the
wren said when it sipped a bill-full out of the sea. Seemingly, the
wren repented of the damage done to the sea, and hastened to
repair it. As another proverb says — "Is moid i sid, is moid i sid,
mu'n dubhairt an dreathan-donn, 'n uair a rinn e dhileag 's a mhuir
mhoir" — It's the bigger of that, the bigger of that, as the wren
said when it added a drop to the sea. Small things and small-
minded men are generally compared to the wren, as when one
receives a paltry gift he says — Cha d' thainig ubh mbr riamh bho
'n dreathan-donn — Large egg never came from the wren. And
when a small man tries to make himself very big, the saying is
applied — Is farsuinn a sgaoileas an dreathan a chasan 'n a thigh
fheln — The wren spreads his feet wide in his own house. Sheriff
Nicolson says — "There is something felicitous in the idea of a
wren spreading his legs like a potentate at his own hearth."
Another old saying has it — Is farsuinn tigh an dreathainn — Wide
is the wren's house. Alluding to the great number of the wren's
young, we have — Ged 's beag an dreathan, 's mor a theaghlach —
Though little is the wren, yet big is the family.
The Gaelic Names of Birds. 53
HOOPOE.
Latin — Upupa epops. Gaelic — Calman-cathaicke (Alex. Macdonald).
Welsh — Y Goppocj.
An old saying, which Sheriff Nicolson says is applied to sick
children, goes — Gob a' chalmain-chathaidh, bith tu slan mu 'm
pos thu — Beak of hoopoe, you'll be well before you many.
NUT-HATCH.
Latin — Sitta JSuropma. Gaelic — /Sgoltan. Welsh — Delor y enau.
This is mentioned as one of the rarer birds in the parish of
Killin in the New Statistical Account in 1843. It would be
interesting to know whether it has increased or decreased there
since then.
CUCKOO.
Latin — Cuculus canorus. Gaelic — Cuthag, Cuach, Cuachag.
Welsh— Cog.
The note of the cuckoo, being so very uniform, has been the
cause of its having taken its name from it in all languages, and
also the fact of its not rearing its own young, but leaving them to
the care of other birds, has made most nations take more notice
of it than of most other birds, generally not to its credit, as Pen-
nant informs us that the name of the cuckoo is used as a
term of reproach, arising from this bird making use of the nest
of another to deposit its eggs in, leaving the care of its young to
the wrong parent. There was also an old belief that the cuckoo,
no doubt from its resembling some of the small hawks, changed
into a hawk, and devoured its nurse on quitting the nest, whence
the French proverb — Ingrat comme un coucou. The way the
French retaliate on the cuckoo, for eating its nurse is the very
characteristic one of their eating him, as they are very fond of a
dish of cuckoos, and so were the Romans before them, as Pliny says
that there is no bird to compare with them for delicacy. Even
in the English language the name of the cuckoo is used in a
reproachful sense by Shakespeare and other writers, and has given
at least one word to the language — cuckold. But I can find no
trace of this feeling in the Gaelic, for, though the Highlanders
had many curious ideas and superstitions about this bird, they
were all favourable to it. They watched its coming and its going,
especially the former, for to them it was the herald of summer.
" Gug, gug," ars a chubhag, latha buidhe Bealtainn — " Coo, coo,"
Bays the cuckoo, on yellow May da}'. Luath no mall g 'an tig am
Maigh, thig a' chubhag — Late or early, as May comes so comes
the cuckoo. And Macintyre in his Song of Summer says —
54 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.
" Thig a' chuthag sa' inhios Cheitein oirnn."
And the cuckoo will corne in tlie month of May.
A very common superstition in the Highlands was, that it was
very unlucky to hear the cuckoo, for the first time in the season,
before breakfast or while fasting, whence the old rhyme —
"Chuala mi 'chubhag gun bhiadh 'am bhroinn,
Ohunnaic mi'n searrach 's a chulaobh rium,
Chunnaic mi'n t-seilcheag air an lie luim,
'S dh'aithnich mi nach rachadh a' bhliadhn'ud learn."
I heard the cuckoo while fasting,
I saw the foal with its back to me,
I saw the snail on the flag -stone bare,
And I knew the year would be bad for me.
On the 1st April, All Fools' Day, when any one is sent on a fool's
errand, it is in Gaelic — A chuir a ruith na cubhaig — sending him
to chase the cuckoo — because, of course, there are no cuckoos on
that early date ; and in broad Scotch it is — to hunt the gowk,
the word gowk being merely a corruption of the Gaelic cubhag,
the pronunciation of both words being almost identical. And in
some other languages the name of the cuckoo is even nearer to the
Scotch word gowk — as in Swedish, gjok ; and in Danish, gouk.
So that the Scotch gowk, though originally only applied to the
1st of April cuckoo-hunting fool, is now applied to any fool during
any of the other 364 days of the year. If we can rely upon
Pennant, time was when even a fool might hunt up a cuckoo ou
1st April or before, as he says — " I have two evidences of their
being heard as early as February : one was in the latter end of
that month, 1771, the other on the 4th February 1769 : the
weather in the last was uncommonly warm." Truly, these were
the good old days, especially for the cuckoos. Alex. Macdonald
generally in his poems calls it the blue-backed cuckoo —
'S goic-mhoit air cuthaig chul-ghuimi,
'S gug-gug aic' aii1 a* gheig.
And
Cuthag chul-ghorm cur na'n smuid d' i
- Ann an duslainn challtainn.
Another Gaelic bard, William Ross, in a well-known song, makes
a pathetic appeal to the cuckoo to sympathise with him in his
grief —
The Gaelic Names of Birds. 55
"A chuachag nan craobh iiach truagh leat nio chaoidh
'S ini a g' osnaich ri oidhclie ceodhair."
0 cuckoo on the tree, won't you lament with me,
And join in my grief, on a misty eve.
And in another old song we have a mountain dairymaid likened to
the cuckoo of the wilderness —
"A bhanarach dhonn a' chruidh,
Chaoin a' chruidh, dhonn a chruidh
Cailin deas, donn a chruidh
Cuachag an fhasaich."
Group IV. — Fissirostres. Family I. — Meropidce.
ROLLER.
Latin — Caradas yarrula. Gaelic — Cuairsgean.
Family II. — Halcyonida}.
KING-FISHER.
Latin — Alcedo is}>ida. Gaelic — Biorra-cruidein. Biorra-an-t-iasgair
(Alex. Macdonald), Gobhac/ian-viisge(A.\e>x. Macdonald). Welsh —
Glds y dorian.
Family III. — Hirundinidce.
SWALLOW.
Latin — Hirundo rustica. Gaelic — Gobhlan-gaoithe, Ainleog (Alex.
Macdonald). Irish — Ailleog. Manx — Ghollan-gease. Welsh—
Gwennol, Gwensol.
The old proverb, that one swallow makes not summer, is com-
mon to all European languages. In Gaelic it is — Cha dean aon
ghobhlan-gaoithe samhradh. In Irish — Cha deaiman aon ailleog
samhradh ; and in Manx — Cha jean un ghollan-geaye sourey.
MARTIN.
Latin — Hirundo iirbica. Gaelic — Gobhlan-gaoithe, Gobhlan-taighe-
Welsh — Marthin penbwl.
SAND MARTIN.
Latin — Hirundo riparia. Gaelic — Gobhlan-gainmhiche, Fallag(Grey).
Welsh — Gennol y glennydd.
SWIFT.
Latin — Cym^lm apus. Gaelic — Gobhlan-mor, Ainleoy-mhor, Ainleof/-
dhubh, Ainleog-mhara (Alex. Macdonald). Welsh — Marthin dd.
56 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.
ALPINE SWIFT.
Latin — Cypselus alpinus. Gaelic — Gobhlan-tnonaid/i, Ainleofj-mfion-
aidh, Gobhlan-nan-creag.
This is a very rare bird. The Rev. J. E. Atkinson, in his
" British Birds' Eggs and Nests," says — " A bird which is known
to have visited us (in Britain) on some half-dozen occasions or
so." However, I am inclined to believe that, in several parts of
the Highlands, the Alpine Swift is to be found, though mistaken
for the common swift. I know a very high precipice amongst the
rocks of Strathardle, about 1400 feet above sea level, in which, in
a crack or rent in the face of the cliff, the Alpine Swift has bred,
and never missed a single season, from my earliest remembrance
up till I left the district a few years ago, and I have no doubt
they breed there still. My uncle has told me that, when he was a
boy, over fifty years ago, they bred there then, and had been there
from time immemorial. I do not wish to give the exact locality,
for if I did, collectors would very likely have them shot this very
season, and exterminate them, like so many more of our rarer birds
and even wild flowers, when their few habitats become known to
the public. The common swift generally lays two eggs, but some-
times three or four. How many the Alpine Swift lays I do not
know ; however, it must either lay a large nnmber, or else there
must have been several pairs nesting together in the crack in the
rock to which I refer, for I have lain for hours watching them,
after the young ones had flown, in a flock of twelve or sixteen,
flying about high in the air, and then all darting down suddenly
into the crack in the rock, in which they held a chattering,
screeching concert for a minute or so, and then all pouring out in
a torrent quicker than the eye could almost follow them, screech-
ing very loudly, and, after a while circling about, repeating the
same performance again and again. I could not be mistaken about
this being the Alpine Swift, as its white belly at once distinguishes
it from the common swift. Old and young keep together in a flock
till they leave the country early in August. I have never seen
them anywhere else.
NIGHT-JAB OR GOAT-SUCKER.
Latia — Caprimulgus Europeans. Gaelic — Sgraichag-oidhche, Seobhag-
oidhche. (Grey.) Welsh— Aderyn y droell. Rhodwr.
Order III. — Rasores. Family I. — Columbido}.
RING-DOVE OR WOOD PIGEON.
Latin— C ^lumbapalumbus. Gaelic— Calman-JuuUtaich, Calman-cotilc-
Fearan, Smudan, Duradan, Guragug. Welsh — Ys-guthan.
The Gaelic Names of Birds. 57
We have in Gaelic, as will be seen by several examples I have
already given, many old nursery rhymes which cleverly imitate the
cry of the different birds. That about the ring-dove closely
imitates its cooing — Cha 'n ann de mo chuideachd thu, cha 'n ann
de mo chuideachd thu, ars an caiman — You are not of my flock,
you are not of my flock, said the pigeon.
STOCK-DOVE.
Latin — Columba oenas. Gaelic — Caiman- fiadhaich, Calman-gorm.
ROCK DOVE.
Latin — Columha livida. Gaelic — Smudan, Smud, Calman-nan-creag,
Calman-mara.
A very common bird in the Hebrides and all along the West
Ooast. Grey says, in his " Birds of the West of Scotland"— " In
lona alone, though only a small island, we have as many as nine
or ten caves frequented by pigeons, and in nearly every island of
the Hebrides there is sure to be one called, par excellence, Uamh
nan Caiman — The Pigeons' Cave."
TURTLE-DOVE.
Latin — Columba tutsur. Gaelic — Turtur (Alexander Macdonald),
Gearrcach. Welsh — Colommen fair.
The last Gaelic name I find given in the vocabulary of words
not in common use given at the end of Kirk's Testament, pub-
lished in 1690.
Family II. — Phasianidas.
PHEASANT.
Latin — Phasianus Colckicus. Gaelic — Easag.
Though not a native British bird, the pheasant has been long
established amongst us in the wooded straths of the Highlands.
Giey says — " The first mention of the pheasant in old Scots Acts
is in one dated June 8th, 1594, in which year a keen sportsman
occupied the Scottish throne (James VI.) He might also have
been called ' James the Protector' of all kinds of game. In the
aforesaid year he ordained that quhatsumever person or persones
at ony time hereafter sail happen to slay deir, harts, phesants,
foulls, partricks, or uther wyld foule quhatsumever, ather with
gun, croce bow, dagges, halkes, or girnes, or be uther ingine quhat-
sumever, or that he is found schutting with any gun therein/ dec
shall pay the usual ' hundreth punds,' &c."
58 Gaelic Society of Inuemess.
Family III. — Tetraonidw.
CAPEKCAILLIE, OB COCK OF THE WOOD.
Latin — Tetrao urogallus. Gaelic — Caper-coille, Cajnd-coille (Light-
foot), Auer-coille (Pennant). Welsh — Ceilioy coed.
The Cock of the Wood, the king of British game birds, is a
native of the Highlands, and of old was very common there, but
it became extinct, about 1760 until it was introduced again from
Norway by the late Marquis of Breadalbane, about thirty years
ago. It is mentioned by Giraldus Cambrensis, Boethius, Bishop
Lesly, Pennant, and many other old writers. Pennant says —
" This species is found in no other part of Great Britain than the
Highlands of Scotland, north of Inverness ; and is very rare even
in those parts. It is there known by the name of Capercalze.
Auer-calze, and in the old law books Caperkally.
I have seen one specimen at Inverness, a male, killed in the woods
of Mr Chisholme, north of that place." In the Old Statistical
Accoxint the Pvev. John Grant says, in 1794 — " The last seen in
Scotland was in the woods of Strathglass about 32 years ago."
And in the account of the parish of Kiltarlity we read — " The
C'aperkally, or king of the wood, said to be a species of wild
turkey, was formerly a native of this parish, and bred in the woods
of Strathglass ; one of these birds was killed about 50 or 60 years
ago in the church-yard of Kiltarlity." It is also mentioned in the
Statistical Accounts of Glen-Urquhart and Glenrnoriston. Having
been reintroduced first into Perthshire, the capercaillie is now
naturally very common there, and that it was also so in olden
times will be seen from the following letter of King James VI.,
after he had become James I. of Britain and gone to England,
where he seems to have " hungered after the flesh-pots of Egypt "
in the shape of capercaillie (though to our modern tastes it would
be the last game flesh likely to be hungered after, owing to its
strong flavour of fir, consequent on its living almost entirely on
the young shoots of that tree), as he wrote to the Earl of Tulli-
bardine, ancestor of the Duke of Athole, in 1617 : —
" James R, — Right trustie and right well-beloved cosen and
counsellor, we greet you well. Albeit our knowledge of your
dutiful affection to the good of our service and your country's
credit doeth sufficientlie persuade us that you will earnestlie
endeavour yourself to express the same be all the means in your
power ; yet there being some things in that behalf requisite, which
seem, notwithstanding, of so meane moment, as in that regard
both you and others might neglect the same if our love and care
The Gaelic Names of Birds. 59
of that, our native kingdom, made us not the more to trie their
nature and necessity, and accordingly to give order for preparation
of everything that may, in any part, import the honour and credit
thereof. Which consideration, and the known commoditie yee have
to provide capercaillies and termigantes, have moved us very
earnestly to request you to employ both your oune pains and the
travelles of your friendis, for provision of each kind of the saidis
foules, to be now and then sent to us be way of present, be means
of our deputy thesuarer, and so as the first sent thereof may meet
us on the 19th of April at Durham, and the rest as we shall hap-
pen to meet and rancounter them in other places on our way from
thence to Berwick. The raritie of these foules will both make
their estimation the more pretious, and confirm the good opinion
conceaved of the good cheare to be had there. For which respectis,
not doubting but that yee will so much the more earnestlie endea-
vour yourself to give us acceptable service, we bid yon farewell.
At Whitehall, the 14th Marche, 1617."
In my native Strathardle, these birds have increased so much that,
over a dozen years ago, I have seen them do a great deal of damage
to Scotch fir and spruce trees by cutting off the previous year's
leading shoots ; though I well remember the first of them that
came to the district. When I was a boy at school, aboxit 1860,
there came on, in harvest, a tremendous gale from the west ; and
it being then the holiday season, I was prowling about Kindrogan
Rock, a few days after the great storm, when I came upon a great
black bird sitting upon a tree, which I mistook for an eagle, only
I was very much puzzled about its being so black. I duly informed
my friend, the head keeper, about my black eagle, but he pooh-
poohed me and told me it was only a big raven ; however, he saw
it shortly afterwards himself, and at once knew what bird it was,
and he and the other keepers agreed that it must have been blown
eastwards by the great gale from the woods of Athole or Bread-
albane — an opinion with which I now quite agree, as I hav^ often
seen a capercaillie cock rise to a great height in the air and circle
about for a long time like an eagle, when, if a smart gale came
on, it might go a long distance before alighting. The woods of
Faskally, a dozen miles to the west, and separated by a high
range of mountains and bleak, open moors, was the nearest point
where the capercaillie was then known. However, come as he
may, he was there and stayed there, and was often seen during
the winter, but in early spring he disappeared, and it was thought
he was gone for good. However, he seemed only to have followed
the example of the patriarchs of old, and gone to his own coun
60 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
try and his own kin for his wives, for, Jacob-like, he returned
with two of them. When the breeding season came on I knew
the nests of both hens ; however, owing to an accident, only one
of them hatched her brood. Next year I knew of several nests,
and they soon spread all over the strath, and then eastwards
through Glenisla into Forfarshire, thus recapercailling (if I may
coin the word) Glenisla, where of old they were very common, as
will be seen from an old song (a version of which is given in Gil-
lies' collection, page 136) by James Shaw, laird of Crathinard, in
Glenisla, to his future wife, Miss Machardy, niece to the Earl of
Mar, and heiress of Crathie. One of the inducements he held
out to her to leave her native Braes o' Mar and come and settle
with him in Glenisla was that, though he knew nothing about
sowing barley, yet he would keep her well supplied with all kinds
of game, amongst the rest capercaillies —
" Gar am bheil mis eolach mu chur an eorna,
Gu 'n gleidhinn duit feoil nam mang.
Fiadh a fireach, is breac a linne,
'S boc biorach donn nan earn.
An lachag riabhach, geadh glas nan lar-inns'
Is eala 's ciataiche snamh.
Eun i-uadh nan ciar-mhon', mac criosgheal liath-chirc
Is cabaire riabhach coille."
BLACK-COCK.
Latin — Telrao tetrix. Gaelic — Coileach-dubh (male), Liath-cJiearc
(female). Welsh— Ceiliog dd.
In the song just quoted about the capercaillie it will be noticed
the bard gives the black-cock a very poetical name, " Mac crios-
gheal liath-chirc " — white-belted son of the grey-hen. The caper-
caillie is almost always found in woods, and the grouse on the
open moors, whilst the black cock is the connecting-link, generally
frequenting moors bordering on woods. In the old proverb its
fondness for the heather is noted — " Is duilich an coileach-dubh a
ghleideadh bho'n fhi-aoch "--it is difficult to keep the black-cock
from the heather. Whilst in many of our old songs he is repre
sented as sitting crowing on the trees at daybreak —
" Bu tu sealgair a' choilich
'S moch a ghoireadh air craoibh."
Thou art the slayer of the black-cock
That crows at dawn on the tree.
The Gaelic Names of Birds. 61
The crowing of the black-cock and the reply of the grey-hen are
beautifully described by many of our best Gaelic bards. Mac-
intyre in " Coire Cheathaich " says —
" 'S a' mhaduinn chiuin-ghil, an am dhomh dusgadh,
Aig bun na stuice b'e 'n sugradh learn ;
A' chearc le sgiucan a' gabhail tuchain,
'S an coileach cuirteil a' durdail crom."
And Macdonakl, in " Allt an t-Siucair," says —
" An coileach-dubh ri durdan,
'S a chearc ri tuchan reidh."
Macintyre also describes the black-cock in his "Song of Summer": —
" Bidh an coileach le thorman tuchanach,
Air chnocaibh gorm a' durdanaich,
Puirt fliileanta, cheolmhor, shiubhlacha,
Le ribheid dluith chur seol oirre ;
Gob crom nam poncan lughora,
'S a chneas le dreach air dhublachadh,
Gu slios-dubh, girt-gheal, ur-bhallach,
'S da chirc a' sugradh boidheach ris.
This shows us the handsome black-cock, when full of life and love,
crowing his amorous chants to his wives (for he is of the Mormon
creed), and that he is beautiful even in death is proved by our
old Gaelic proverb — " Na triuir mharbh a's boidh'che air bith :
leanamh beag, breac geal, 'us coileach dubh" — The three prettiest
dead : a little child, a white trout, and a black-cock. One of the
oldest dancing pipe tunes in the Highlands goes : —
"Ruidhlidh na coilich-dhubha,
'S dannsaidh na tunnagan ;
Ruidhlidh na coilich-dhubha
Air an tulaich lamh num.
The black-cocks will reel,
And the wild ducks will dance ;
The black-cocks will reel,
On the knowe beside me.
I hare no doubt the smart black-cock would go through his part
of the performance very creditably, but I am afraid the poor duck
would make but an awkwai-d attempt at tripping it on the light
fantastic toe.
62 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
GROUSE.
Latin — Lagopus Scoticus. Gaelic — Coileach-ruadh, Coileach-
fraoich, Eun-fraoich (mas.), Cearc-ritadh, Cearc-jhraoich (fern.)
Welsh — Ceiliog Mynydd, Jdr fynydd.
The grouse is now the bird par excellence of the Highlands,
so much so indeed that the first inquiry about the value of a
Highland estate is the number of grouse that can be annually
shot on it. Owing to the almost total extermination of all hawks,
hooded crows, foxes, pole-cats, &c., and all such so-called vermin,
on grouse-moors, that prey upon the grouse or their eggs, and to
the great care and protection given these birds, they have multi-
plied to such an extent, that in this, as in all other similar cases,
dire disease has been the result. On this point Grey says — " The
jealous care with which this beautiful bird is protected appears of
late years to have materially affected the well-being of the species.
I cannot withhold expressing a fear that the Red Grouse of Scot-
land, if not soon left to its own resources, may ultimately become
a victim to over-protection. The great changes that have taken
place within the last thirty years in the management of moorland
tracks, and the excessive rents now derived from such properties,
have induced both land-owners and lessees to clear the ground of
all animals that would naturally prey upon those birds which are
not strong enough to protect themselves ; hence, sickly broods of
grouse perpetuate other broods that year by year degenerate until
disease ensues, and in some instances almost depopulates an entire
district. There can be no doubt that this unwarrantable destruc-
tion of hawks and buzzards affects adversely the condition of the
birds with which our Scottish mountains are stocked — the number
of wounded birds alone which survive the unprecedented annual
slaughter, through which the Red Grouse is now obliged to pass,
being an argument sufficient to show that such merciful agents are
wanted to prevent the spread of enfeebled life." In olden times
grouse shooting was a favourite sport, so we therefore find the
grouse very often mentioned in old songs, under many poetical
names, such as — Eun-ruadh nan ciar-mhon' — red bird of the grey
hills ; Coileach-ruadh an dranndan — the crowing red cock ; An
coileach is moiche a ghoireadh 's a bhruaich — the cock that earliest
crows on the brae ; Eun ruadh nan sgiath caol — red bird of the
narrow wing. In a very old song, to a hunter on the hills of
Athole, we have : —
'S trie a shiubh'l thu moil' Adholl
Ri la ceathach, fliuch, fuar,
The Gaelic Names of Birds. 63
Bu tu sealgair an fhirein
'S eoin chrin nan sgiath ruadh,
'S na circeige duinne
A bheireadh gur as a' bhruaich.
Oft hast thou roamed o'er the hills of Athole
On a cold, wet, misty day,
And there slain the eagle
And the small bird of the red wing,
And the little brown hen
That lays in the heather.
PTARMIGAN.
Latin — Lay opus vulgaris. Gaelic — Tarmachan, Tarmonach
(Lightfoot). Welsh — Coriar yr Alban (Scottish Partridge).
I have never heard the last Gaelic name in common use, but
as it is given by Lightfoot, who got all his Gaelic names from Dr
Stuart of Killin and Luss, we can have no better authority.
The ptarmigan is a truly Highland bird, only to be found on the
top of our highest mountains, from which it never descends, even
in the most severe weather, but burrows and feeds under the snow.
This gave rise to the old saying " Gus an tig an tarmachan thigh
nan cearc " — till the ptarmigan comes to the hen-house — applied
to anything that will never happen. " Cha chuir fuachd no acras
an tarmachan gu srath " — neither cold nor hunger will send the
ptarmigan down to the strath.
PARTRIDGE.
Latin — Perdix cinerea. Gaelic — Peirlog (mas., Alex. Macdonald),
Peurstag, Cearc-thomain (fern.) Welsh — Coriar, Petrisen.
The common partridge has increased very much in the High-
lands since the introduction of turnips and the increase of arable
land. The hill partridge, the Perdix cinera var. montana of Sir
William Jardine, is also very common on the hills and higher
glens of the Highlands of Perthshire and Forfarshire. It is a
much handsomer bird than the common partridge.
RED-LEGGED PARTRIDGE.
Latin — Perdix rufa. Gaelic — Peurstag-dftearg-chfisach, Cearc-
thomain-dhearg-chasach.
64 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
QUAIL.
Latin — Cotnrnix vulgaris. Gaelic —Gearradh yort. Welsh —
So/liar, Rhino.
The quail is far commoner in the Highlands than it is sup-
posed to be, but, from its retired habits, it is seldom seen, and
even when seen, it is generally mistaken for a partridge by ordin-
ary observers. That it visits, and even breeds in, the remotest
corners of the Highlands will be seen from the following qxiofcation
from Grey : — " When in the island of North Uist in the beginning
of August 1870, Mr John Macdonald, Newton, showed me a nest
of twelve eggs which had been taken near his residence about ten
days previously. These are in the collection of Captain Orde."
However, it appears amongst us in very small numbers compared
with what it did amongst the ancient Israelites in the Wilderness,
or even with what it does to the present day in some countries,
according to the Rev. J. C. Atkinson, who says in his " British
Birds' Eggs and Nests ": — " In some countries its migratory hosts
are so great than one hundred thousand are said to have been
taken in a day."
Class IV. — Grallatores. Family I. — Charadriidce.
GOLDEN PLOVER.
Latin — Charadrius pluvialis. Gaelic — feadag. Welsh —
Cwttyn yr awr.
This beautiful bird takes its Gaelic name, feadag (whistler),
from its plaintive, melancholy cry; about which I have heard the
following old legend in Strathardle : — Once upon a time the golden
plover inhabited the low straths and river-sides, and was the
sweetest songster of all the birds in the Highlands. It nestled and
reared its young under the shelter of the thick bushes on the sunny
braes, where it had plenty of food and led a comfortable happy
life till there came on a very hot, scorching summer, the like of
which was never known before or since. The heat began on
"Yellow May-day" (La buidhe Bealltain), and increased more and
more every day till midsummer, when every beast and bird began
to suffer and complain very much of the heat. But amongst them
all none grumbled so much as the golden plover, and it, at last,
gi*ew so discontented that it left its old haunts by the river-side
and wandered upwards in search of cooler quarters. Up and up
it went, over the banks and braes, through the woods and bogs,
till at last it came to the open hillside, where it met the partridge,
which then inhabited the highest hills and moors. Frenchmen of
The Gaelic Names of Birds. 65
to-clay laugh at firitons and say that the first thing they do when
they meet is to tell each other the very best thing they know —
viz., what kind of day it is. Now, however ridiculous this habit
may be, it, at least, has the merit of antiquity, for it was the very
thing the partridge and the plover did on this hot, hot day, long,
long ago, so long ago that the birds could then speak to each other
in good Gaelic. So, after they had told each other that it was a
hot day, yes, a very hot day; each recounted its sufferings. The
plover said it had been nearly stifled with the heat in the close
valley below, and if it could only get to the open hill-top to get the
fresh breeze it would be all right; whilst the partridge said it had
been nearly roasted alive by the glare of the sun on the open hill-
side. So the upshot of the matter was that, as treaties were easier
settled in those days than now, they decided to exchange places
there and then. So the partridge flew downwards and settled
under the shelter of the friendly bushes on the low meadows,
whilst the plover winged his way upwards, and only stopped when
he reached the top of the highest stone on the cairn, where he gang
a sweet song in praise of the cool breeze always to be found at such
a height. He cared nothing for the heat now, it was quite cool,
and, with an extended view round about, and as everything hud
the charm of novelty, he led a happy life, and sang sweeter than
ever, all through the summer and early harvest. But when the
frosty nights began to creep on in October he did not begin to sing
so early in the morning, and always stopped when the sun went
down. When cold November's wintry blasts came on his sone
ceased altogether, and he could only give a long shrill whistle, but
dark December's wild storms reduced even that to the low plain-
tive wail with which to this day the golden plover laments his folly
in making such a hasty bargain. He never sang again, but has
been mourning and lamenting ever since ; even though the part-
ridge, taking pity on his woeful condition, and touched by his
mournful lament, afterwards relaxed the bargain so much as to
allow the plover to return in winter to the low ground, on condi-
tion that it would keep to the sea-;hore, and that the partridge
would be allowed to go as far up the hills as it liked in summer.
Such is the story as I got it — " Ma 's briag bh'uam e 's briag h-ugam
e." From the swift flight of the plover we have the old saying,
" Cho luath ris na feadagan tirich" — as swift as the mountain
plover.
DOTTEREL.
Latin — Charadrim morinellus. Gaelic — A madan-Mointich.
Welsh— Huttan.
5
66 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.
The Gaelic name of this bird — "The Peat-moss Fool" — is
singularly appropriate, for, from its exceedingly foolish, simple,
and unsuspicious habits, it falls an easy prey to all emenies.
RINGED PLOVER.
Latin — Gharadrius hiaticula. Gaelic —Trileachan-traiyhe, BotJwg.
Welsh— Mdr Uedydd.
GREY PLOVER.
Latin — Squatarola cinerea. Gaelic — tfreagag, Trileachan, Feaday-
ghlas (Grey). Welsh — Cwttyn llwyd.
LAPWING OR PEEWIT.
Latin — Vanellu? cristatus. Gaelic — Adharcan-luachrach, Adlbar-
cagluachrach, I'ibhinn (Grey). Welsh — Cornchwiyl.
I find that in Galloway and many parts of the south of Scot-
land this bird is universally disliked, ever since the old Covenant-
ing days, when it betrayed many a wanderer on the hills to the
blood-thirsty troopers, by its well-known habit of following any-
one who may come near its haunts, making a clamorous outcry.
Captain Burt also, in his letters from the North of Scotland, men-
tions another rather curious reason why the peewit was disliked
in olden times in Scotland; it is also mentioned by other writers,
especially by the Rev. James Headrick in his " Agricultural View
of Forfarshire," published in 1 813. He says: — " The green plover
or peeseweep appears early in spring and goes off in autumn. As
they only come north for the purpose of incubation, and are very
lean, none of them are liked for food. They return to the fenny
districts of England, where they get very fat, and are killed in
great numbers. In consequence of the inveteracy excited by the
ambitious pretensions of Edward I. to the Scottish crown, an old
Scottish Parliament passed an Act ordering all the peeseweeps' nests
to be demolished, and their eggs to be broken ; assigning as a reason,
that these birds might not go south and become a delicious repast
to our unnatural enemies the English."
TURNSTONE OR I1EBRIDAL SANDPIPER.
Latin — /Strepsilas interpres. Gaelic — Gobhachan, Ttileachan-
traiyhe. Welsh — Huttan y mdr.
SANDERLING.
Latin — Calidris arenaria. Gaelic — Luadhearan-glas, Trileachan-
glas. Welsh — Llwyd y tywod.
OYSTER-CATCHER OR SEA-PIET.
Latin — Hcetnatopus ostralegus. Gaelic — Gille-bride Gille-bridein,
Bridean, Dolid. Welsh — Pioyen y mdr.
The Gaelic Names of Birds. 67
Family II. — Gruidce.
CRANE.
Latin — Grus cinerea. Gaelic — Corra-mhonaidh. Welsh — Gatun.
This tine bird, though now seldom or never seen in the High-
lands, used to be very common, and to be reckoned equal in value
to a swan. In the rental-roll of the old Abbey of Coupar- Angus,
I find the crane often mentioned in old tacks to tenants of the
Abbey, who also held the office of fowler. I may give an ex-
ample of one by Abbot Donald Campbell, son of the Duke of
Argyll — an ecclesiastic who had a keen relish for the good things
of this life: — Tack to John Sowter, of Mylnhorn, 1541. "Be it
kend till all men be thir present letres, we Donald, be the per-
mission cf God, Abbot of Cowper For the
gratitudis and thanks done to ws and our said Abbey, be our
familiar seruitor Johane Sowter . . . and for vtheris gude
caussis moving ws to have sett and formale latt, to our welebel-
ouittis the said Johane Sowter, and to Isabell Pilmour, his spous,
all and hale the tane half of our corn myln and landisof Milnhorn.
the entres thairof to begyn at the fest of Witsumlay in
the zeir if God Im Vc and fourty-ane zeris . . . for three
poundis glide and vsuall money, at Witsunday and Mertymt-s,
together with xviii. capones for thair pultre, and ilk tuay zeris
arris ane fed bair, guide and sufficient (and every two years one
fat boar, good and sufficient) vpoun thre monthis' warnying. And
the said Johane sail hunt and vse the craft of fowlarie at all times
at his power, and quhat fowlis at happynnis to be slain be him,
or be any vtheris at he is pairtisman with, they sail present the
saymn to our said place, to cellerar or stewartis thairof for the
tyme, vpoun the pricis efter following, that is to say — Ilk wild
guiss, tuay schillingis ; ilk cran and swan, five schiliingis ; pluffar,
dotrale, quhape, duik, reidschank, schotquhaip, and tele, and all
vther sic small fowlis, ilk pece, four penneis ; petrik, ilk pece viiid.
And in^cace that the said Johane Sowter failzies in his said craft,
and diligence for using of the samen, or at he absent the fowlis
tane be him and vtheris as said is, it being notirlie knawing or
sufficientlie preving befor ws, the said Abbot, or that he will
nocht purge himself, in that cace. the said Johane salbe in ane
vulaw of xxxs. (thirty fshillings) for ilk fait beand preving or
vnpurgit as said is."
Family III. — Ardeidce.
COMMON HERON.
Latin — Ardea cinerea. Gaelic — Cor>-ti-<jld<n*, Corra-riaiihach, Corra-
sgriach, Corra-chrithich, Corra-yhriobkach, Cor>'a-(/hlas(Deut. xiv.
18.) Welsh— Cryr glds.
68 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
From the extreme patience of the heron when waiting for
fish to come its way arose the old saying : — lasgach na corra —
The heron's fishing, a model of patience.
WHITE HERON.
Latin — Ardea alba. Gaelic — Corra-bhan. Welsh — Cryr gwyn.
COMMON BITTERN.
Latin — Botaurus stellaris. Gaelic — Corra-yhrain, Bubaire, Graineag,
Stearnall (Alex. Macdonald). Welsh — Aderi/n y bwnn, Bivmp y
gors.
WHITE STORK.
Latin — Ciconia alba. Gaelic — Corra-bkan (Deut. xiv. 18).
SPOON-BILL.
Latiu — Platalea leacorodia. Gaelic — Gob-lathainn.
Family IV. — Scolojmddai.
CURLEW.
Latin — Numenius arquata. Gaelic — Guilbneach, C rotach-mhara.
Welsh — Gylfinhir.
This bird is so very wary in its habits that it gave rise to the
old saying — Is sealgair math a mharbhas geadh, 'us corr', 'us
guilbneach. He is a good sportsman who kills a wild goose, a
heron, and a curlew.
WHIMBREL.
Latin — Numenius phceopus. Gaelic —r- Eun-Bealltainn, Leth-
ghuilbneach. Welsh — Coeg ylfinhit .
The whimbrel, or, as its name means in Gaelic, the May-bird
or half-curlew, is now almost, if not altogether, a migratory bird,
though once breeding quite common with us. Lightfoot says, in
1772 : — " The whimbrel breeds in the heath of the Highland hills,
near Invercauld."
RED-SHANK.
Gaelic — Cam-g/tlas, Ridghuilanach (A. Macdonald), Gob-labh-
arrtha (A. Macdonald), Clabhais /each (Grey). Welsh —
Coeayoch.
COMMON SANDPIPER.
Latin — Totanus hypoleuca. Gaelic — Trileachan-traighe, Trileach-
an-traighich, Earr-ghaimnhich, Boag, Luathrain. Welsh —
Pibydd-y-traeth.
GREENSHANK.
Latin — Totanus glottis. Gaelic — Deoch Bhinyh (Grey). Welsh —
Coeswerdd.
The Gaelic Names of Birds. 69
BLACK-WINGED STILT.
Latin — Uimpantopus inelnnoptencs. Gaelic — Fad-chasach, Lurgan-
nch. Welsh — Cwttyn hirgoes.
This is a very rare bird now in the Highlands, though not
so long ago it seems to have been found in many different districts,
Don mentions, in his Forfarshire list of birds, that it was found
on the mountains of Glen-Clova, also on Ben-Lawers in Perthshire.
It is also mentioned in the New Statistical Account of the parish
of Glensheil as being a rare bird in that parish in 1836 ; also in
several other districts.
BAR-TAILED GODWIT.
Latin — Liinosa rufa. G aelic — Rhoid ghuilbneach (Grey). Welsh
— lihostog rhudd.
RUFF.
Latin — Machetes puynax. Gaelic — Gibeagan. Welsh — Yr
fmladdgar.
WOODCOCK.
Latin — Scolopax rusticola. Gaelic — Coilleach-coille, Crom-nan-
duilleag, Greobhar,Grailbeag, Uddacay (A. Macdonald),
Uday (Uist). Welsh— Cyffylog.
I have already had to lament so often that so many of our
birds have either become extinct altogether, or else extremely rare,
that it is with great pleasui'e that I now come to one that seems
to be increasing vastly with us, and also now staying to breed
with us regularly. Pennant says in 1772 : — "These birds appear
in flights on the east coasts of Scotland .about the end of October,
and sometimes sooner ; if sooner, it is a certain sign of the winter
being early and severe; if later, that the beginning of the winter will
be mild. Woodcocks make a very short stay on the east coasts
owing to their being destitute of wood ; but some of them resort
to the moors, and always make their progress from east to west.
They do not arrive in Breadalbane, a central part of the kingdom,
till the beginning or middle of November ; and the coasts of
Northern Lorn or of Ross-shire till December or January; are very
rare in the more remote Hebrides, or in the Orkneys. A few strag-
glers now and then arrive there. They are equally scarce in Caith-
ness. I do not recollect that any have been discovered to have bred
in North Britain." As a proof that woodcocks are not scarce in the
Isles now, I may mention that Thompson, in his " Birds of Ire-
land," tells us that in the winter of 1846-47 one thousand wood-
cocks were killed on two estates alone in Islay — Ardinmevsy and
70 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Islay House. And as for it not breeding in Scotland, whatever it
did in Pennant's time it certainly breeds there now by the him-'
dred, if not by the thousand, from Sutherland to Mull of Galloway.
Grey, in his " Birds of the West of Scotland," says that it has bred
regularly for the last thirty years at Tarbat ; also at Beaufort
Castle, and Captain Cash of Dingwall informed him that it nests
in the woods of Brahan Castle and Castle Leod. I have known
it breed at Raigmore. It has also bred in Kindrogan woods in
Strathardle for at least fifty years, and I now find it breeding
very commonly in Galloway. The Rev. J. C. Atkinson, Grey, and
many other writers, mention the curious fac4", that the woodcock
carries its young between its feet from the coverts to the feeding
grounds in the neighbouring bogs ; and Mv Stewart, head-keeper
to H. G. Murray Stewart, Esq. of Broughton and Cally, informs
me that when he was wHh the Earl f Mansfield in Perthshire lie,
one evening about dusk, shot what he took to be a hawk carrying
off a bird, but which, when he went to pick it up, turned out to
be a woodcock carrying one of its you tig from a thick covert to a
bog to feed. Alex. Macdonald says, in his "Failtena Morthir": —
" Coillich-choille 's iad ri coilleig
Anns an doire chranntail."
Alluding to its migratory habits, coming at the beginning of
winter, the old Manx proverb says — " Cha jean un ghollan-geaye
Sourey, ny un chellagh-keylley Geurey" — One swallow makes not
summer, nor one woodcock winter.
SNIPE.
Latin — Scolopax gallinago. Gaelic — Croman-loin, Buta-gochd,
Meannan-adhair, Gabhar-adhair, Gabhar-oid/tche, Eun-ghurag
Eun-ghabhraig, Leondhrag, lanrag, Eun-arag, Boc-sac, Bocan-
loin, Naosg. Welsh — Y sm itlan, Y fyniar.
What a formidable list of Gaelic names — there is a different
name for the snipe in almost every glen in the Highlands. No
wonder though the old proverb says — The uiread de ainmeannan
air ris an naosg — He has as many names as the snipe. It takes
its Gaelic names of Gabhar-adhair (sky-goat or air-goat), Meannan
adhair (sky or air kid), from its cry being so very like the bleating
of a goat.
JACK SNIPE.
Latin — Scolopax gullimula. Gaelic — Croman-beag, Gabhrag-
bheag. Welsh — Giach.
The Gaelic Names of Birds. 71
DUNLIN.
Latin — Trim/ a variabifis. Gaelic — Pollaran, Pollairenn (sum-
mer). Gille-feadaiy (winter). Welsh — Fibydd rhuddgoch*
The Gaelic name of the Dunlin — Pollaran, small bird of the
mud holes — describes its habits in a single word, as it is always to
be found wading in muddy holes left by the receding tide, in
search of its food.
Family V. — KaUidce.
LAND RAIL.
Latin — Crex jwtaensis. Gaelic — Treun-ri-treun, Treubhna,
Treunna. Welsh — Rhegen yr yd.
A very curious habit of this bird, which does not seem to be
generally known, is that if it is quietly approached after dark in
a hay field where there is a thick cover, when it is " craking " it
will allow one to come so close as to stand right over it, and still
continues to utter its harsh cry. I have often followed it so, right
across a field ; but though I was within a few inches of it I could
never see it. I have often tried to catch it, when leaning right
over it, by suddenly dropping down upon it. However, it always
springs up some yards in front. It glides so very quietly and
swiftly through the grass, and is so sharp that it can well allow a
very near approach and still feel safe enough.
WATER-RAIN.
Latin — Rattus aquaticus. Gaelic — Snagan-allt, Dubh-snagan,
Snagan-dnbh. Welsh — Cwtiar.
This is one of the very shiest of British birds. It can slip
away or hide itself where there is scarcely a particle of cover ;
and from this comes the old proverb — B'e sin buachailleachd nan
snagan-dubh 's an luachair — That were the herding of the water-
rail among the rushes ; applied to any impossible undertaking.
WATER HEN.
Latin — Gidlinula chloropus. Gaelic — Cearc-uisge. Welsh
Dwfriar.
Family VI. — Lobipedidce.
COOT, OR BALD COOT.
Latin — Fulica atra. Gaelic — Lnchft-bhlar, Eun-snamhtlut
(Alex. Macdonald). Welsh — J.ar d^lwfr foel fwyaf.
RED-NECKED PIIALAROPE.
Latin — Phnlaropus byperboreus. Gaelic — Deargan-attt (Grey).
Welsh — Pibydd coch llydandroed.
72 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Order V. — Natatores. Family I. — Anatidce.
GREY-LEGGED GOOSE, OR GREY-LAG.
Latin — Anser ferus. GmeMc—Geadh-glas. Welsh — Gwydd.
In the old song, already quoted in the article on (he
Capercaillie, we have —
" An lachag riabhach, geadh-glas nan lar-innis',
Is eala 's ciatfaiche snamh,"
The brown-striped dnck, grey goose of the Western Isles,
And the proudly-swimming vswan.
The grey-lag may well be called the " grey goose of the Western
Isles," as it is a permanent resid nt there, and is everything but
a friend to the crofters. This will be seen from the following
quotation from Grey : — " The grey-lag is now almost wholly
confined during the breeding season to some of the bleakest bird-
nurseries of the Outer Hebrides. There it leads a comparatively
quiet life, being but seldom molested, save at the season when the
slender crops are being gathered ; and even then the native
farmers prefer the practice of driving it off by lighting fires to the
extreme measure of powder and shot. For the last hundred years,
indeed, the flocks of wild geese that collect about that season — and
a very important one it is to these isolated husbandmen — have
been kept at bay by fires alone. As soon as the breeding season
is over the geese gather into large flocks, and are then very
destructive to farm produce of all kinds ; indeed, it requires the
utmost watchfulness on the part of the crofters to keep them in
check. Several fires are made in the fields, and kept burning
night and day, and by this means the crops are to a great extent
saved. But the moment, any of the fires are allowed to fail, the
geese, which are continually shifting about on the wing, suddenly
pitch on the unprotected spot, and often do much mischief before
they are discovered."
BEAN GOOSE.
Latin — Anser segetum. Gaelic — Muir-gheadh. Welsh — E Icy sen.
WHITE FRONTED GOOSE.
Latin — Anser-albi/rons. Gaelic — Geadh-bhlar. Welsh — Gwydd
wyllt.
BERNICLE GOOSE.
Latin — Anser leucopsis. Gaelic — Cathan, Cath-ian Lead an.
Welsh — Gwyran.
The Gaelic name of this goose means war-bird, fighting-bird,
The Gaelic Names of Birds. 73
or warrior-bird. It is only a winter visitor with us, going to the
Arctic regions to breed. It was its coming to us in such vast
flocks, and yet never being known to lay eggs or breed, that gave
rise to the absurd old belief that the Bernicle Goose, instead of
being bi-ed from an egg like other birds, camu from a shell that
grew on trees in the Hebrides. Even so late as the time of
Gerald, the herbalist, we find this ridiculous theory still believed,
as he tells us " that in the northern parts of Scotland there existed
certain trees bearing, instead of fruit, small russet coloured shells
which opened at maturity, and let fall little living things which,
at the touch of ocean, became bernicles." The worthy botanist
then proceeds to relate " what his own eyes had seen and his own
hands had touched on a small island strewed with sea- waifs, in the
shape of wrecks and the trunks of trees covered with a froth or
spume. This froth changed into shells containing something like
lace of silk finely woven, as it were, together, one end being
attached to the inside of the shell, and the other in a loose mass
or lump of matter. When this is perfectly formed the shell gapeth
open, and the first thing that appeareth is the foresaid lace or
string, next come the legs of the bird hanging out, and as it
groweth greater it openeth the shell by degrees, till at length it
is all come forth, and hangeth only by the bill ; in short space after
it cometh to full maturity and falleth into the sea, where it
gathereth feathers, and groweth into a fowl bigger that a mallard
and lesser that a goose." Wild as this story is, Chambers says it
is matched by even a higher authority, Sir Robert Murray, one of
His Majesty's Council for Scotland, who records, in the Philoso-
phical Transactions for 1078, how lie plucked several shells from
a rotten fir tree on the Isle of Uist, and upon opening them found
each one containing the i-udiments of a bird — the little bill like
that of a goose, the eyes marked, the head, neck, breast., wings,
tail, and feet formed, the feathers every where perfectly shaped and
blackish coloured. So widespread was this belief, and so thoroughly
believed, that the high authorities of the Roman Catholic Church
decreed that as the bernicles were not engendered of flesh they
were not to be considered as birds, and might, therefore, be eaten
by the faithful on fast days. T may add that the shells from which
the bernicle was supposed to come belongs to a variety of
mollusks, now know to naturalists as Gin-ipedia. I suspect the
word bernicle, as either applied to the bernicle goose or the shell-
fish, comes from the Gaelic Bairnnach — a limpet or shell-fish
(Alex. Macdonald) — literally, the notched or nicked shell. The
bernicle goose is often mentioned in our old lore. In Gillies' rare
work, in an old lorram, page 50, we have : —
74 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
" Bu tu sealgair a' Chatham
Theid san athar le scaoim,"
and in the same work we have in an old song by Donald Gorm's
daughter to Lachlan og Mackinnon : —
" Gur sealgair geoidh 's cathain thu,
Roin mhaoil re taobh iia raai'a thu,
Theid miol-choin ann an tabhann leat
'S bidh abhaic air an lorg."
BRENT GOOSE.
Latin — Anser, Greuta. Gaelic — G 'earth-got, Got-gheadh, Giruenan
(Grey). Welsh — Gwyran, fanyw.
HOOPER, OR WILD SWAN.
Latin — Cyngas ferus. Gaelic — JEala, Eala-fhiadhaich, Eala-bhan.
Welsh — Alarch, ywyllt.
The wild swan — Ni£hean uchd-gheal nan sruth — " The white-
bosomed maiden of the streams," as it is poetically called by
some of our old bards, is perhaps oftener mentioned in the old
lore of the Highlands than any other bird. Its graceful form,
purity of colour, and majestic and easy motions on the water,
made it a theme for the poet and the lover, who compared his
lady-love to the graceful swan. Macinfcyre says of Iseabal Og : —
'S e coltas na h-ainnir
An eal 'air an t-snamh.
As graceful the maiden
As swan on the lake.
And Macdonald says of Morag : —
Maighdeann bhoidheach nam bas caoine,
'S iad cho maoth ri cloimh na h-eala.
Beautiful maiden, whose hands are as white
And as soft as the down of the swan.
And often when separated by the sea, the ardent lover wished he
could swim like the swan, and so reach his beloved, as we have it
in C 'aite 'n caidil an ribhinn : —
'S e dh 'iarrninn riochd na h-eala bhain
A shnamhas thar a' chaolas,
'Us rachainn fein troirnh thonnaibh breun
A chuir an geill mo ghaoil dhuit.
If, like the swan, I now could sail
Across the trackless ocean ;
The Gaelic Names of Birds. 75
Ere break of day my love I'd hail,
And prove my heart's devotion.
From its great size, and extremely wary habits, making it so
difficult to capture, the swan was always an object of ambition to
the sportsman : —
Bu tu sealgair na h-eala,
'S neul a fal' air a taobh.
As I mentioned before, when at the eagle, no Highlander was reck-
oned a finished sportsman till he had killed an eagle, a swan, and
a royal stag. The wild swans, with very few exceptions, always
retire to the Arctic regions in summer to breed, a fact well known
to our ancestors, for in " Miann a' Bhaird AosJa"- -" The Aged
Bard's Wish " — the bard tells us that the swan — the beautiful
maiden of the snow-white breast, that swyus so gracefully o'er
the waves, and rises on a light, wing, flies through the clouds to the
cold regions of the many waves, where never a sail was spread on
a mast, or the waves cut by an oaken prow of ship ; the swan
that travelled from the region of waves shall sing her lament for
her love to the aged bard : —
" Bithidh nighean aluinn an uchd-bhain
A' snamh le sgriach air barr nan tonn ;
'Nuair thcgas i sgiath an aird
A measg nan nial, cha'n fhas i trom.
'S trie i ag asdar thar a chuan,
Gu aisridh fhuar nan ioma tonn,
Anus nach togar breid ri crann,
'S nach do reub sron daraich tuinn.
Bithidh tusa ri dosan nan torn
Le cumhadh do ghaoil aim ad bheul,
Eala thrial) o thur nan tonn,
'S tu seinn dhomh ciuil 'an aird nan speur.
It is a very ancient belief common to most nations, especially the
Celts, that the swan sings very sweetly when wounded or betbi-e
it dies. Most naturalists deny this, but the inhabitants of the
remote wild districts now frequented by the wild swans are just
as positive that they do sing, and certainly they should know best.
On this point Mr A. A. Carmichael sent me the following note
from Uist : — "This exceedingly beautiful and graceful bird used
to be a constant winter visitor to all those islands. It is not so
much now. In a severe winter a flock of swans still comes to
76 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.
Lochbee in South Uist, but nowhere else that I have ascertained.
Lochbee is the largest fresh water lake in the Long Island, but
the water was reduced in it some years ago, and since then the
swans do not seem to have the same favour for it. It does not
seem a settled point yet whether the swan sings or not. Natural-
ists maintain that it does not, and yet several persons who have
had opportunity of judging have assured me that it does. I have
minutely examined persons who live near Lochbee, and all main-
tain that the swan sings. Some of these positively assert that
they have often stood spell-bound listening to the music of the
swan — ' the most beautiful melodist in the " ealtainn." ' They
sing in part even at a long distance, a mile or more. This is
declared by four brothers (Macinnes) at Lochcarnan, South Uist,
each of which says that he often stood spell-bound to listen to the
singing of the swan in early frosty mornings — when they sing
best — ere sunrise. Nothing can exceed the sweet music of the
swan. They come in November, and leave at St Bride. The
song of the dying swan is often mentioned in our early literature,
as in ' Dan an Deirg ' we have : —
" Mar bhinn-ghuth eala 'n guin bais,
No mar cheolan chaich mu 'n cuairt di."
" Like the sweet voice of the swan, in the agony of death,
Or like the songs of the others round about her."
Dr Smith, in his " Sean Dana, " in a note on these lines, says : —
"Some naturalists deny the singing of the swan, so often men-
tioned by the Greek and Latin, as well as by the Celtic poets. If
the singing of the swan is to be reckoned among the vulgar errors,
it has been a very universal one. Over the west of Scotland, it
is still frequently affirmed, as a fact, that the swans that frequent
those parts in winter are heard to sing some very melodious notes
when wounded or about to take their flight. The note of the
swan is called in Gaelic, Guileag; and a ditty called " Luinneag
na h-eala," composed in imitation of it, begins thus : —
" Guileag i, Guileag o,
Sgeula mo dhunach
Guileag i ;
Rinn mo leireadh,
Guileag b
Mo chasan dubh, &c."
BEWICK'S SWAN.
Latin— Ci/c/nus Bewickii. G&elic—JSala-flkrag. Welsh— Alrahc,
Lleiaf
The Gaelic Names of Birds. 77
Of this bird, Mr Grey says : — In the Outer Hebrides this,
the smallest of our British swans, is well recognised. It frequents
the same lakes as the Hooper, and is easily distinguished from
that species, even at a distance. Sometimes a flock is seen to
remain together in a compact body, and continue for some time
feeding on the shallower parts of the loch, thus affording a good
"family shot" to the watchful sportsman. In the east of Scot-
land it has likewise been noticed from Berwickshire to the Shet-
lands, where it is known as a regular visitant, appearing at the
same time as the Hooper.
MUTE SWAN.
Latin — Cygmis olor. Gaelic — Eala. Welsh— Alarch.
COMMON SHIELDKAKE.
Latin — Tadorna vu/panser. Gaelic — Cradh-gheadh. Welsh —
Hwyad yr eithin, Hywad fruith.
The shieldrake, one of the most beautiful of all our wild fowl,
is very common all over the Hebrides, so much so in Uist as to
have given it the name of Ubhaist nan cradh-gheadh — Uist of the
shieldrakes. Ian Lorn, the bard, says:
"Dol gu nidhe chuain fhiaghaich
Mar bu chubhaidh learn iarraidh
Gu Uidhist bheag riabhach nan cradh-gheadh."
Going to the passage of the ocean wild
As seemingly as we could desire
To little brindled Uist of the shieldrakes.
SHOVELLER.
Latin — Alias clypeata. Gaelic — Gob-leathan. Welsh — Uwyad
lydanblg.
GADWALL.
Latin — Anas strepera. Gaelic — Lach-ghlas. Welsh — Y gors hywad
Iwyd.
WILD DUCK.
Latin — Anas boschas. Gaelic — Lack, Lach-a-chinn-uaine Lack-Mas,
Lach-ruadh (Uist), Lach-riablach (mas.), Tunnay fhiadhaich,
Tunnag-riab/tach (fern.) Welsh — Cars Hwyad, Garan Uwyad,
Hydnivi/.
This being the most common of all the duck tribe, is very
often mentioned in our old bird lore. Alex. Macdonald says in
Allt-an-t-Siucair : —
"An coire lachach, dracach.
78 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
In olden times Glenlyon seems to have been famed for wild ducks,
for in that ancient poem, "Oran na Comhachaig," or "Song of the
Owl," we have —
Thoir soraidh nam thun an loch,
Far am faic mi 'bhos 's thall,
Gu uisge Leamhna nan lach.
TEAL.
Latin — Anas crecca. Gaelic — Crann-lach, Crion-lach (little duck),
Siolta (A. Macdonald), Darcan (A. Macdonald). Welsh — Cor
Hwyad, Crock Hyad.
WIDGEON.
Latin — Anas Penelope. Gaelic — Glas-lach. Welsh — Chwiw.
EIDER DUCK.
Latin — Somateria mollissima. Gaelic — Lach-lochlannach, Loch-mkor
(Harris), Lach-Cholonsa, Lach-heisgeir (Uist), Calcach. Welsh —
Hwyad fivjithblu.
This duck gets its first Gaelic name — Scandinavian duck —
from its being so common in these northern regions ; that of
Lach-mhor — big duck — from its large size ; and its third and fourth
names from its being so common 011 the islands of Colonsa and
Heisker. Mr Grey says — "The extraordinary number of Eider
Ducks found on the island of Colonsa has gained for this bird the
local name of Lach-Cholonsa over a considerable portion of the
western districts of Scotland." Colcach seems to be the ancient
name, for Dean Munro, who wrote his "Description of the
Hy brides" in 1594, describes it under the name of Colcach.
Martin uses the same name in 1716, in his "Description of the
Western Islands." Of Martin's description of the eider Mr Grey
says— " Martin also mentions the bird which he describes by the
name of colk (the Gaelic one still in use) and gives a most glowing
and exaggerated description of its plumage, which he compares to
that of the peacock ! At the close of his ornithological records,
however, he makes the following highly curious remark, which
may, to some extent, account for his magnified description — 'The
air is here moist and moderately cold, the natives qualifying it
some times by drinking a glass of usquebauyh. The moisture of
this place is such that a loaf of sugar is in danger to be dissolved.'
The precise nature of the humidity is not explained, nor yet the
cause, though the melting of the sugar is rather suggestive."
VELVET SCOTER.
Latin — Oidemia fusca. Gaelic — Lach-dhtibh, Tunnag ghleast.
Welsh — Hwyad felfedog.
The Gaelic Names of Birds. 79
COMMON SCOTEE.
Latin — Oidemia nigra. Gaelic — Tunnag-dhubh (Grey) Welsh — Y
Fdr-Htvyad ddd.
POCHARD, OR DUN BIRD.
Latin — Fuligula ferina. Gaelic — Lack-mhasach, Lach-dkearg-ckean-
nach, Tunnag-dhearg-cheannach. Welsh — Hwyad bengoch.
TUFTED.
Latin — Fuligula cristata. Gaelic — Currachag, Ceann molach.
Welsh — Hwyad goppog.
LONOTAILED DUCK.
Latin — Fuligula glaeialis. Gaelic — Eun-buchuinn, lan-buchain, Lach-
bhinn. Welsh — Ilwyad gynffon guennol.
Mr Grey says : — " The cry of this bird is very remarkable,
and has obtained for it the Gaelic name of Lach-bhinn — or
musical duck — which is most appropriate, for when the voices of
a number of them are heard in concert, rising and falling, borne
along by the breeze between the rollings of the surf, the effect is
musical, wild, and startling. The united cry of a large flock
sounds very like bagpipes at a distance; but the note of a single
bird when heard very near is not so agreeable." The long-tailed
duck is often mentioned as a sweet singer by our old bards.
Alexander Macdonald says, in Allt an t-Siucair : —
" Bidh guileag eala 'tuchan,
'S eoin-bhuchuinn am barr thonn,
Aig ionbhar Alt an t-Siucair,
'Snamh luth chleasach le form ;
Ri seinn gu moiteil cuirteil,
Le muineil-cliiuil 's iad crom,
Mar mhala pioba 's lub air ;
Ceol aoifidh, ciuin, nach trom."
He also says, in "Oran Rioghail a' Bhotail : —
:S binne na luinneag eoin-bhuchuinn,
Bhiodh ri tuchan am barr thonn,
Guileag do mhuineil a's giuig ort —
Cuisle-chiuil a dhuisgeadh fonn.
GOLDEN EYE.
Latin — Fuligula clangula. Gaelic — Lach-a-chinn-uaine, Lach-bhreac-
Welsh — Liydad aur.
80 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.
SMEW.
Latin — Mergus albellus. Gaelic — Sioltaiche-breac, Sioltan-ban, Siol-
tan-breac. Welsh — Lleian wen.
RED-BREASTED MERGANSER.
Latin— Mercus serrator. Gaelic — Sioltaiche (Lightfoot) tiioltan,
Siolta-dkearg (Grey). Welsh — Trochydd dan/ieddog.
GOOSANDER.
Latin— Mergus merqanser. Gaelic — Lach-fhiacillach. Tunnag-fhiac-
ilfac/i, Sioltaiche, Sioltan, Sioltorbheag (Grey). Welsh — Hwyad
ddanheddoq.
Family II. — Colymbidai.
LITTLE GREBE, OR DABCHICK.
Latin — Podiceps minor. Gaelic — Spag-ri-ton, Spagaire-tuinne,
Goblachan-tdsge (Grey), Fad-monadh (Hebrides). Welsh — Harri
cjwlych dy big.
GREAT NORTHERN DIVER.
Latin — Colymbiis glacialis. Gaelic — Bur-bhuachaill (Lightfoot),
Bun-bhuacliaill, Muir-bhuachaill (Grey), Fur-bhuachaill, lan-
glas-an-sgadain. Welsh — Trochydd maivr.
Pennant says : — "In Scotland it is called Muir-bhuachaill, or
the Herdsman of the Sea, from the credulous belief that it never
quits that element." This name is very appropriate to such a
dweller on the sea. However, it seems to have had in olden
times a much move reverend title, for we read in the Rev. J.
Buchanan's "Travels in the Hebrides," published in 1793, that
it was then called there the BisJiop Carara.
BLACK-THROATED DIVER.
Latin — Colymbus articus. Gaelic — Fur-bhiutchail!, firollach-
bothan, Learga (Grey). Welsh — Trochydd gwddfdu.
Mr Grey says : — In dry seasons, especially, their extraordin-
ary cry frequently startles the lonely traveller as he passes their
haunts, making the still waters resound with strange echoes. The
natives of Benbecula and North Uist compare it to " Deoch !
deoch ! deoch ! tha'n loch a traoghadh," which may be interpreted
by the words, " Drink ! drink ! drink ! the lake is nearly dried
up."
RED-THROATED DIVER.
Latin — Colymbus septentrionalis. Gaelic — MHir-bhuachaill,
Learga-mhor, Learya-chaol, Learga-uisge, Learqa-fairge.
Welsh — Trochydd gwddfqoch.
The Gaelic Names of Birds. 81
Family III. — Aloadce.
COMMON GUILLEMOT.
Latin— Uria troile. Gaelic — Gearradh-breac, Eun-a-chrubain. Eun-
dubh-a-chrullain, Lanyack, Langaidk (Barra) Eun-an-Sgadain,
Eun-dubh-an-Sgadain. Welsh — Gwilym.
RINGED GUILLEMOT.
Latin — Uria lacrymaus. Gaelic- -Gearradh-breac. Welsh — Chwilog.
BLACK GUILLEMOT.
Latin — Uria Grylle. Gaelic — Calltag. Caileag (Grey), Callag,
Gearr-ghlas (Young). Welsn — Gwilym dfi.
LITTLE AUK.
Latin — Mergulus melanolencous. Gaelic — Colcach bheag. Welsh —
Carsil bach.
PUFFIN, OB COULTERNEB.
Latin — Fratercula arctica. Gaelic — Fachach, Colcach, Colgach,
Coltrachan, Conntachan, Comhdachan, Colcair, Colgaire,
(Harris), Coltair-cheannach, Seumas Ricadh (Barra), Peata
Ruadh, Buthaigre(8t Kilda) Welsh — Pwjfingen.
The Rev. Kenneth Macaulay, in his History of St Kilda,
published in 1764, says : — " The bougir of Hirta (St Kilda) is by
some called the coulterneb, and by others the puffin. It is a very
sprightly bird, in size like a pigeon. Incredible flights of the
puffins flutter, during the whole summer season, round St Kilda
and the two isles pertaining to it ; sometimes they cover whole
spots of ground, and sometimes while on the wing, involve every-
thing below them in darkness, like a small cloud of locusts in
another country. There are two different kinds of them — the one
larger, the other smaller, with some other marks of diversity, scarce
worthy of being pointed out. Their feathers are the softest pro-
duced here, their eggs are white and of much the same bigness
with those of a hen. The people of this isle live mostly all the
summer on the two kinds of this fowl together with eggs of
various sorts, and I shall make no difficulty of affirming that the
place could easily afford enough of these different articles to sup-
port two thousand persons more during the season."
RAZOR-BILL.
Latin — Alca aorda. Gaelic — Coltraiche, Dui eunach (Grey),
( Dui-suineach, lan-dubh-an-sgadain, Sgrab (Barra), Lamhaidh
(St Kilda). Welsh — Carsil, Gucdch y penwaig.
82 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
GREAT AUK.
Latin — Alca impennis. Gaelic — Gearbhul, flunna-bhuachaiile,
Colca, Colcair. Welsh — Carsil mawr.
This large, curious, and interesting bird is now extinct, not
only in Britain, but also in all other known parts of the world,
though it used to breed in St Kilda, the last one known being
captured off that island in 1821 by Mr Maclennan, tacksman of
Scalpa. The great auk is mentioned by Sir George Mackenzie
and other early writers, also by Martin, in his "Voyage to St
Kilda," published in 1698. He says :— " The Sea Fowls are first
Gairfowl, being the stateliest, as well as the Largest of all the
Fowls here, and above the size of a Solan Goose, of a Black
Colour, Red about the Eyes, a large white spot under each eye, a
long broad bill ; stands stately, his whole body erected, his Wings
short ; he Flyeth not at all ; lays his egg upon the bare rock,
which if taken away, he lays no more for that Year. He comes
without regard to any wind, appears about the first of May, and
goes away about the middle of June." In his " History of St
Kilda," published in 1764, the Rev. Kenneth Macaulay says: —
" I had not an opportunity of knowing a very curious fowl some-
times seen upon this coast, and an absolute stranger, I am apt to
believe, in every other part of Scotland. The men of Hirta call
it the Garefowl. This bird is above four feet in length. From
the bill to the extremities of the feet, its wings are, in proportion
to its size, very short. The St Kildians do not receive an annual
visit from this strange bird, as from all the rest in the list, and
from many more. It keeps at a distance from them, they know
not where, for a course of years. From what land or ocean it
makes its uncertain voyages to their isle, is, perhaps, a mystery in
nature." In " A General View of the Agriculture of the Heb-
rides," by James Macdonald, published in 1811, that author gives
a list of the birds of St Kilda, at the head of which conies the
Auk :— 1. Bunna-bhuachaille, or Great Auk, is the largest bird
met with in the neighbourhood of St Kilda. It is larger than a
common goose, of a black colour, the irides red, having a long
white spot under each eye ; the bill is long and broad at the base.
It cannot fly, by reason of the shortness of its wings ; lays only
one egg, and if robbed of it, lays no more that season." The eggs
of the Great Auk must have always been very rare, and now since
the bird has become extinct, when one of them comes to the
market, which is very seldom, it commands a fabulous price, two
sold in Edinburgh in 1880 realising over a hundred guineas each.
The Gaelic Names oj Birds. 83
It is hard to say what they may rise to yet, as there are only 65
known specimens in the world, 41 of which are in Britain. Of
course the eggs are liable to destruction, whilst there is no possi-
bility of any more ever being added to the list.
George Buchanan, in his " History of Scotland," published in
1580, in his account of the Isle of Suilkyr, says: — " In this island
also there is a rare kind of bird, unknown in other parts, called
Colca. It is little less than a goose. She comes every year
thither, and there hatches and feeds her young till they can shift
for themselves. About that time, her feathers fall off of their
own accord, and so leaves her naked, then she betakes herself to
the sea again, and is never seen more till the next spring. This
also is singular in them, that their feathers have no quills or stalks,
but do cover their bodies with a gentle down, wherein there is no
hardness at all."
Family IV. —Peleanidos.
COMMON CORMORANT.
Latin — Phalacrocorax carbo. Gaelic — Sgarbh, Sgarbh-buttl, Sgarbh-
a-bhothain, Sgarbfi-an^ichd- ghil, fiallaire-bothain, Ballaire-
boaii, Sgaireag (Young). Welsh — Mulfran, Morfran.
This terrible glutton, the most voracious of all our birds,
though certainly no great favourite with the Highlanders, has
escaped in Gaelic lore the extremely bad character which it bears
in English, caused no doubt, to a great extent, by some of the
early English poets choosing this bird for an example of all that
was bad. Milton even goes the length, in " Paradise Lost," of
making Satan assume the form of this bird, before he did that of
the serpent, and entering the Garden of Eden : —
" Thence up he flew, and on the Tree of Life,
The middle tree, and highest there that grew,
Sat like a Cormorant."
As Pennant puts it : — " To survey undelighted the beauties of
Paradise : and sit devising death on the Tree of Life." The only
evil habit which I find in our Gaelic lore attributed to the cor-
morant is that its young, along with the jackdaw's, are accused,
in the old proverb, of trying to pass themselves off as something
better than what they really are by imitating the voices of better
birds : — " Guth na cubhaig am bial na cathaig, 's guth na faoileig
am bial na sgaireig" — the cuckoo's voice in the jackdaw's mouth,
and the sea-gull's voice in the young scart's. The cormorant is an
extremely dirty bird about its nest, which smells abominably. Mr
84 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.
Grey says: — " When cruising past (their nests), when the wind is
blowing off shore, it is by no means pleasant to be assailed by the
offensive odours which are wafted on board ; the abomination is only
exceeded when, on a hot day, you venture within the precincts of
the nursery itself. In such a place one can almost understand the
aversion with which the bird is regarded by many persons who
have given it a bad character." My personal experience of the
abominations of the cormorant's nursery, a few hours before I
write this, was even worse than what Mr Grey here describes as
feeling when cruising past on the open sea. I had been hunting
in vain for some time amongst the cliffs and caves of the most rocky
part of the eastern shores of Fleet Bay in Kirkcudbrightshire for
cormorants' nests, and was passing along the top of a high cliff,
over a large cave, into which the sea ran at high water, when I
felt such a fearful smell that I thought I must have discovered
the bi-eeding place of all the coromants in Galloway. I quickly
scrambled down the face of the cliff, the smell getting worse every
step. On getting into the cave I found to my disgust that there
were no cormorants breeding there, only a few innocent rock doves'
nests, and that the cause of all the abomination was the putrify-
ing carcases of two large horses and a sheep which the tide had
washed into the cave. They had died on a neighbouring farm,
and, to save the trouble of digging graves, the farmer had hurled
them over the rocks several weeks before, and, as the day was
very hot and the wind blowing right into the cave, the stench was
something fearful — enough to make me remember it as long as Mr
Grey says a friend of his did the bad taste of the cormorant's flesh.
He says : — " From living exclusively upon fish, its flesh, as I have
been informed by those who have had the courage to taste it, is
peculiarly rank and unpleasant. An old friend of mine told me
lately that he had cooked one and eaten part of it about forty
years ago, and that the terribly fishy flavour was in his mouth
still." This gentleman with the long memory certainly never had
the privilege of deriving his first support from an Isle of Skye
nurse, for Martin, in his description of Skye, says : — " The natives
observe that the cormorant, if perfectly black, makes no good
broth, nor is its flesh worth eating ; but a coi*morant that has
any white feathers or down, makes good broth and the flesh of it
is good food, and the broth is usually drunk by nurses to increase
their milk."
SHAG, OR GREEN CORMORANT.
Latin — Phalacrocorax crisbantus. Gaelic — Sgarbh, Sg'arbh-an
sgumain, Orag (Young). Welsh — 7 Fulfran /eiaf.
The Gaelic Names of Birds. 85
This is a very wary bird, and very difficult to approach or
capture, hence the old proverb : — " Trod nam ban mu'n sgarbh, 's
an sgarbh a muigh air an loch " — the scolding of the wives above
the shag, and the shag out on the loch. Quarrelling about it before
they had captured it. Another old proverb, common in the
Hebrides, is : — " Biodh gach fear a' toirt sgairbh a' creagan dha
fhein " — let every man take shags out of rocks for himself. Sheriff
Nicolson says : — "Alleged to have been said by a St Kilda man to
his comrade, who was holding the rope above and asked if he had
secured birds for them both. On hearing the answer above quoted,
the holder of the rope is said to have replied, ' Let every man
hold the rope for himself,' and let him go !" These bold cragsmen
descend the rocks for the " oragan," or young shags, which are
reckoned good eating there. Mr A. A. Carmichael writes me
fr:>m Uist : — " The oragan are so fat and helpless that they fre-
quently tumble out of the nest down into the sea, then they
scramble on shore on ledges of rock as best they can. In Minlaidh
adventurous bird-catchers go to the rocks at nights and catch these
asleep. These birds sleep with their heads under their wings.
Their enemies place them between their knees and wring their
necks."
GANNET, OR SOLAN GOOSE.
Latin — Sula Bassana. Gaelic — Sulaire, Amhsain (Lightfoot), Eun-
han-an-sgadain, Guga or Goug (Young). Welsh — van, Gans.
M'Aulay, in his history of St Kilda, says: — "The Solan
Goose takes its Gaelic name from its sharpness of sight ; he ob-
serves his prey from a considerable height, and darts down upon
it with incredible force. The St Kildiaiis kill a Solan Goose with
great alertness, by dislocating a certain joint of the neck very
near the head ; the rest of the neck is made for strength and
adapted to the body in such a manner that without this art it
would be difficult and tedious to kill them. About the middle of
March a select band of adventurers go to the neighbouring isles to
catch the old Solan Geese before they begin to lay. They hunt
them in the night time through steep and, to all other men, in-
accessible precipices. They go upon another expedition about the
middle of May for gathering the eggs. The young Solan Goose
is fit for use in September. Before the young, which they call
Guag, fly off they are larger than the mothers and excessively fat.
The fat on their breasts is sometimes three inches deep. The
inhabitants of Hirta have a method of preserving their greese in
a kind of bag made of the stomach of the old Solan Goose caught
in March. In their language it is called d'iobain ; and this oily
86 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.
kind of thick substance manufactured in their own way, they use
by way of sauce, or instead of butter, among their pon-idge and
flummery. In the adjacent islands they administer this oily sub-
stance to their cattle if seized with violent colds or obstinate
coughs ; and it is the general belief that the appliacation of the
Griobain, in such cases, has a very good effect." I have no doube
the reverend gentleman was quite correct in his surmises of to tht
beneficial effects of the Giobain on the cattle, for they seem to have
the same on even the lords of creation, as I find in an old song
by Archibald Macdonald, the Uist bard, to Dr Macleod, that he
ascribes the enormous size and weight of the worthy doctor to
his being fonder of " Giobainean nan Gugachan" than of milk or
butter. As the whole song is illustrative of the art of the fowler
amongst the rocks, and of the capture, not only of the solan
goose — the " Sulair Garbh " — but also of the preceding and follow-
ing birds, I may give the whole, as it is very cleverly written,
and represents the bulky doctor in a ludicrous light all through
his adventures, till at last his courage fails him when descending
a high rock and all the wild fowl fly far beyond his reach when
they get the scent of his drugs off him : —
ORAN CNADAIL DO'N OLLA LEODACH.
Le Gilleaspuig Domdlach, am Bard Uisteach.
Luinneag. — Thugaibh, thugaibh, bo bo bo,
An Doctair Leodach 's biodag air,
Faicill oirbh san taobh sin thall
Nach toir e'n ceann a thiota dhibh.
'Nuair a bha thu d'fhleasgach og,
Bu mhorchuiseach le claidheamh thu,
Chaidh Ailean Muillear riut a chorag,
'S leon e le bloidh spealaidh thu.
Bha thu na do bhasbair corr,
'S claidheamh mor an tarruing ort,
An saighidear 's measa th'aig Righ Deors'
Choraigheadh e Alastair.
Bhiodh sud ort air do thaobh,
Claidheamh caol 'sa ghliosgartaich ;
Cha'n eil falcag thig o'n traigh,
Nach cuir thu barr nan itean di.
Biodag 's an deach an gath seirg
Air crios seilg an luidealaich,
Bha seachd oirlich oire a mheirg,
'S gur mairg an rachadh bruide dhi.
The Gaelic Names of Birds. 87
Bhiodag 's measa th'anns an tir,
'S a beairt-chinn 's a' ghliogartaich,
Chnamh a faobhar leis an t-suthaidh,
'S cha ghearr i'n dh'iin na dh'itheadh tu.
Biodag, agus ^gabard dearg,
'S cearbach sad air amadan,
Gearradh atnhaichean nan sgarbh,
D'fhaigte inarbh gun anail iad.
'Nuair a theid thu'n chreig gu h'ard
Cluinnear gair nan iseanan,
'S mu thig am fulamair a dr dhail,
Smalaidh tu do bhiodag ann.
'S iomad farspag rinn thu mharbhadh,
A 's sulair garbh a rug thu air,
Bhliadhna sin, mu'n deach thu'n arm,
Chuir uibhean sgarbh cioch shlugain ort.
Cha deoch bhainne, no mheig,
'S cinnteach mi rinn ucsa dliiot ;
Ach biadh bu docha leat na'n t-im,
Giobainean nan gugachan.
'Nuair a theid thu air an rop',
A Righ ! bu mhor do chudthrom air,
Direadh 's na h-iseanan a d' sgeth,
Air learn gu'm feum thu cuideacha.
Bu tu theannaicheadh an t-sreang,
Cha'n eil i fann mur bris thu i,
Mu thig an cipean as a ghrunnd,
Cluinntear plumb 'nuair thuiteas tu.
'Nuair a theid thu'n chreig gu h-ard,
Failigidh do mhisneach thu,
Cha tig na h-eunlaidh a'd' dhail.
Le faile do chuid dhrogaichean.
'Nuair a theid thu'n chreig tha shuas
Fuadaichidh tu chlisgeadh iad
Le dearsa do bhutain ruadh,
'S do bhucaill chruadha'ch 'sa ghliosgartaich.
Cha mharbh thu urrad ri each,
Ge leathan ladair mogur thu.
T'airm cha dian a bheag a sta,
Mur sgriobar clar no praise leo.
88 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Family V.—Laridce.
COMMON TERN, OR SEA SWALLOW.
Latin — Sterna hirundo. Gaelic — Steaman. Welsh — Y For-
wennol fwyaf, Yscraean.
ARCTIC TERN.
Latin — Sterna arctica. Gaelic — Stearnal.
LESSER TERN.
Latin— Sterna minula. Gaelic— Stearnal beag. Welsh— ¥ For-
wennol leiaf.
BLACK TERN.
Latin — Sterna nigra. Gaelic — Stearnal-dubh. Welsh — Yscraean ddd.
LITTLE GULL.
Latin — Larus minutus. Gaelic — Crann-jhaoileag, Crion-fhaoileag,
Faoileag bheag.
BLACK-HEADED GULL.
Latin — Larus ridibundus. Gaelic — Faoileag, Ceann-dubfian, Dubh-
cheannach, Faoileag-dhubh-cheannach. Welsh — Yr ivylan benddu.
KITTIWAKE.
Latin — Larus tridactylus. Gaelic — Seagair, Faireag, Ruideag
Sgaireag.
COMMON GULL.
Latin — Larus canus. Gaelic — Faoileann, Faoileag, An t-iasgair-
diomhain. Welsh — Gwylan Lwyd, Huccan.
This gull gets its name of An t-iasgair-diomhain (Idle Fisher),
by which it is generally known in A thole, from its habit of flying
along the course of a river or stream, and darting down on any small
trout it sees near the surface, but as these shallow- water trout are
very quick of sight they generally see it coming, and either dive
into deep water, or under a stone, and escape, so its fishing exploits
there being generally a failure it got the name of the Idle Fisher,
or, more literally, the Unsuccessful Fisher.
LESSER BLACK-BACKED GULL.
Latin — Larus fuscus. Gaelic — Sgaireag, Farspach-bheag, Faoileag-
bheag (Grey).
HERRING GULL.
Latin — Larus argentatus. Gaelic — Glas-fhaoileag. Welsh — Gwylan
benwaig.
The Gaelic Names of Birds. 89
GREAT BLACK-BACKED GULL.
Latin — Larm marinus. Gaelic — Farspack, Farspag Faoileann-mor,
Sgliuireach, (first year state). Welsh — Gwglnn gefu-ddu.
GLAUCOUS, OR GREAT WHITE GULL.
Latin — Larus glaucus. Gaelic — Faoileag-mhor, Muir-mhaighstir.
This gull gets its last Gaelic name, " Master of the Sea," from
its being such a tyrant over all the other gulls. In the Birds of the
West of Scotland, Mr Angus writes from Aberdeenshire : — " I
have never been out in the bay in winter without seeing this bird,
which is a very conspicious object, being more oceanic in its habits
than any of its congeners. Along the coast its advent is heralded
by the screaming of the other gulls, whom it torments and tyran-
nises over like the skuas. Even the great black-backed gull must
give place to the Burgo-master."
COMMON SKUA.
Latin — Lestris catarractes. Gaelic — Fasgadair, Fasgadan,
Tuliac (St Kilda). Welsh— Gwylan frech.
The skua gets its name of Fasgadair, i.e., "The Squeezer," from
its habit of not going to fish much itself, but its watching the other
gulls till they have caught a lot of fish, then it darts on them and
makes them disgorge their prey, which it seizes before reaching the
water, and so may be said to wring or squeeze its food from them.
The Skua used to be a terrible pest, not only to the other sea birds, but
to the inhabitants as well of the isles where it used to breed, as will
be seen from the following quotation from the Rev. K. Macaulay's
History of St Kilda : — " At Hirta is too freq\iently seen, and very
severely felt, a large sea-gull, which is detested by every St Kil-
dian. This mischevious bird destroys every egg that falls in its
way, and very often the young fowls, and sometimes the weakest
of the old. It is hardly possible to express the hatred with which
this otherwise good-natured people pursue these gulls. If one
happen to mention them, it throws their whole blood into a fer-
ment ; serpents ai-e not at all such detestable objects anywhere
else. They exert their whole strength of industry and skill to get
hold of this cruel enemy, a task very far from being easy, as they
are no less vigilant than wicked. If caught they outvie one
another in torturing this imp of hell to death ; such is the em
phatical language in which they express an action so grateful to
their vindictive spirit. They pluck out his eyes, sew his wings
together, and send him adrift ; to eat any of its eggs, though
among the largest and best their isle affords, would be accounted
90 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
a most flagitious action, and worthy of a monster only. They ex-
tract the meat out of the shell, and leave that quite empty in the
nest ; the gull sits upon it till she pines away. They call it
Tuliac in St Kilda, but in the other western isles it goes under a
different name" (Fasgadair).
RICHARDSON'S SKUA, OR ARCTIC GULL.
Latin— Lestris RicJiardsoni. Gaelic— Fasgadair. Welsh— Gwlyan
y Gogledd.
FULMAR PETREL.
Latin — Procellaria gladalis. Gaelic — Fulmaire, Falmaire. Welsh —
Gwylan y graig,
This is another inhabitant of St Kilda, but a very different
one from the Skua, and after the very bad character the latter got
from the rev. historian of St Kilda, it is pleasant to turn to the
good one he gives the Fulmar : — " Another sea-fowl highly
esteemed in this island is the Fulmar. 1 was not a little entertained
with the econiums they bestowed on this bird. ' Can the world,'
said one of the most sensible men in Hirta to me, 'exhibit a more
valuable commodity ? The Fulmar furnishes oil for the lamp, down
for the bed, the most salubrious food, and the most efficacious
ointments for healing wounds, besides a thousand other virtues of
which he is possessed, which I have not time to enumerate. But,
to say all in one word, deprive us of the Fulmar, and St Kilda is
no more.' " The following account of the taking of the Fulmar
in St Kilda is given in sketches of St Kilda, by Lachlan Maclean
(pub. 1S38) : — " The young Fulmar is valued by the natives more
than all the other tribes of birds taken together ; it may be said
to be their staff of life ; they therefore never meddle with the egg.
The twelfth of August, if a notable day on the moors, is more so
on the rocks of St Kilda. A day or two before every rope is
tested, every oil-dish cleaned, and every barrel emptied. Some
of these ropes are older than their owners, and are chiefly made of
thongs from cow-hide, salted and twisted into a cable. The
twelfth arrives, the rope is made fast round the waists of the
heavier party, whilst the other and lighter party is let down the
perpendicular rock several hundred feet. Here the work of
destruction goes on night and day for a given space ; the St Kilda
man has nothing to do but take the young Fulmar, wring his neck,
and then suspend him by a girth he wears round his loins. This
is the harvest of the people of St Kilda. They are aware it is to
last only eight days, and therefore sleep itself is banished for this
space. The number killed in this one week may be from eighteen
The Gaelic Names of Birds. 91
to twenty thousand. They are from two to three pounds weight,
about two hundred will go to fill a herring barrel ; yet each family,
after serving the poor, shall have from four to five barrels salted
for winter use."
GREATER SHEARWATER.
Latin — Puffinus Major. Gaelic — Sgriab, Sgrab (Barra), Sgrabaire,
Sgrabail (St Kilda).
MANX SHEARWATER.
Latin — Puffinus Anglorum. Gaelic — Sgraib, Fachach (Young)
Welsh — Pwjftngen Fanaw.
Mr Carmichael informs me that this bird used to breed very
numerously on the southern isles of Barra till supplanted by the
puffins, who took posseseion of their breeding holes. During the
time of the Macneills, each tenant in Minlaidh, Bearnearadh, had
to send a barrel of " Fachaich " or young shearwaters salted and
cured to Ciosmal, the castle of the chiefs of Macneill, for winter
provisions.
FORK'TAILED PETREL.
Latin — Thalassidroma Leachii. Gaelic — Gobhlan-gaoithe (Barra).
STORM PETREL.
Latin — Thalassidroma procellaria. Gaelic — Luaireag, Luaiseagan,
Fanlag, Amhlag-mhara (Barra), Asailag, Lucha-fairge (Grey).
This, the sailor's Mother Carey's chicken, is the smallest of
all web-footed birds, and is so active on the wing that it is found
in the very middle of the wide Atlantic, and seems never to come
near the land, except to breed, which it does in many parts of the
Hebrides, where it lays its single egg under large boulders near
the sea. And now with this restless little Hebridean-reared
wanderer of the ocean I bring the list of native British birds to a
close.
DOMESTIC BIRDS.
I may now give a list of the Gaelic names of our common
barn-yard fowls, most of which will be found in Alex. Macdonald's
Gaelic Vocabulary (Mac Mhaighstir Alastair).
COMMON, OR BARN-FOWL.
Gaelic — Cock — Coileach, Coileach-otraich, Coileach-an-dunain.
Hen — Cearc, Cearc-otraich. Chicken — Isean, Eun-otraich
Eireag (pullet). Game Cock — Coileach-catha.
92 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.
Of the common fowl Pennant sa\s — "Our common poultry
came originally from Persia and India. They were early intro-
duced into the western parts of the world, and have been very long
naturalised in this country, long before the arrival of the Romans
in this island, Csesar informing us they were one of the forbidden
foods of the old Britons. These were in all probability imported
here by the Phoenicians, who traded to Britain about five hundred
years before Christ. For all other domestic fowls, turkeys, geese,
and ducks excepted, we seem to be indebted to the Romans. The
wild fowl were all our own from the period they could be supposed
to have reached us after the great event of the flood."
I need scarcely remind any one who knows anything about
the Highlands, in the days of our grandfathers, what an institution
cock-fighting was in every part of the country, especially in the
parish schools, where certain days were set specially apart for cock-
fighting, with the old schoolmaster as president, who claimed all
the slaughtered cocks as a perquisite.
TURKEY.
Gaelic — Coileach-frangach, Coileach-turcach, Turcach, Turcaire.
Hen — Cearc-fhrangach, Cearc-thurcach.
PEACOCK.
Gaelic — Peucag (1st Kings x. 22), Coileach-fheuchaig, Peubh-
choileach, Pecoc (Alex. Macdonald). Hen — Cearc-fheucaiy,
Euc.ag.
GUINEA FOWL.
Gaelic — Coileach-innseanach.
PIGEON.
Gaelic — Caiman, Gura-gug, Duradan.
The old song says : —
Fhuair mi nead a ghura-gug,
Ann an cuil na moine,
Fhuair mi^an toisich uibhean ann,
'S fhuair mi ris coin ann,
'S fhuair mi nead a ghura-gug,
Ann an cuil na moine, &c.
GOOSE.
Gaelic — Gander— Ganradh, Sgeigeir. Goose— Geadh.
The Gaelic Names of Birds. 93
DUCK.
Drake, Gaelic — Loch, Rac.
Duck, Gaelic— Tunnay.
FOREIGN BIRDS.
I will now finish by giving a few Gaelic names of foreign
birds, most of which will be found in the Bible (Deut., 14th
chap.), or in Alexander Macdonald's vocabulary : —
Eagle, Gaelic — lolair.
Gier-eagle, Gaelic — lolair-fhionn, lolair-thimchiottach.
Ossifrage, Gaelic — Cnaim/i-bhristeach.
Vulture, Gaelic — Fang, Sgriachan-criosach, Preachan-ingneach.
Yulturine, Gaelic — Preachanach.
Pelican, Gaelic — Pelag, Pelican, Eun-mor-fasaich.
Ostrich, Gaelic — Struth, Struth-chamhull.
Parrot, Gaelic — Piorraid, Parracait.
Canary, Gaelic — Canari.
With this I conclude my list of Gaelic names of birds, having
given a Gaelic name for about 220 different birds, and as most of
them have several different names, making a total of about 612
Gaelic names. Though this is a large number, yet it does not
nearly include them all, as there are many local names by which
birds are known in different districts of the Highlands, which I
have not been able to collect, and I shall therefore be very glad,
indeed, if any member of the Society, or anybody else, who may
know any other Gaelic names, anecdotes, proverbs, or poetry con-
nected with the bird lore of the Highlands, will kindly communi-
cate them, either to myself, or to the obliging secretary of the
Society, with a view to their perhaps appearing in a more complete
form " some ither day." I know many members of the Society
are deeply versed in Gaelic bird lore, and I hope they, and all other
lovers of birds, and of the Gaelic language, will, in the words of
the old Gaelic proverb — " Prove it, prove it," by assisting in collect-
ing and preserving our old bird lore, and I think I may now con-
clude by giving the old proverb referred to, which, as Sheriff
Nicolson says, is an imitation of the chirping of birds, but with a
moral meaning — " Tha d& ian bheag 's a' choill ud thall, 's their an
dara fear ris an fhear eile, ' 'S toigh learn thu, 's toigh learn thu ;'
's their am fear eile, ' Dearbh sin, dearbh sin.' " There are two
little birds in yonder wood, and the one says to the other, " I like
you, I like you ;" and the other says, " Prove it, prove it."
94 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
23RD DECEMBER 1885.
At the meeting on this date the Rev. William 'Ihomson,
Fodderty, and Mr D. Davidson, Waverley Hotel, Inverness, were
elected ordinary members of the Society.
Thereafter the Secretary read (1), a paper on " Dunnachadh
Ban," by Mr Neil Macleod, the Skye bard ; and (2), a poem en-
titled "Mebrachadh Oidhche Coinnle," by the Rev. Thomas Sin ton,
Glengarry. The latter meritorious production was not intended
for publication in these Transactions. Mr Macleod's paper was as
follows : —
DUNNACHADH BAN MAC-AN-T-SAOIR.
Tha e air aithris gu trie ann am measg nan Gaidhea! gur e
Dunnachadh Ban Mac-an t-Saoir bard is fhearr a thog Gaidheal-
tachd Alba bho laithean Oisein ; agus gur e " Moladh Beinn
Dbrain " cuibhrionn de bhardachd is fhearr a chuir Dunnachadh
Ban ri cheile. Cha'n 'eil mi ag radh nach fhaod daoine a bhi
air am mealladh anns an da ni sin. Tha iad na mo bheachd-sa
gu h-araidh air am mealladh a thaobh an dara ni ; is e sin gur e
" Moladh Beinii Dbrain " cuibhrionn de bhardachd is fhearr a
chuir Dunnachadh Ban ri cheile. Neach air bith a leughas " Moladh
Beinn Dbrain" gu faicilleach bho thoiseach gu deireadh, faodaidh
an neach sin eblas fhaotaiiin air na buadhan a bhiodh feumail
agus freagarach do dheagh shealgair, air cumadh a' ghunna 'bha
cleachdte ann an laithean a' bhaird, agus ainmeannan lusan gun
aireamh ; gheibh e na nithe sin air an cur sios ann an cainnt
bhinn, fhileanta, agus bhlasda, a dh' fhaodas a bhi 'n an Ion
taitneach do 'n chluais, ach nach dean mbran ardachaidh no
beathachaidh air buadhan na h-inntinn. Tha 'm bard a' toii-t
dhuinn tri seallaidhean araidh air Beinn Dbrain. Anns a' chiad
aite tha e 'g a h-ainmeachadh na " monadh fada, reidh," ach 's ann
a tha 'bheinn coltach ris mar gu 'm biodh i ag atharrachadh
nan cruth fa chomhair suil inntinn a' bhaird mar a bha e 'dol air
aghaidh leis a' mholadh aice. Agus an aite i bhi 'n a " monad! i
fada, reidh," 's an a tha i tionndadh gu bhi cho corach, carach,
bideanach, ri sruth Choire Bhreacainn, 'n uair a tha i fas —
" Gu stobanach, stacanach,
Slocanach, laganach,
Cnocanach, cnapanach,
Caiteanach, rbmach;
Pasganach, badanach,
Bachlagach, bbidheach."
Dunnachadh Ban. 95
Anns an treas sealladh a tha 'm bard a' toirt dhuinn air Beinn
Dbraiii, tha e 'g a h-ainmeachadh 'n a "monadh fada, faoin." Tha
sin a' leigeadh fhaicinn duinn nach b' e idir cumadh agus maise
na beinne !bu mhomha bha anns an amharc aig a' bhard ann a
bhi 'seiim a cliu, ach a bhi a' taghadh briathran finealta ruith-
teach a rachadh gu snasmhor ann an eagan a cheile, agus a bha
freagaiTach air fonn a' phuirt air an do sheinn e am moladh, co
dhiubh a bha 'chainnt sin seasrnhach ri lagh Naduir no nach robh.
Tha aon rann beag anns nach 'eil ach ceithir great bail goirid, ann
am " Miann a' Bhaird Aosda," air cliu agus maise beinne, anns
am bheil barrachd brigh agus bardachd na 'tha ann am " Moladh
Beinn Dbrain " bho cheann gu ceann.
" Chi mi Beinn-ard is aillidh fiamh,
Ceann-feadhna air mhile beann ;
Bha aisling nan damh 'na ciabh,
'S i leabaidh nan nial a ceann."
Tha e air a mheas 'n a mhaise air bardachd agus air sgriobhadh
no comhradh sam bith, mar is momha 'theid de chiall agus de
ghliocas a chur ann an tearc de bhriathran. Ach cha d' thug
Dunnachadh Ban moran aire do 'n teagasg sin. Agus cha b' e
'mhain Dunnachadh Ban, ach bha agus tha a' chuid mhor de na
baird Ghaidhealach againn ciontach dhe sin. Cho fad 's a gheibh-
eadh iad briathran a ghabhadh tathadh agus fuaimneachadh ri
'cheile leanadh iad air sniomh an orain a mach cho fad 's a ghabh-
adh e deaiiamh ; co dhiubh a bha beachdan ura 'g am foillseachadh
fhein ann no nach robh. Ma bha 'mhin gann bha iad a' fuine
'bhonnach a mach cho tana 's a ghabhadh iad ssraoileadh.
Cha ghabh e aicheadh nach e nor bhard a bha 'n Dunnachadh
Ban, ach bard aig an robh buadhan cainnte pailt air thoiseach
air a' chumhachd inntinn. Ach ma rinn e bardachd lag rinn e
bardachd laidir. Ann am moladh " Coire-cheathaich " tha againn
dealbhan air an tarrainn cho oirdherc agus cho maiseach, ann an
cainnt cho finealta, snasmhor, 's a tha ri 'fhaotainn anns a' chanain
Ghaidhlig —cainnt a tha 'sealltain dhuinn a' bhard, agus an toil-
inntinn a bha e 'faotainn ann an co-chomunn ri maise obair
Naduir.
".'Sa' mhaduinn chiuin-ghil an am dhomh dusgadh,
Aig bun nan stuc b' e an sugradh leam."
Anns an rann so tha againn inntinn agus spiorad an fhior
bhaird a' brisea,dh a mach. Anns a' mhaduinn cheitein tha 'n
driuchd a' dealradh air gach febirnein, a' ghrian ag eirigh suas 'n a
96 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
gloir, le sgiathan seirnh a' sgaoileadh a brat brbhuidh air gach
srath agus sliabh. Is e miann a' bhaird a bhi 'g eirigh gu moch
agus a' direadh suas gu bun nan stuc a ghabhail compairt le
eunlaith nan speur ann a bhi 'seinn agus a' deanamh gairdeachais
ann an gloir agus maise 'chruinne-che. Tha e duilich a chreidsin
gu'n cuireadh ughdar " Coire Cheathaich" bardachd ri' cheile (nia
dh' fhaodair bardachd a radh ris) cho leanabail, lag, agus leibideach,
ri " Alastair nan stbp." Rinn Dunnachadh Ban a tri no ceithir a
dh' brain-ghaoil, ach a mach bho " Mhairi Bhain Oig," cha 'n 'eil
iad ach fuar, tioram, agus lag. Ann a h-aon de na h-orain-ghaoil
sin tha'n rann so —
"' S do chul daithte lan-mhaiseach,
Mu 'n cuairt do d' bhraigh' an brdugh,
Air sniomh mar theudan clarsaiche
'N a fhaineachan glan nbsar :
Gu lidh-dhonn, pleatach, sar-chleachdach,
Gu dosach, fasmhor, domhail,
Gu lubach, dualach, bachlach, guairsgeach,
Snasmhor, cuachach, br-bhuidhe."
Tha 'n t-6ran a' toiseachadh leis na facail so — " A Mhairi
bhan, gur barrail thu." Tha e duilich a dheanamh a mach ciod e 'n
sebrsa dath a bha air an fhalt aig a' mhaighdinn so, ma bha e
"ban," "lidh-dhonn," agus "br-bhuidhe." Ann ann bran "Mairi
Bhan Og " tha 'm bard a' bualadh teudan na clarsaich aige le
diirachd ni 's blaithe, leis a bheil faireachadh a' ghaoil agus
spiorad na bardachd a' comhnadh a cheile, agus a' sgeadachadh
Mairi le trusgan maiseach finealta nach caill i cho fad 's a bhios
Gaidhlig ghlaii Albannach air a labhairt no air a seinn air feadh
an t-saoghail.
Ann an " Oran an t-Samhraidh " tha 'n rann a leanas : —
" 'S fior ionmhuinn mu thrath nebine,
Na laoigh bga choir na buaile sin,
Gu tarra-gheal, ball-bhreac, botainneach,
Sgiuthach, druim-fhionn, srbn-fhionn, guaillinnach,
Buidh', gris-fhionn, cra-dhearg, suaichionta,
Seang, slios'ra, direach sar-chumpach,
Gas, bachlach, barr an suainiche."
Faodaidh e 'bhith gur e nach 'eil mise 'tuigsinn ciod 'is ciall
do fhior bhardachd, ach feumaidh mi aideachadh nach 'eil mi
'faicinn bardachd air bith anns an rann sin, no ann am moran
rann eile de'n t-sebrsa cheudna. Tha cainnt gu leor ann, air a
Donnachadh Ban. 97
carnadh air muin 's air muin a cheile, facail f h&da thioram laidir,
gun bhinneas gun ghrinneas. Agus ann am measg a cho-thionail
bhriathran sin, bu cho math a bhi 'g iarraidh snathaid ann an
cruaich-f heoir agus a bhi 'g amharc air son a' bheachd air an robh
am bard ag iaiTaidh solus a chur.
Tha bardachd agus tuigse anns an oran chiatach sin, "Cead
deireannach nam Beann." Cha'n 'eil am bard a' deanamh strith air
bith gu bhi taghadh facail mhora chruaidhe thioram. Tha na
fairichean aige mar a tha iad a' dusgadh suas 'n a chom, a'
sruthadh a mach ann an cainnt cheblmhor, bhog, bhlath ; cho
binn seimh ri crbnan an uillt. Anns an bran so tha 'm bard a'
toirt dhuinn dealbh taitneach dhe fhein, ach dealbh a tha air a
mheasgadh le cianalas agus brbn. Tha 'm bard 'n a sheann aois
ag gabhail a chuairt mu dheireadh, agus an sealladh mu dheireadh
de Bheinn Dbrain, agus faodaidh sinn a bhi cinnteach mar a bha
e 'direadh ri uchd an t-sleibhe le anail ghoirid, le ceann liatli, s
le chiabhan tana, le ceum mall, 's le cridhe trom, gu'n robh iomadh
smaointinn thursach mhuladach a' snamh 'n a chom, ag cuimhn-
eachadh air na laithean a dh' flialbh, laithean taitneach na h-oige
iiach till air an ais ni's mb.
" N uair 'sheall mi air gach taobh dhiom,
Cha'n fhaodainn gun 'bhi smalanach."
Tha mi creidsinn gur h-ann le cridhe trom a thearnaich
Dunnachadh Ban gu baile air an fheasgar sin, a' mothachadh ;aois
agus a lag-chuis fhein ; agus an uair a chunnaic e ceo an anmoich
agus nebil dhorcha na h-oidhche a' sgaoileadh am brat tiamhaidh
mu ghuaillean Beinn Dbrain nach robh esan gu fhaicinn gu brath
tuilleadh.
" Ghabh mi nis mo chead de'n t-saoghal,
'S de na daoine dh' fhuirich aim ;
Fhuair mi greis gu sunndach aotrom,
'S i 'n aois a rinn m' fhagail faun.
Tha mo thalantan air caochladh,
'S an t-aog air tighinn 's an am,
'S e m' achauaich air sgath m' Fhir-shaoraidh
Bhi gu math 's an t-saoghal thall."
Rinn Dunnachadh Ban beagan aoirean anns am bheil brod
bardacdd ged nach 'eil iad ri am moladh air dhoigh eile. Ach
cha 'n eil teagamh nach do thoill " Nighean dubh Raineach " na
fhuair i
7
98 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
" A chionn gu'n do ghoid i
'N rud beag bha 'n sa chludan,
Bh' agam 's a' chuil
Nach d' innis mi chach."
Agus tha e coltach nach robh " Uisdean Piobaire " air na daoine
'bu mhodhaile agus 'bu bheusaiche. Ach tha sean-fhacal ag radh
gur a " searbh a' ghloir nach fhaodar eisdeachd." Cha'n 'eil e na
chomharradh laidir air inntinn mhor a bhi 'gabhail gnothaich ris
gach peasan leibideach a thig 'n a rathad. Agus cha mhomha a
bha e ag ardachadh cliu Dhunnachaidh Bhain a bhi cumail conn-
spaid ri Uisdean Piobaire, Iain Faochaig, an Taileir, agus " Anna
nighean Uilleam an Orbmpa." Ach cha b'e paipeir goirid a
chaidh a sgriobhadh ann a' cabhaig mar a chaidh am paipeir so a
bheireadh ceirteas do Dhunnachadh Ban agus d'a chuid bardachd.
Bha sinn a' toirt cliu dha agus a' faotainn coire dha ; ach tha
sinn a' creidsinn nach cuir aon choire a gheibh sinn dha tolg no
dealg 'n a chliu. Tha dbchas againn gu 'm bi a chliu mar bhard
cho seasmhach buan ri beanntan a dhuthcha. Agus tha eagal orm
gu'm bi iomadh latha agus linn mu'n siubhail Gaidheal eile
firichean Bheinn Dbrain a ni a feum de 'bheul agus de 'shuilean,
agus a chuireas urad de bheatha agus de mhaise ann an cainnt
agus ann am bardachd ar duthcha 's a chuir Dunnachadh Ban
Mac-an-t-Saoir.
FOURTEENTH ANNUAL DINNER.
The Fourteenth Annual Dinner was held in the Caledonian
Hotel, Inverness, on the evening of Tuesday, 12th January 1886.
Mr Allan R. Mackenzie, yr. of Kintail, Chief of the Society,
presided, and he was supported by Provost Macandrew, Bailie
Alexander Ross, Mr William Mackay, solicitor ; Dr Aitken, Mr
E. H. Macmillan, Caledonian Bank ; Mr William Mackenzie,
secretary of the Society ; &c. Mr Duncan Campbell, Ballifeary,
and Mr G. J. Campbell, solicitor, acted as croupiers. Among
those present were Bailie Charles Mackay, ex-Bailie Macbean,
Treasurer Jonathan Ross, Mr Alexander Mackenzie, Silverwells ;
Dr Sinclair Macdonald, Inverness ; Mr D. Mackintosh, Bank of
Scotland ; Mr W. Macdonald, contractor ; Mr James Barren, Ness
Bank ; Mr Alexander Mackenzie, Ballifeary ; Rev. G. Mackay,
Beauly; Mr Hugh Mackintosh, of Mactavish & Mackintosh,
Castle Street ; Mr A. Macbain, Raining's School ; Mr P. H. Smart,
drawing-master ; Mr A. Macgregor, solicitor ; Mr John Davidson,
Inglis Street ; Mr T. G. Henderson, High Street ; Mr D. Mac-
Annual Dinner. 99
tavish, commission-agent; Mr A. Macfarlane, Caledonian Hotel; Mr
W. Macbeaii, Imperial Hotel ; Mr J. Whyte, Free Library ; Mr
W. Gunn, Castle Street ; Mr Fraser Campbell, High Street ; Mr
J. Mackenzie. Greig Street ; Mr H. R. Mackenzie, Town-Clerk's
Office ; Mr Theodore Chisholm, Telford Road ; Mr F. Macdonald,
Druidag ; Mr D. Ramsay, Gilbert Street ; Mr E. M. Carter, Greig
Street ; Mr Alexander Fraser, Glasgow ; Mr A. C. Mackenzie,
Maryburgh ; Mr William Fraser of Illinois ; Mr Macpherson,
Ballifeary, &c. An excellent dinner having been served up,
The Chairman, who was heartily received, gave the toast of
"The Queen," and, in doing so, said it was quite on the cards that
next year her Majesty would, in honour of her jubilee, knight the
Provosts of all the county towns. (Hear, hear, and applause.) The
Chairman then proposed the health of "The Prince and Princess
of Wales" and the other Members of the Royal Family ; and there-
after gave the toast of the Army, Navy, and Reserve Forces.
Lieut. -Colonel H. C. Macandrew, whose name was coupled with
the latter toast, in reply, expressed regret that there were no officers
of the army or navy present to reply on behalf of these branches
of the service. He did not think they could have such a large
gathering in the days of old without having several officers of
the army and navy amongst them. (Hear, hear.) But if they
were not turning out so many officers now, it was a great satis-
faction to them to know that, notwithstanding all the changes
that had taken place, and the statement that had been made from
generation to generation that the service was going to the bad,
still our soldiers were, when called upon to act, as brave, cool,
and courageous as ever they were. (Applause.) With regard to
the volunteers, while they had no such record as that of the
army, still they felt that they had succeeded to the glorious heri-
tage of British freedom. (Hear, hear.) They had taken up arms
with the earnest determination that while brave and strong men
can bear arms, that glorious heritage will be handed down un-
scathed to their children. (Applause.)
Mr William Mackenzie, the Secretary, then read the annual
report, which stated that the membership of the Society was now
about 300. The income during the year, including £79. 10s.
carried forward from last year, was £164. 8s. Id. The sum of
£89. 2s. 9d. had been paid out, thus leaving a balance of £75. 5s.
4d. (Applause.) That the last session had been a successful one,
would, he said, be seen from the handsome volume of Transactions
which had recently been issued to members. The large size of the
last two volumes of Transactions had been a considerable drain
100 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
upon the funds of the Society, and he appealed to those present to
use their efforts to increase the membership, so that the Executive
might be enabled, by additional funds, to continue the publication
of such large and handsome volumes. (Applause.) Mr Macken-
zie then read apologies for absence from the following gentlemen :
— Sir K. S. Mackenzie of Gairloch, Bart.; Mr D. Cameron of
Lochiel ; Mr K. J. Matheson, yr. of Lochalsh ; Mr R. C. Munro-
Ferguson of Novar ; Mr C. Fraser-Mackintosh, M.R ; Mr D.
Cameron, Woodville, Nairn ; Field-Marshal Sir P. Grant, G.C.B.,
Governor of Chelsea Hospital ; Major Rose of Kilravock ; Captain
A. M. Chisholm, Glassburn ; Mr D. Davidson of Drummond
Park ; Mr Alexander Ross, Teaninich ; Canon Thoyts, Tain ;
Mr Charles Innes, Inverness ; Dr Thomas Stratton, Devon-
port ; Mr George Black, National Museum, Edinburgh ; Mr Neil
Kennedy, Kishorn ; Mr J. D. Fletcher of Rosehaugh ; Professor
Mackinnon, Edinburgh ; Mr Reginald Macleod ; Mr A. Burgess,
banker, Gairloch ; Colonel Macpherson of Glentruim ; Rev. Alex.
Bisset, Stratherrick ; Mr Macrae, Kirksheaf; Mr D. R. Ross,
Glen-IJrquhart ; Mr J. Home, Inverness ; Sheriff Nicolson,
Greenock; Mr John Mackay, Hereford; Rev. Wm. Thomson,
Fodderty ; Mr P. Burgess, Glen-Urquhart ; Mr James Fraser,
Mauld; Mr Charles Fergusson, Kirkcudbright ; Mr James Clunas,
Nairn ; Mr Angus Mackintosh of Holme ; Mr N. M. F. Scobie,
Keoldale ; Mr S. Chisholm, Gairloch ; Mr Thomas Hood, Cork,
<fec. Mrs Mary Mackellar, the bard of the Society, expressed her
sentiments in the following Gaelic Duan : —
Beannaicheadh Dia an Cornunn Gaidhlig,
'S biodh a ghras orr' anns an am,
Bho Mhac-Coinnich a' Ceann-taile
Gus am bird a rinn an rann.
Biodh an ciste-mhine Ian,
An sgadan 's am buntat' neo-ghann,
'S deuran beag a bhi 's a' buideal,
Aig ga«h aon neach sgrubadh dram'.
" A Challuinn, a bhuilg bhuidhe, 'bhoicinn, buail an craicionn !
A' Challuinn a' so." (Cheers.)
The Chief proposed a cordial vote of thanks to the Secretary
for his services, and the very encouraging report he had just read
of last year's proceedings. (Applause.) Mr Mackenzie's health
was cordially pledged.
The Chief, who was received with loud and continued ap-
plause, then proposed the toast of the evening, " Success to the
Annual Dinner. 101
Gaelic Society of Inverness." He said — Once again I have the
privilege, as well as the pleasure, of presiding at our annual festive
gathering, and as with to-night the year of office, which it was
your will to bestow upon me, comes to an end, I hope you will
now accept of my best thanks for the invariable kindness which
I have received from the members of this Society, who certainly
to my faults have been ever blind ; and my sincere wishes that
the year we have just entered into may be the first of a long and
unbroken series of many happy and bright ones to follow for you
all. (Applause.) In the circular announcing this meeting, you
will have noticed that it is called the fourteenth annual dinner.
Well, gentlemen, in these fast-driving and rapid days that is a
considerable period of time, quite sufficient to enable us to test
whether our Society is one whose existence is to be looked upon
as of a temporary nature, or to be written down as one of those
institutions which is destined to leave its impress on that part of
the Queen's dominions in which our lot is cast. Now, I think
that any one glancing at the syllabus for the ensuing year, which
has been distributed by our secretary, can come to only one con-
clusion, that this Gaelic Society of Inverness is not only prospering,
but is making for itself more than a local habitation and a name.
(Loud applause.) The work of next session is of the most
varied and interesting character ; and, while it would be invidious
to particularise any of the lecturers or their subjects, we may
safely assert in a general way that both the subjects to be dealt
with, and the names of the gentlemen who are to deal with them,
are guarantees of the highest excellence in that special department
of literature, to the study and prosecution of which this Society is
devoted. (Cheers). And we may also prophesy that so long as the
Society can produce a syllabus like the one for the ensuing year,
its best friends have no fear of its success. (Applause). Former
chiefs of the Society have alluded to the ever increasing size of the
annual Transactions during their year of office, and it is my good
fortune to be enabled to follow in their footsteps, and to draw
your attention to the eleventh volume, which is twice the size of
most of its predecessors, and will no doubt afford you many hours
of pleasant and profitable reading. (Hear, hear). I think that as
this is the first volume which has been illustrated, thanks are due to
Mr Smart for his drawings on the Druid Circles. There is one sub-
ject which of late, at all events, has but seldom found a place on the
programme of this Society. I refer to the present all-engrossing
question of the land. Being of a ywasi-political nature, it may be
as well that this should be the case, and I have not the slightest
102 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
intention of entering into the political aspect of it here, but I
should like, with your leave, to say one or two words, so far as I
think this Society can bring to bear influence on the general ques-
tion without, I hope and believe, doing itself any harm, but doing,
I am certain, a very great deal of good to the country at large,
which, I am convinced, is the earnest wish of all of you. (Hear,
hear.) I have often of late thought, and my views have been
strengthened and confirmed by my conversations with different
members of the Gaelic Society, that a Society like this, embracing
among its members some of the foremost Celtic students of the
day, could, if they individually took the matter up, do much in
helping to dispel some of the erroneous statements which have
been of late circulated amongst the people, and in the present
state of the Highlands, where the people seem suddenly to have
placed their trust in those gentlemen who have gone amongst them
promising much, and making these promises, too often quite imprac-
ticable, in that great boon, " the Gaelic tongue " — (Hear, hear) —
and as we all see that there must be legislation for the High-
lands, I do think that the members of this Society should not be
content with making speeches full of good advice and kindly
feeling to their fellow countrymen, but, pushing oil one side all
party feeling, for I maintain that this is no party question, let
Whig and Tory, aye, and downright Liberal, stand shoulder to
shoulder, take every opportunity of talking with the people in
their native language, and try and get them to meet the proposed
legislation in the spirit in which it will be offered, by whatever
Government brings it forward, be it Liberal or be it Conservative.
I think this is the more incumbent on this Society, as I noticed
the other day that a large section of the people in the Highlands
have agreed only to read the papers which they, or, at least, their
self-elected advisers, chose to call favourable to their cause. I
hope I shall not be misunderstood here, and to be thought that I
am at all referring to the editors of those papers, for from my
personal knowledge of one or two of them, I am quite certain that
they rather like opposition, and would be the last to object to both
sides of the question being placed before those whose cause they
advocate — (Hear, hear) — and I may also add that they are well
able to give and receive as hard a blow as most of us. (Applause.)
It seems to me the duty of every one who desires the happiness of
his country to prevent such a rebound as will have the effect of
injuring the Highlands instead of doing the people good. I am
sure I need not say that I am far from desiring that the members of
this Society should either individually or collectively commit them
Annual Dinner. 103
selves to advocating the interests of any particular class — of that we
have far too much in these days — but I should like to see them
endeavouring to help forward such a settlement of this vexed
question, as will give permanent peace to the Highlands, on a
basis of justice to all, bringing in its train a future of happiness and
prosperity, which, I am afraid, has been very much the reverse
during the past few years. (Applause.) You may have noticed
that the Government propose to introduce a bill, under the guid-
ance of the Duke of Richmond and Gordon, dealing with the
crofter question in the Highlands. What its terms may be, we
do not know, but we do know that the bill is in able hands, and I
am certain will be framed in such a manner as to effect a perman-
ent settlement, and bring that state of peace and contentment to
the Highlands which is so much to be desired. If you and your
friends, on the other hand, will do your best to induce the people
to accept of it, whatever be the result, I have no fear that the
example set by Ireland will be imitated here, but the cry of the
people for legislation on the land question must be listened to,
and their prayer granted, so far as it is consistent with justice
and right. (Applause.) I will not detain you longer, as I do
not think we meet here to make long speeches, so I will simply
ask you to join with me in drinking a long and useful life and
continued prosperity to " The Gaelic Society of Inverness." (Loud
and continued applause.)
Mr James Barren, Ness Bank, proposed the health of " The
members of Parliament for Highland Counties and Burghs." The
members for the Northern Constituencies, he said, were for the
most part new to public life; and he was sure every one would wish,
as they were entering on their duties, that they might have a satis-
factory career. (Hear, hear.) Looking over some Parliamentary
gossip lately, he saw it stated that any one aspiring to political
life must possess physical stamina. (Hear, hear.) He fancied
that the true type for a modern member of Parliament, was a
statesaian for whose memory he had a special regard — he meant
the cool, bright, cheery, and vivacious Lord Palmerston, who, a
fortnight before his death, at the age of eighty, exercised his
strength and ability by climbing twice over a high fence opposite
his front door. (Laughter and applause.) That was tho sort of
legislator they required in these days of late houis, physical strain,
and mental anxiety. They also hoped that besides the healthy body,
their northern members would possess the healthy mind. They were
the representatives of great and populous constituencies, elected
by a decisive voice, raised to a position in which their names
104 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
might become historical, and called upon to deal with questions of
great difficulty and complexity. (Hear, hear.) He was sure it
was the general wish that they would act as true patriots, and
labour to advance the true interests of the Highlands of Scotland.
(Applause.)
Mr A. Macbain, Raining's School, proposed " The Language
and Literature of the Gael." In doing so, he said this was the third
time within the past five years that he had been called upon to
propose this same toast, and he had indeed hoped by this time
that his two former speeches on the subject ought, owing to their
excellence, to have entitled him rather to respond to the toast than
to propose it. (Laughter.) In these circumstances he would
adopt the method employed by the candidates at the late election.
When any knotty question was proposed in the course of the
heckling, the candidates invariably referred his questioner to a
speech he had delivered in some other place on that very topic.
(Laughter.) Now, if they were anxious to know his opinions on
the language and the literature of the Gael, he must first refer
them to his previous speeches on this subject (Laughter.)
Of course they all knew that the Gaelic was the oldest lan-
guage in the world — (Hear, hear, and laughter) — at least it could
not be scientifically proved that it was not the oldest lan-
guage, and that itself was a great consolation — (Laughter) — for
in reality a language and the race that spoke it were just as old
as the human race and no older or younger. In regard to the
Gaelic as a language, personally he had found it, he said, of the
greatest use in the special field of science which he followed —
in philology and mythology. There was scarcely a philological
law of the ancient or of the modern world that Gaelic did not
exemplify. It was of special importance in studying what the
Germans called "Umlaut" — the action of a terminal small vowel
on the preceding syllable; it showed, as no other language could,
how they could get rid of consonants on principle, for vowel-
flanked consonants generally disappear, so that the French people
and the Strathspey people pronounced the word for " mother "
exactly the same way, getting each rid of the medial letter t ; and,
lastly, the philological law of analogy, whereby declension and
conjugation came to be of similar types, was extremely well exem-
plified in Gaelic. In regard to Gaelic literature, the Gaels could
hold their own any day with any similarly situated people on this
score. The literature was lively, pathetic, satiric, like most folk-
literatures, and as such it was the best in Europe. (Applause.)
General literature owed one great feature to the Celtic idea of
Annual Dinner 105
fitness and beauty, for it was to the Celts that they owed rhyme
in modern verse. Hebrew poetry had its balance of thought,
classical poetry had its quantity, Teutonic poetry delighted in
alliteration, but the Celts had the most beautiful of all — rhyme or
assonance. (Hear, hear, and applause.) And, not to detain them
longer, he had lastly to refer to the triumph that Gaelic had lately
gained in being recognised in the Scotch Code. A cherished object
of this Society had been thus gained, and he, as a member of it,
had the honour of presenting the first pupils under the new Code,
even though the Gaelic schedule was not yet organised. (Cheers.)
Mr Duncan Campbell, who was called upon to reply, said he
would have preferred to have proposed the toast, as in that case he
would have had a better opportunity of referring to Mr Macbain's
studies in Celtic literature. (Applause.) Mr Macbain was one of
those gentlemen who really deserved the thanks of the Society,
and, indeed, of all Celtic Societies, for his valuable and fruitful
labours in that field. (Applause.) His friend, Mr Mackenzie,
Ballifeary, whose name was coupled with the toast, and himself,
were only doing their best to keep modem Gaelic alive, and coin-
ing it for commercial and every-day use ; and also, as his friend Mr
Whyte suggested, for election purposes. (Laughter and applause.)
Professor Blackie some years ago published a judicial sentence of
his own to the effect that Gaelic would never go beyond poetry and
dialogue ; but the Professor would have to retract this sentence —
which, as an enthusiastic Highlander, he would no doubt do very
frankly, for, during the election, the province of Gaelic — modern
living Gaelic — had branched out in every form, and endeavoured
to adapt itself to modern political thought, and other matters which
formerly were almost unutterable in Gaelic. (Applause.) It had
been shown that, like modern Greek, the Gaelic language had
within itself the power of expressing every idea entering into
the heai-ts of men, without, like English, borrowing from every
available source. (Laughter and applause.) Mr Campbell, in
conclusion, referred to a pamphlet, published by Dr Mackenzie of
Eileanach, entitled "The Catechism of the Crofter." The pam-
phlet, Mr Campbell said, was one of the most useful and valuable
contributions to modern Gaelic literature, because the Dr had
elevated the importance of industry, and brought to the knowledge
and understanding of the crofters valuable ideas in political economy.
(Applause.) He only hoped that some one would follow up Dr
Mackenzie's contribution with a publication of a similar nature,
giving useful knowledge regarding gardening, for the benefit of the
Highland people. (Applause.)
106 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Mr Alexander Mackenzie, Ballifeary, whose name was also
coupled with the toast, contented himself with acknowledging the
compliment.
Bailie Alexander Ross proposed " The Agricultural and Com-
mercial Interests of the Highlands," and in doing so referred to
the depression which at present prevailed throughout the country.
He trusted that there would be a speedy revival of prosperity in
all branches of industry.
Mr F. Macdonald, Druidag, in a few pithy Gaelic sentences,
replied on behalf of the agricultural, and ex-Bailie Macbean on
behalf of the commercial interests of the North.
Provost Macandrew, on rising to propose the toast of "High-
land Education," was heartily received. Highland education was,
he said, a subject impressed upon them in one or two ways. In the
first place, they could not travel very far over the country without
observing that, at any rate, education was asserting itself in the
matter of stone and lime. All the educational buildings which
had of recent years been reared in the various parishes were very
much finer than used to content their ancestors, or even themselves
in their youth. As a conseqxience, education pressed upon many
of them very seriously in the matter of assessment — especially
about this time of the year they were all made very sensitive to
that fact. (Laughter and applause.) Although in this particular
part of the country they had not so great cause of complaint having
regard to taxation, in many other parts of the Highlands excessive
school rates were a great and crying evil. (Hear, hear. ) This was an
immediate effect of the excessive expenditm*e which had taken place
in providing these buildings for elementary education ; and there
was no doubt that some speedy remedy would require to be found,
and effectual relief given in many Highland parishes. (Loud ap-
plause.) The question which pressed itself upon his mind in this
matter of education was, What were they substituting — what
were the real merits of the equivalent being given — for the
ancient system of education? It was necessary and right that the
people should be taught to read and write not only the English
language but their own native Gaelic, in order that they might
be qualified to enter upon the actual business of life; but, while
this elementary education was being supplied at such an enormous
cost and pressure upon the ratepayers, it was, he was afraid,
being forgotten that a great means for the education of the people
had been greatly, and was now almost totally withdrawn, and
that was the ancient literature of the country, that used to exist,
if not in writing, at least in speech, handed down from one
Annual Dinner. 107
generation to another. (Applause.) He did not suppose anybody
could now make such a collection of Highland stories as Mr
Campbell of Islay succeeded in doing. That collection, as they
were aware, was in many respects imperfect ; but had a Mr
Campbell of Islay been in the field three or four generations be-
fore, how much more valuable a book of folklore might have been
compiled 1 They must also remember that these traditional
stories educated the people in those days; and when they looked
back to what their foi-efathers were, and when they looked at all
the appliances of modern education, he did not think that they
had much reason to be proud. There was one thing that they
must remember, and that was that they had a valuable means of
education in the study of their own history, and the more he
knew of it the more he would recommend its study. There was
much in it, no doubt, which they had no reason to feel proud of.
It often told of nobles who were faithless. But all through the
course of the history of Scotland they felt that among the great body
of the people there always existed a strong feeling both for the main-
tenance of the independence of the country, and for the mainten-
ance of the royal line — (Hear, hear) — and this feeling of loyalty and
independence shone brightly above the faithlessness of the nobles,
and the weakness as well as the poverty of the country. (Ap-
plause.) Through the long course of their history, the people
combined to resist the Romans, the Saxons, and the other in-
vaders, and maintained Scotch independence, and their own royal
line, until they were able to unite with England upon equal terms.
(Hear, hear, and applause.) The fact could not be impressed too
much upon the people that the more they looked back into the
history of the country the more would they find people guided by
high and noble feeling, by a feeling which soared high above their
own selfish interests, a feeling of freedom and independence, which
ought to be maintained at all risks and hazards. (Hear, hear, and
applause.) It was of the utmost importance that this old Scotch
feeling of freedom and independence should be perpetuated and
not be lost sight of. A knowledge of reading, writing, and arith-
metic, and a knowledge of how to acquire money, was all very well,
but while they imparted such an education as enabled every man
to take his share in the busy, active part of life, that part of his
education should not be neglected which taught him to see that
there were other things far above worldly and selfish interests
which ought to inspire his heart, and guide him through life.
(Applause.) Proceeding, the Provost said there could be no doubt
that there was among the poorer class in the country a great
108 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.
amount of improvidence and idleness, although it had to be borne
in mind that they had much to contend with in the variable
nature of the climate. He could conceive no better means of
educating them out of their present position than by teaching
them to look back upon the history of their country, which
would teach them to rely more upon their own exertions and
their own industry, as well as to look beyond their personal
anxieties. (Applause.) They had heard a great deal lately
about free education, but while he was in politics a Liberal, he
had some old-fashioned ideas, and he must say that, in his opinion,
to introduce free education would not only reduce it to a thing of
little value, but would destroy that noble feeling which prompted
the artisan to pinch himself in order that his son might be well
educated. (Hear, hear.) Free education would destroy that
glorious feeling of independence that had ever characterised Scotch-
men, and should animate them to the last stroke of time. Enter-
taining these feelings, he had great pleasure in taking part in the
proceedings of the Society. It was devoted to maintaining what
was good and valuable, and its main object was to conserve all
that was good and true in Highland life and character, and to
promote education in the highest and best sense. (Applause.)
The Society should do its utmost to teach the Highland people
that what was only valuable and worthy of being contended for
was that which was obtained through industry and actual exer-
tion on their part — that education was only valuable if sought
for its own sake, and for the sake of the freedom and the know-
ledge which it gave ; and teach them also to look back into the
history of former times, and learn the valuable lesson that it was
their duty to look far above individual comfort and individual
grievances, and endeavour to realise a higher ideal. (Loud ap-
plause.)
Mr A. C. Mackenzie, Maryburgh, who replied, said he had
always taken a very great interest in the question of education.
Speaking of elementary education in the Highlands, he said many
difficulties had to be contended with. The question of school
attendance was one of the most serious. This was a matter which
he thought ought to occupy the attention of members of School
Boards and others more than it did. (Hear, hear.) Some Boards
were quite content if they appointed a default officer. This
should not be the case. The prosecution of parents for neglecting
to send their children to school was looked upon as harsh ; and he
believed more in the personal influence of those who commanded
respect in the district for a change for the better, than in any
Annual Dinner. 109
measure of compulsion. (Applause.) With regard to the Provost's
remark about free education, he might say that he had found that
those who had paid school fees attended school with more satis-
faction to themselves, their parents, and their teachers. Notwith-
standing this fact, however, his experience led him to think that
education, if compulsory, should, if not free, be at least cheap.
(Hear, hear, and applause.)
Mr E. H. Macmillan, Caledonian Bank, proposed the toast
of "Kindred Societies," and in doing so, referred to the good work
which was being carried on by the various societies. He had ex-
pected that he would have been able to couple the toast with the
name of Mr Home, of the Geological Survey. (Applause.) He,
however, had found it impossible to be present. They were glad,
however, to have Dr Aitken with them, one of the leading mem-
bers of the Field Club. The Secretary of the Gaelic Society had
alluded to the fact that the eleventh volume of the Transactions
had been issued during the past year; and he (Mr Macmillan)
might mention that the Scientific Society and Field Club had
issued during the year the first volume of their Transactions.
(Applause.)
Dr Aitken, in reply, said he was glad the Field Club should
have for its President one so distinguished, and one likely to be-
come more distinguished than he was. Mr Home had already
solved a question which had long puzzled men in his own pro-
fession— the geological problem in the North- West of Sutherland.
(Applause.) In speaking to the toast, he said he understood that
the societies he was expected to represent were three in number.
There was the Literary and Debating Society — a very vigorous
Society — and he knew of no other better field for training young
men to acquit themselves with credit in life than in that associa-
tion. (Applause.) The older Society — the Literary Institute —
had thought desirable to connect itself with the Field Club, not
for want of papers or energy, but owing to so many nights being
devoted to the various societies, that the members could not
attend all the meetings. (Applause.) In regard to the Field
Club, its sphere was to deal with the natural phenomena and
archaeology of the district. (Applause.) The Gaelic Society sub-
sisted for preserving the language and folk-lore of the people.
(Applause.) The one dealt with the physical features of the
country, and the other with the life of the people. (Applause.)
It was most important that people should be conversant with the
history and traditions of their own race, and he was pleased to
observe that in the last volume of the Gaelic Society the history
110 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.
of the language of the country occupied a most important part.
He knew of nothing in that direction more important than that
contributed by Mr Macbain, Raining' s School. If they once
allowed the language of the country to go down, they might do
what they pleased ; they might legislate and take all possible pre-
cautions, but they would be lost as a people, and in order to pre-
serve it they could not do better than study it. (Applause.) If
the two Societies worked together he thought the history and folk-
lore of this district would be worked up better than any other dis-
trict in Scotland. (Applause.)
Mr Alex. Mackenzie, Ballifeary, in a humorous speech, gave
"The Provost, Magistrates, and Town Council of Inverness."
In doing so he spoke of the important schemes which they had to
deal with. He mentioned that within the last few years the
Police Commissioners had expended a sum of £100,000 on gas and
water. (Applause.) He expressed the hope that the Queen, on
the occasion of her jubilee, would remember the Provost of the
Capital of the Highlands, and that when they next met he would
have the honour to call upon Sir Henry Cockburn Macandrew to
reply for the toast. (Applause.)
The Provost said he did not know what her Majesty might
be pleased to do by-and-bye ; but there was no doubt of this —
that if these honours were to be flying about, the Provost of
Inverness had as good a title as any one else, and ought not to be
forgotten. (Hear, hear, and applause.)
Mr William Mackay, solicitor, proposed the toast of "The N on-
Resident Members of the Society." He mentioned that of the 300
members of the Society, 200 were non-resident, so that they were
a very numerous body A reference to the syllabus would also
show that they were an important body, no fewer than 15 of the
26 papers being by non-resident members. (Applause.)
Mr F. Macdonald, farmer, Druidag, replied in Gaelic.
Mr G. J. Campbell, in proposing the toast of " The Clergy of
all Denominations," said that while the present company could not
be expected to subscribe to all the religious tenets represented by
the subject of this toast, still they could all sympathise with, and
appreciate the main objects of the clerical profession — (Applause)
— even though all their clerical friends did not claim apostolic suc-
cession. (Laughter.) The clergy had in the past taken the deepest
interest in all that conduced to the well-being of society, and they
were doing so still. They were in bygone ages, as they were in
the present day, in the forefront as pioneers of civilisation,
going with their lives in their hand into the darkest corners of
the earth, shedding the light of truth, inculcating the doctrines of
Annual Dinner. Ill
rectitude and morality and good-will among men, and breaking
up the fallow ground for the advancement of social and commercial
prosperity. (Hear, hear.) The influence they had on society
might be traced in many ways, but perhaps in none more conspicu-
ously than in the innumerable costly and ornamental, and even
in their ruins, almost everlasting architectural edifices erected for
religious purposes. They had also great influence in moulding the
thought and life of the people by the action and intelligent interest
they had taken in education and literature. The cause of Gaelic
literature was laid under deepest obligation to their order, through
the valuable record of the far off centuries handed down to us in
the Book of Deer. (Applause.) The tendency of the present day
was to deny to the clergy the privilege of entering into the discus-
sion of civil and political reforms, but while he (Mr Campbell)
could not coincide with that view, he believed it depended
very much on the judiciousness with which they treated those
questions whether they could command the sympathies and
support of their people on entering into those secular battlefields.
(Hear, hear.) The functions of the clergy were more pastoral
than political, and in their high calling they deserved the highest
regard of the people. Let us be able to say of each of them,
when called to give an account of his stewardship —
" His head was silvered o'er with age,
A nd long experience made him sage ;
In summer's heat and winter's cold
He fed his flocks and penned his fold ;
His wisdom and his honest fame
Through all the country raised his name."
The Rev. G. Mackay, Beauly, in reply, said he had always
taken a deep interest in all matters affecting the welfare of the
people of the Highlands, and would always do what he could to
promote their best and highest interests. (Applause.)
Treasurer Jonathan Eoss, proposed " The Press," and Mr D.
K. Clark, Inverness Courier, replied.
Mr Mackenzie, Silverwells, said the toast assigned to him
was one which he had the greatest possible pleasure in proposing,
and which he was certain would be received with the cordiality
and enthusiasm it deserved. (Hear, hear.) It was the " Health
of their worthy Chairman and Chief," Kintail. (Applause.) Kin-
tail was always ready to further the interests of all their local
associations, societies, and institutions. As an agriculturist, he
had set a noble example to tenants and tenant-farmers, and one
which many of their large landed proprietors would do well to
112 Gaelic Society of fnuerness.
follow. (Hear, hear.) He was heir to princely possessions, and
with the experience thus gained, it said much for his future as a
landlord. (Applause.) He might also say that Kintail did not
do like many of their lairds, after collecting their rents in the
North, go and live in the great Metropolis. No, he preferred to
live in the Highlands and among the Highland people, where he
was both loved and respected. (Applause.) He asked them to fill
up their glasses and drink to the health of our Chairman and Chief,
Kintail, with all the honours. (Applause and Highland honours.)
The Chairman acknowledged the compliment, and thanked
the company for their kind expressions of esteem.
Bailie Charles Mackay proposed the health of "The Croupiers,"
which was responded to by Mr G. J. Campbell, solicitor.
The health of "The host," Mr Macfarlane, having been heartily
pledged, the company separated. During the evening songs were
given by Dr Sinclair Macdonakl, Mr Mowatt, Mr Macpherson,
Mr G. J. Campbell, Mr Fraser, Illinois; Mr William Mackay, Mr
Whyte, and others. During dinner and between the toasts Pipe-
Serjeant Paul Mackillop delighted the company with marches and
strathspeys, played in excellent style on the pipes. His spirited
strains roused the feelings of the company, and an excellent reel,
in which most of those present took part, was engaged in towards
the close of the proceedings.
As already stated one of those who entertained the company
assembled at dinner, was Mr William Fraser, of Elgin, Illinois,
U.S.A. Mr Ftaser had been forty years in America, and the fol-
lowing poem of his own composition, vividly describes his first im-
pressions of the country, and the home-sickness that made him
sigh there for Highland heather, glens, streams, and the social life
to which he was accustomed. Better acquaintance with the land
of his adoption, however, softened his regrets, but never killed the
Highlander in his nature. The poem which Mr Fraser recited
was as follows: —
First fart.
'Nuair bha na h-uaislean air cinntinn cruaidh oirnn,
Anns an Taobh Tuath 's an robh sinn an Alb',
Dh' eirich fuaim oimn gu dhol thar chuaintibh,
'S do dh- America ghluais sinn le fonn air falbh ;
Is ann sna Staitean air tir do chaidh sinn,
'N ceann iomadh la dhuinn bhi muigh air fairg',
'S cha mhor toil-inntinn a gheibh 'san tir so,
Oir 's iomadh ni a tha ga deanamh searbh.
Annual Dinner. 113
Air dol dheth bord dhuinn aig crioch ar seolaidh,
'Sa' bhaile mhor ud do 'n ainm New York,
Bha sluagh gu leoir as gach taobh 'n Roinn Eorp ann
Dheth na h-iiile seorsa 's air iomadh dreach.
Bu chnapan " nigger " gach fear a tri dhiubh,
Mar ri na miltean do Gheangaich ghlas,
'S ma their mi 'n fhirinn gur mi bha sgith dheth,
Ma'n d' fhuair mi m' imrich a thogail as.
Gach ceum a shiubhlas sinn feadh na duth'chsa,
Gur coille dhuth-ghorm i air fad,
Tha ruith gu siorruidh gun cheann no crioch oirr'
Is beachain fiadhaich tha innt' gu pailt';
Cha 'n fhaic sinn fraoch ann a' fas air aonach,
No sruth a caochan ruith soilleir glan,
Ach buig is geoban, 's na rathadan mora,
Na'n sluic mhi-chomhnard le stumpan grod.
'S ge do shaoil sinn gu 'm bu duthaich shaor i,
Tha sinn fo dhaors' innt' nach robh sinn riamh,
Le obair chruaidh ann gun suim do dh-uaraibh,
'S cha ghabhar truas dhinn ged bhiodh sinn sgith ;
Bithidh glaodh oirnn eirigh mu 'n gann is leir dhuinn,
'S air ball gum feum sinn a dhol ri gniomh,
'S bho mhoch gu anmoch sinn 'sas mar ainmhidh,
'S le cabhaig anbarraich ag ith ar bidh.
Cha bhi na trathan 's an am am b'abhaist dhuinn,
Ach air ainan daicheal nach do chleachd sinn riamh;
'Nuair theid gairm oirnn a dhol da 'n ionnsaidh,
Theid clag no dudach a' sud a thoirm ;
Theid suidhe ri biadh ann gun bheannachd iarraidh,
'S gach fear a' lionadh gu grad a bhroinn,
'S cho grad aig eirigh am feadh tha bheul Ian,
'S cha ghabh fear eis ri fear tha as a dheigh.
Gur h-e an Ion 's trie bhitheas air bord aca,
Na staoigean mor dheth na mhuic-fheoil ghlais,
Is ti seai-bh air nach bi mor tharbhachd,
Gun an siucar dearg 'chuireadh dhith 'n droch bhlas ;
Is "stuth na Toiseachd" air an robh sinn eolach,
Cha 'n fhaodar ol ann mar bu chleachd,
Tha e air a dhiteadh air feadh na tir-sa,
'S gum bheil a bhinn air a toirt a roach.
8
114 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Gur bochd ar caramh an so air airidh,
Is ann na'n raith'dean cha gabh sinn tlachd,
B'i tir a phianaidh do dhuin' is ainbhidh,
'S cha 'n 'eil na h-aimsirean mar bu chleachd ;
Tha teas is fuachd ann a tha ro chruaidh oirnn,
Bhitheas cur droch shnuadh oirnn 's toirt dhinn ar dreach,
'S cha mhor creutair a chi mi fein ann,
Gach fear is te dhiubh ach biorach glas.
Ri am an t-samhraidh sinn sgith is fann ann,
Gu 'm bi ar teangan a mach le teas,
A bhitheas ga'r sarachadh 's toirt ar cail uainn,
Is sinn mar sgail ann air leaghadh as ;
Bithidh 'm fallas braonach a' ruith na chaochanan,
Sios bh'ar n-aodann na shruthan cas,
'S an tuisg' a ghnath gu 'm feum bhi lamh rinn,
'S sinn tioram, paiteach ag eigheachd deoch.
'S tha geamhradh gruamach a tha cranndaidh fuar ann,
Le geur ghaoth tuath agus frasan sneachd,
Ga chur gu domhal is cathadh mor leis,
'S gum bith na roidean gu h-uile tachd'.
'Mur bi botan oirnn is pailteas comhdaich
Cha bhi doigh air a dhol a mach,
'S tha ghaoth cho reodht ann 's gun gearr i 'n t-sron dhinn
'S gum bi gach Ion ann cho cruaidh ri clach.
'S e sud am fuachda a dh'fhagas gruamach
Na h-uile truaghan a bhios an airc,
Gur leoir a cheird dha bhi cumail blaiths air ;
Is connadh gearta gum feum bhi pailt',
'S bithidh 'm fuachd air uairean a' faighinn buaidh oirnn
Ged h-ann na 'r suain a bhitheadh sinn 'n ar leab',
Is mur bi teine mor ann an impis rosdaidh,
Cha mhor nach reoth sinn 'nar suidhe steach.
Ach a' mhuinntir straiceil a tha 'san ait so,
'S e an t-am is fhearr leo 'nuair thig an sneachd ;
Bithidh iad nan caoiribh a' ruith air slaoid ann,
Is cluig 'sa' ghliongarachd ri 'n cuid each.
Aig dol mu'n cuairt' anns an am a's fuaire,
'S an sneachd mu'n cluasan ga chur gu pailt',
A' ruith 'sa' leumachd 's gach taobh an leir dhuinn,
'S an cuip ag eigneachadh speid nan each.
Annual Dinner. 115
Air latha na Sabaid, do dh-aite a' chrabhaibh,
Cha bhi ach ainmig aon neach air chois,
Ach ann an carbadaibh dol do'n t searmoin,
'S a' ruith 'sa stararaich le'n iomadh each ;
Tha iomadh seors ann do bharail neonach
Nach 'eil a' cordadh air aona bheachd,
Is cuid mi-churamach mar na bruidean,
Is cha'n 'eil umhlachd do Shabaid ac'.
Tha cuid do dh-Albanaich feadh na duth'ch' so
Gu tur chuir cul ris gach cleachdadh coir
A lean ri'n sinnsearean air feadh nan linntean,
Is cha'n 'eil suim ac' ga'n cumail beo.
Ach mar na Geintilich tha ma'n cuairt orr"
A' fas gu fuar-chritheach le'n cuid stoir,
'S cha chan iad Gailig ach 'deanatnh tair oirr1
Ged 's ann innt cha'n arach 'n uair bha iad og.
'S gur trie mi cuimhneachdainn air na tioman
Bhitheadh agam fhein ann an Albainn thall,
'S bithidh mulad diblidh a' tighinn air m' inntinn
'S gur iomadh sgriob bhios i toirt a null,
A' ruith gu eutrom air feadh an aonaich,
Mar bha mi aon uair an tir nam beann
A' cluinntinn toirmean nan allt 's nan caochan
Bhiodh mireach, sgaoilteach ruith feadh nan gleann.
Aig Nollaig aoibh neach is La Bliadhn' Uir ann,
Gur sinn bhiodh sunndach, le cluich is ceol,
Bhiodh surd is danns' ann air feisd is bainnsibh,
Gun dad a sgrainge no dh'olc na 'r coir ;
Is gum bu ghuanach a bhiodh na gruagaichean
Bhiodh m'an cuairt dhuinn gu critheil coir,
Gu cairdeal, eibhneach, gun eagal cleir oirnn
Do thaobh bheusan bha saor bho ghoid.
Air bhi air chuairt dhuinn car bheagan bhliadhnaibh
'N taobh airde n' iar do Staid New York,
'S o'n bha m' fearann daor ann 's gun mor mhaoin againn
Chuir sinn ar n-aodainn ri dhol na b'fhaid',
Agus sheol sinn thar lochaibh mora
Do dh-Illinois nam faichean glas
'San fheai'ann chomhnard gun choilltean domhal
Is ghabh sinn comhnuidh air abhainn Fox.
116 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Gum b'i so duthaich nara prairie lubach,
Na 'n sealladh ur dhuinn 's na h-uile cearn,
Is feur gu duint' orr' gu ruig ar gluinean,
Gu dosrach urar 's gu gorin a' fas ;
Gun chrodh no caoraich ri iomain caoin aim,
Ach crith sa ghaoith ann mar thonnaibh fairg,
'Sa' fas 's a' crionadh o chian nan ciantan
Is aig gach fiadh-bheathach 'na aite taimh.
Second Part.
Tha iomadh seorsa do dh-ainbhidh beo ann,
Gun dragh no eolas air rathaidhean dhaoin,
Tha feidh nan crocan a' ruith nan drobhan ann
Is cearcan boidheach mar bhiodh 'san fhraoch.
Tha madraidh-alld' agus sionnaich sheolt ann,
Agus gobharan beaga maol,
'S tha 'n tunnag spogach a' snamh gach Ion ann
Is pailteas dhrobhachan do ghlas gheoidh.
Tha moran eun ann a bhios ri ceol ann,
Cho binn ri smeorach am barr nan craobh.
Tha na h-aibhnichean is iasg gu leor annt'
Gun aig neach coir orr', ach iad gu saor.
'S tha iomadh doigh air bhi deanamh beo-shlaint',
'S cha'n 'eil an Ion ann no 'm fearann daor,
'S mur bhith aon do-bheart a bhios g'ar leon ann
Bhitheadh sinn cho doigheil 'sa shireadh aon.
Ach tha aon droch bhuaidh ann d'am beil sinn buailteach
Bhios ga'r cur tuathal 's ga'r fagail clith —
'S e sin droch eucail, ris an canar ague,
Is cha mhor creutair nach dean i chlaoidh.
Gu 'm bi na ceudan air chrith is dreun orr'
Mar dhuill' air gheig bhiodh air chrith le gaoith,
'S cha'n ann gun reusan a bheir mi beum dhi,
Oir 's iomadh eiginn 's na chuir i mi.
'Nuair gheibh suairceag ud lamh an uachdar,
'S i chuireas gluasad na m' fhuil 's na m' fheoil,
Mi greannach, gruamach, is fior dhroch shnuadh orm,
'S bithidh mi cho fuar ann ri stocan reotht'.
'S m'an gann gun gluais mi 's gum falbh am fuachd sin
Thig teas cho cruaidh orm 's ged bhithinn roisdt',
Mi 'n ghnath ri luasgan gun fhois no suain domh,
Och, gur mi-shuaimhneach a bhios mo choir.
Annual Dinner 117
B'i sin a' bhan-suireach a dh'lhanas teann rium,
'S a chuireas greann orm thighinn a'm choir,
Is ged bhiodh aing orm cha toir i taing dhomh
Is cha ghabh ceannsachdainn oirr' le deoin.
'Nuair a smuanaich mi gun d;thug i fuath dhomh
'S gun d'rinn mi fuadach uam ri'm bheo,
Thig i gun naire a ris chur failt' orm,
'S a dh fhantainn lamh rium ge b'oil le m' fheoil.
Is i a' bhana-Gheangach a tha gun nair i,
'S ann orm tha 'n tamailt mi faicinn riamh ;
'N uair dh'eireas teurn oirr' cha bhi mi reidh rithe ;
Ach gheibh mi greudhadh uaipe nach bi cli.
Mo cheann is m'eanchainn bithidh troimh a cheile,
Is gach cnaimh nam chreubhag bithidh bruite, sgith,
Gum b'fhearr dhomh fein bhi fo phlaigh na h-Eiphid
'Nuair throideas breunag na bhi 'san tir.
Ach, taing dha'n Ti-mhath, gun d'fhuar mi cuibht's i,
Is iomadh cuingealachd bha na deigh,
'S le tuillidh bruidhne cha bhi ga maoitheadh,
Ach bithidh mi chaoidh guidhe dhi siubhal reidh.
'S a nis cho-dhunain le comhairle dhurachdaich
Do mo luchd-duthcha 'san tir gu leir —
Gun iad bhi diombach no'm misneachd cul riutha
Ge do bhiodh cuisean dol uairean fiar.
20-TH JANUARY 1886.
A meeting was held on this date for the purpose of nominat-
ing office-bearers for 1886. The following new members were
elected, viz : — Mr A. D. Campbell, of Kilmartiii, Glen-Urquhart,
life member ; and Mr John Home, Geological Survey, Inverness ;
Mr Alexander Gow, of the Dundee Advertiser, Dundee ; and Mr
Alexander Mowat, of the Scottish Highlander, Inverness, ordinary
members. All the business having been transacted, the meeting
assumed the form of a Highland Ceilidh, which was highly en-
joyed by all present.
27TH JANUARY 1886.
At the meeting on this date, office-bearers for 1886 were
elected. The following were elected members of the Society, viz :
— Mr Kenneth J. Matheson, yr. of Lochalsh, life member ; Sheriff'
Blair, Inverness; and Colonel Charles Edward Stewart, C.I.E.,
118 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
C.M.G. (of the Afghan Frontier Commission), Ornockenoch,
Gatehouse, Kirkcudbright, honorary members ; Mr John Mac-
lennan, teacher, Inverasdale, Gairloch ; Mr Alexander Mitchell,
The Dispensary, Inverness ; and Mr Alexander Macdonald,
master carpenter, 62 Tomnahurich Street, Inverness, ordinary
members ; and Mr Roderick MacCorquodale, 42 Union Street,
Inverness, as an apprentice member.
SRD FEBRUARY 1886.
At the meeting on this date the following new members were
elected, viz.: — Mr James E. B. Baillie of Dochfour, and Mr
Edward Herbert Wood of Raasay, both life members ; Dr F. F.
M. Moir, Aberdeen, honorary; and Mr Ralph Erskine Mac-
donald, Corindah, Queensland ; Mr James Cook, commission agent,
Inverness ; Mr Hugh Macpherson, merchant, Castle Street, Inver-
ness ; Mr Wm. Fraser of Elgin, Illinois, U.S.A.; Dr Sinclair Mac-
donald, Inverness ; and Mr William Mackay, Argyle Street,
Inverness, ordinary members. Some routine business having been
transacted, Mr Colin Chisholm, Inverness, read the following
series of
UNPUBLISHED OLD GAELIC SONGS.
Our worthy secretary, Mr William Mackenzie, arranged that
I should read a few old songs for you this evening.
So far as I am aware, the most of these songs never appeared
as yet in print, but some of them have been partially published.
For instance : — There are only thirteen verses of " Or an mor Mhic-
Leoid" given in Mackenzie's " Beaxities of Gaelic Poetry," whereas
I give twenty-seven verses of it. The same remark may also
apply to two or three others, which have been printed in part
only, and which I give as full as I ever heard them sung. Every
song on my list for this evening I used to hear, and could recite
parts of them before I left Strathglass, over fifty years ago. Last
Autumn, when I was in Kintail, Captain Alexander Matheson,
shipowner, Dornie, generously placed his large collection of Gaelic
songs in manuscript at my disposal. It is through his kindness
that I was enabled to renew my acquaintance with the most of
the songs I now give to this Society. If any other person will
give us better versions of these songs, no one will be more
pleased than I will.
The first song I will give you is one composed by Roderick
Mackenzie, who is said to have been the heir apparent of Apple-
Old Gaelic Songs. 119
cross, but who was supplanted by some means which I never
heard sufficiently explained.
Thoir a nail dhuinn am botul,
Cuir an deoch so mu'n cuairt ;
Tha' m inntinn gle dheonach
Dhol a sheoladh thar chuan,
A dh-ionnsuidh an aite
Gus na bharc am mor shluagh,
Gu eilean Naomh Mairi.
'S cha bhi mal dha thoirt bhuainn.
Ach, Aonghais Mhic-Amhla,
Tha mi an geall ort ro mhor,
Bho 'n a sgriobh thu na briathran
'S an gniomh le do mheoir ;
Gu 'n cuir thu dha'r n-ionnsuidh
Long Ghallda nan seol,
Ruith-chuip air a clair- —
" Overhaul and let go."
So a" bhliadhna tha saraicht'
Air fear gun aiteach gun sunnd ;
'Nuair theid each ann sa Mhart
Ris an aiteach le surd ;
Tha luchd-riaghlaidh an aite
Dha 'm aicheadh gu dluth,
'S gur e 'n stiuir thoirt an iar dhi
Ni is ciataiche dhuinn.
Ma 's e reitheachan chaorach
An aite dhaoine bhitheas ann,
Bidh Albainn an tra sin
Na fasaich do'n Fhraing ;
'Nuair a thig Bonaparte
Le laimh laidir a nail,
Bidh na cibeirean truagh dheth,
'S cha truagh linn an call.
'Nuair a thig orra 'm bracsaidh
'S gach galar bhitheas ann,
A' chloimh cha'n i 's fhasa
Dha'n tachus gu teann,
An t-al a bhi diobairt
'Sa chaoil' anns gach gleann
An stoc gun bhi lathair
'S am mal bhi air chall.
120 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Ma ni sinne seoladh
'S gu'n deonaichear dhuinn
Gu 'n robh High nan Grasan
A ghnath air ar stiuir ;
Dha nar gleidheadh's da'r tearnadh
Bho gach gabhadh is cuis,
Gu taobh thall na fairge,
Ma's a crannchur e dhuinn.
Bithidh am bradan air linn' ann
'Sna miltean do dh-fheidh,
Bithidh gach eun air na crannaibh
'S ann am barraibh nan geug ; ,
Bithidh an cruithneachd a fas ann
Bithidh an t-al aig an spreidh,
'S ann an am na Feill Padraig
Bithidh an t-aiteach dha reir.
Bheir mi dhuibh a nise Luinneag le Donull Mac-Mhathain,
Fear Atadail. Tha sinn a' faicinn ann san aidheam so mar bu
mliath leis bean a thaghadh : —
E hu ro bhi hoireann oho,
E hu ro bhi hoireannan ;
E hu ro bhi hoireann eile,
Mo run fhein gu d' fhaicinn slan.
Na'm bitheadh agam bata biorach,
Sgioba ghillean agus raimh,
Rachainn a null thar an linne
'Shealltainn bheil an nighean slan.
Na'm faighinn caileag bhoidheach, bheusach,
'Si bhi leum na h-ochd bliadhn' diag,
Ged do shlanaicheadh i 'n fhichead
'S docha nach bu mhisd' a ciall.
'S mor gum b'fhearr learn leabaidh luachrach,
'San Taobh-tuath a muigh air blar,
Na ged gheibhinn leaba' n seomar
'S e seachd storaidhean air aird'.
'S beag orm an te bhitheas ceil'dheach,
'S trie a thug i bhreug dheth 'triall ;
Te mhugach nach faighnich cairdean,
Oha' n i 's fhearr a choisneas miadh.
Old Gaelic Songs. 121
Cha thaobh mi bantrach fir idir,
Na seann te gun duin' aice riamh,
Fo altrum te oig cha teid mi,
Bho' n a's fheudar a bhi triall.
Thaghainn thu gu boidheach, banail,
Thaghainn thu gu fallain, fialj
Pail teas spreidh is moran chairdean,
Ciall is naire 's cail gu gniomh.
MORT NA CEAPAICH, NO CUMHA CLANN NA CEAPAICH, LE
IAN LOM.
Fifteen verses of this song have been published by Turner
in his collection of Gaelic Songs in 1813. There are also fifteen
verses, line for line as in Turner's, printed in John Mackenzie's
" Beauties of Gaelic Poetry." I used to hear more of this lament
in Strathglass, and by aid of the Dornie MS., I can now give you
twenty-three verses of it. About the time " Ian Lorn " com-
posed this lament he found his native district too hot for him, in
consequence of which he sought and received the hospitality and
protection of " Mac-Coinnich mor Chinntaile," i.e., the Earl of
Seaforth. By command of the Earl, John was placed in a farm
called Oragaig, in Gleneilchaig. In this farm he remained until
some person inimical to " Ian Lorn," composed a villainously ugly
and lying satire of four or five short lines on the men of Kintail.
" Ian Lorn " was accused of being the author of the offensive
couplet. He denied it with all the power of speech in his versatile
vocabulary, but all to no effect. He was obliged to leave Kintail.
It was on that occasion he composed the song in which the follow-
ing lines occur : —
" Dha mo chur a Cinntaile
Gun fhios de an t-aite do'n teid mi."
I was passing through Gleneilchaig about fifty-five years ago, along
with an elderly man who pointed out Cragaig to me as " Ian
Loru's " old farm; he also stated that it was on Mam-an-tuirc when
leaving Gleneilchaig the Poet composed the song in which the fol-
lowing verse occurs : —
" Dha m'chur a m' fhearann gun aobhar,
'S nach mi shalaich an t-saobhaidh,
Mar mhadadh-alluidh
Sa' chaonnag m'a lorg."
122 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Excuse this digression, and pray have patience with me 'vhile I
recite
MORT NA CEAPAICH
'S tearc an diugh mo chuis ghaire,
Tigh'n na raidean so 'niar ;
'G amharc fonn Inbhir-laire,
'N deigh a strachdadh le siol ;
Ge d' tha Cheapach na fasaich,
Gun aon aird' oirre 's f hiach :
Gu'm faice' Dia, bhraithrean,
Gur trom a bharc oirnn an t-sian.
'S fad bhios cuimhn' air an Aoine,
Dh-fhag a chaoidh sinn fo sprochd ;
Ann an am na Feill-Micheil,
Oha bu ni chall air phlod ;
Ach bhi'n diugh na'r cuis-bhuird
Mar mhial-bhuirn air gach loch ;
Nuair theid gach cinneadh a dh'aon taobh
Bidh sinne sgaoilte mu' n chnoc.
'S ann Di-sathurna gearra-bhuain,
Bhuail an t-earachall orm goirt ;
'S mi fos cionn nan corp geala,
Bha 'sileadh fala fo' n bhrat ;
Bha mo lamhansa craobh-dhearg,
An deigh bhi 'taomadh nan lot ;
'Se bhur cur ann sa chiste,
Turn is miste mo thoirt.
B'iad mo ghaol na cuirp chul-bhuidhe,
Anns 'm bu dluth cuir na'n sgian :
'S iad na'n sineadh air urlar,
An seomar ur dha'n cur sios;
Fo chasan Shiol Dughaill,
Luchd a spuilleadh nan cliar:
Dh'fhag aladh am biodag,
Mar sgaile ruidil 'ur bian.
Tha sibh 'n cadal-thigh duinte,
'Se gun smuid deth, gun cheo ;
Far an d'fhuair sibh 'n garbh rusgadh,
Thaobh 'ur cuil a's 'ur beoil ;
Old Gaelic Songs. 123
Ach na'm faigheadh sibh uine,
Bho luchd 'ur mi-ruin bhi beo ;
Cha bu bhaile gun surd e,
Bhiodh aidhir, muirn ann a's ceol.
S fuar caidreamh tigh tabhairt,
'San robh gairich is cosd ;
Far nach cluinnear guth clarsaich,
Ach gaoir galach nam bochd ;
'Se mar thaileasg air aon teud,
Tha t'fhearann sgaoilte 'se nochdt' ;
'Tilgear urchair na disne,
'S gur leir dha'n Ti a mheur ghoint.
'S ann oirnne thainig an diombuaidh,
'S an t-iomaguin tha geur ;
Mar tha claidheamh ar fine,
Cho minig 'n 'ar deigh ;
Pachda Thurcach gun sireadh,
Bhi a pinneadh bhur cleibh ;
Bhi n' ur breacain g' ur filleadh,
'Measg ur cinneadh mor fein.
A leithid de mhurt cha robh 'n Alba,
Ged bu bhorbarr* a gleus;
'S cha bu laghail an t-sealg e
Gu cosnadh sealbh righeachd Dhe ;
Ge b" e 'm fath mu'n robh sgionadh
Chaoidh cha 'n innis mi 'n sgeul ;
Cha d' thain' a leithid do mhilleadh,
Air ceann-cinnidh fo'n ghrein.
Ghabh sibh roimhe so fath oirnn,
Dh'fheuch bhur cairdeas ruinn geur
Ohaidh sibh 'stigh ann san fhasaich
'Nuair a thar sibh bhi reidh ;
Chuir sibh cungais a chaise
'Stigh an aros nan teud,
'S cuid de'n buailichean ba-chruidh
Ann an garadh nam peur.
C'aite 'n robh e fo'n adhar,
A sheall n'ur bathais gu geur,
Nach tugadh dhuibh athadh,
A luchd 'ur labhairt 's 'ur beus ;
i24 Gaelic Society of InuernesB.
Mach bho chloinn bhrathair 'ur n-athar,
A mheall an t-aibhistear treun,
Ged a rinn iad bhur lotsa,
Gur trom a rosad dhaibh fein.
Tha lionn-dubh na chas cruaidh orm
Tighinn an uaigneas mo chleibh,
Le inar dh'fhas e na chuan orm
B' fhearr learn 'uam e mar cheud
Cia mar dh'fhaodas mi direadh
Gun ite dhileis na'm sgeith
'S luchd a dheanamh na sithne
Bhi feadh na tire gun deigh.
'S og a bha sibh do bhliadhna,
Ghlac a cheutaidh sibh luath,
Aig ro-fheothas bhur ciall
Gu cur 'ur riaghailtean suas.
Ge b'e ghabhadh rium fiabhrus,
Bhi dha nur n-iargainn sibh' uam ;
Bidh m' 'n deigh air bhur riasladh,
Gus an liath air mo ghruaig.
Chuir Dia oirnn mac oighre,
Gu bhi na choinnleir roimh chach,
Chum gu 'n soillsich a sholus,
Mar phreas-toraidh fo bhlath,
'S mi gu'm freagradh a chaismeachd,
Air fraoch-bhvataich gun chearb,
Dealbh do bhradan, do dhobhran,
Do luing, do leomhan 's laimh dhearg.
Dh'ordaich Dia dhuinn craobh-shiochaint
Chumadh dion oirnn le treoir,
Da 'm bu choir dhuinn bhi striochdadh
Fhad 's a's cian bhiomaid beo ;
Mas sinn fhein a chuir dith oirre
Cha 'n fhearr a' chrioch a thig oirnn,
Tuitidh tuagh as na Flaitheas
Leis an sgathar na meoir.
An glan fhiuran so bh'againn
'N taobh so Ehlaitheas Mhic Dhe
Thainig sgiursadh a' bhais air
Chaill sinn 'thoirt le strachd geur,
Old Gaelic Songs 125
An t-aon fhiuran a b' aillidh
Bh 'ann sa phairc an robh speis,
Mar gu'm buaineadh sibh ailean
Leis an fhaladar gheur.
'S math an toilltinneach sinne,
Bhi gu minig am pein ;
Bho' n a ghlac sinn fal-spiorad
Ann an ionad fiamh Dhe;
Mar lorg neo-chinnte air linne,
Ge'd bu mhinig an sgeul,
Ach an t-or nach do bhuaileadh,
Fhuair e bhuain as a bhreig.
Tha mulad air m' inntinn,
Bhi ag innse bhur beus ;
'S ann a ghabh iad am fath oirbh,
'Nuair chaidh 'ur fagail libh fein ;
'S bochd an sgeul eadar bhraithrean,
E dhol an lathair Mhic Dhe
Mar am bat' air an linne
Ge b'e shireadh na deigh.
Cha b' e sud bha mi 'g ionndrain
Ge do phlunndraig iad sibh
Ach na h-oganaich chul-bhuidhe
Air an lubadh san lion
'S e chuir stad air mo shugradh
'Sa dh'fhag mo shuilean gun dion
Sibh bhi sinnt' ann sa chruisle
'S graisg na duthcha gun fhiamh.
Mar tha' n stoc as an d'fhas sibh,
A cur bhur bas an neo-shuim ;
Urla riabhach na Fairce,
'S i gabhail sath fo al-fuinn ;
Cia mar dh'fhuilingeas tu fein sud,
Gun t'fhuil a dh'eiridh fo thuinn,
'S gur tu thog iad na'n oige ;
'Stigh mu 'd bhord an Dun-tuilm.
Gu'n sealladh Dia oirnn le ghrasan
Ge b' e la thig 'n ar crioch
Bho 'n is mallaicht' an t-al sinn
'S gur mairg a dh-araich 'nar triau
126 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Gne Thurcach gun bhaigh sinn
Ach nach d' aicheidh sinn Criosd;
Fagaidh muir air an traigh sinn
Mar chulaidh-bhaite gun dion.
Ach, a Mhorair Chlann Donuill,
'S fad' thu chomhnuidh measg Ghall ;
Dh'fhag thu sinne ann am breislich
Nach do fhreasdail thu 'n t-am ;
Cha mhodha ghleidh thu na gibhtean
A chaidh gun fhios dhut air chall ;
Tha sinn corrach as t'aogais
Mar choluinn sgaoilte gun cheann.
'S iomadh oganach treubhach
A shiubhladh reidh is glaic chrom
Eadar ceann Drochaid Eiridh
'S Rudha Shleite nan tonn
Leis' 'm bu mhiann bhi diol t'eirig
Na' n robh do chreubhag Ian tholl,
A thoirt do dhalta a eiginn,
A dheadh Shir Seuuias nan long.
A Mhic Mhoire, 'sa Chriosda
Dh-fhuiling pian nan coig creuchd,
Faic mar thoill iad an diteadh
'Gach aon ti bha mu d'eug.
Ma bha toradh san dealas
Gu cur do rioghachd an leud,
Gaoir na fola tha dhith orrn
Gu ruige sith Flathais Dhe.
This is a song in which the author, Donald Matheson, Esq.
of Attadale, tenders advice in plain but polite language to all
woman-kind. The song was published by Eoin Gillies in his col-
lection of Gaelic Songs, printed at Perth in 1786. I believe this
book is now scarce. That is not my reason, however, for offering
you the song at present, but because this, my version, has a few
more stanzas than Gillies' copy of it.
Na'm bu teagasgach mi air an treud
D' an goirear gu leir na mnai,
Cha b' achmhasan bheirinn gu geur
'S cha chuirinn di'och-bheus os aird.
Old Gaelic Songs. 127
Bhiodh m' impidh gu math air an cul
'S bu leo mo run do ghna ;
'S mo chomhairl' bhiodh aca gu reidh
D'an cumail o bheud gach la.
O'n thoisich mi 'n teagasg ud duibh
'S nach b'e bhur claoidheadh mo mhiann
O'n a dh' innis mi m' inntinn gu saor
Na rachadh a h-aon san t-sliabh ;
'S ma their mi ribh ni nach bi binn
O innsibh dhomh fhein mo ghiamh ;
'S gur toileach learn cronachadh soilleir
Ge do choisneadh mo choire dhomh 'n t-srian.
O'n their luchd an iomadaidh eolais,
" 'Se gach ni ann an ordugh is fearr,"
'Se comhairle thoirt air mnaoi phosda
Ghabhas mi 'n tbs os laimh ;
'S o rinneadh thu, bhean, chum na criche,
Umhal mur a bi thu dha,
Bi'dh deireadh aig comunn mo ruin,
Is measa na thus gu brach.
Ma thuit ort a chodhail nach fhearr,
'Nuair chuir thu do laimh 'sa' chliabh ;
'S gu'n d' fhuair thu ann duine gun treoir,
'Se na bhodach air cleocadh sios ;
Na tuit gu fal-mhisneachd gu brach,
'S na taisbein do chach a ghiamh,
'S ma 's math leat a spiorad thoir dha,
Cum trie agus trath ris biadh.
Ma fhuair thu fear dannara, truagh,
Nach cuir anns an uaisle suim,
Fear dreaganta, creaganta, cruaidh,
A's urrainn thoirt fuath do mhnaoi,
Cleachd urram is fulangas da,
'S na lasadh 'ur n-ardan daoi,
Mur tig e le socair gu buaidh,
Gu mair e na bhuadhanna chaoidh.
Ma fhuaradh leat companach bras
Bha riamh ana-caisrigt' an cuil
'S gu'n d' eirich dha leantuinn ri fhasan
A ghabh e mar chleachda o thus ;
128 Gaelic Society of Inverness
Na biodh aig luchd-tuaileis r'a chantuinn,
Gur iadach a mhaslaicheas thu,
Thoir feart nach bi t'achmhasan baoth
Mus caill sibh maraon bhur cliu.
Ged dh 'eireadh dhuit focal no dha
A thuiteam le gaire uait —
Seadh focal no dha am biodh brigh
'S a chuireadh a ghniomh-san suas,
Mur maothaicheadh sud e, cia 'm fath ?
Cha leasaicheadh cas no cruas,
Thair learn gu 'n dean faighidinn ceile
Ni nach dean beurn gun bhuaidh.
Ma fhuaradh leat slaodaire niisgeach
No slaoidire bristeach 'an ceill
Leigeas dheth chuid as a laimh
Am barrachd 's a tharas e fein ;
'Nuair theid ort an trustar £ sta,
'S a sheasas tu ait' am feum
Ged' chuir thu le strealladh air geilt
Gu'n gabh sinn do leisgeul gu leir.
Ach ma bha t' fhortan ni's fearr,
'S gu'n do chuir ort an t-Ard-righ buaidh,
'S gu'n d' fhuair thu fear freasdalach, cairdeil,
Choisneadh do ghradh gach uair,
0 ! sealgair a' choilich san t'hraoch,
A choisneadh do ghaol gun ghruaim,
Bi thusa a'd dhleasdanas da,
Is guidheam dhuibh slainte bhuan.
'S a ris, a bhean phosda mo ruin,
Bi farasda ciuin ri d' fhear,
Nach cuala tu 'n t-abstol ud Pol,
Mar thug e na mnai fainear ;
Oir thuirt e dhoibh sud gur a cbir ;
Striochdadh o og gu sean;
Ach sguiridh mi nise do chainnt ribh,
Is eisdeadh a' bhantrach mhear.
'S, a bhantrach, thoir faicill ort fein —
Ged a thubhairt mi fein riut mear —
Thoir feirt nach e buaireadh an t-saoghail,
A thogas a chaoidh' do ghean ;
Old Gaelic Songs. 129
Am freasdal s' gu'n tigeadh do t' iarruidh,
Suir'ich o'n iar no o'u ear,
D* an toir thu gu tairis do ghaol,
Ged a dliealaich an t-aog riut t' fhear!
Ma fhuaradh leat feai-ann is ni,
N"a canai' gur millteacli thu,
Bi thusa '11 ad cheannas math teaghlaich,
'S is barrantach t' aobhar cliu ;
Tha nadur nani fuara gu leir,
Cho chreidmheach air breig gun diu,
'S gur coir dhuit bhi fiosrach co dlia
M'an innis thu chach do run.
Ach aon ni 's eigin domh radh,
'S tha e teachd a ghna fa m' sruaoin,
Nach cuir thu chaoidh' 'ni tiacha dha
'Nuair a gheibh thu fear cairdeil caoin,
Nach can thu ris, " Beannachd do in' chiad fhear
Choisinn e riamh mo ghaol,"
Is guidhearn dhuibh maireantas buan
Air adhairt nam buadh faraon.
Ach ma 's a cailleach gun bhrigh thu,
Air nach toil1 saoi aon luaidh,
Cuir t'earbsa 's do nihuinghin 'an Dia,
Leig tharad do mhi-chuis thruagh,
Dean samhl' ann an gliocas do chach,
Thoir taisbeiueadh araidh uait,
Ge dualchas am bas do gach aon,
'S ni dearbhte dha 'n aois an uaigh.
Gxi'n teagaisg mi caileag mo ruin,
An t-abhall is uire blath,
Clach-tharuing nam feara gu leir,
'Si bhan-oglach bheusach mhna ;
Ge h-aimideach raise ann an ceill
Cha labhair mi breug 'sa' chas,
Ach na 'n gabhadh sibh comhairle 'uam,
Gu'm faicht' oirbh le buaidh a blilath.
A mhaighdin, thoir faicill ort fein,
'S gun thu ach a'd chrcutair maoth,
Cha 'n fliuiling thu cruadal no gaillionn,
'S do bhuaireadh cha mhair thu bhios baoth,
130 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Ma leagas ort fleasgach a shuil,
Na taisbein do run d'a thaobb,
Fad as uaithe faiceadh e thu
An aon uair is mo do ghaol.
Mu d' bheusa bi meachair a ghna,
Gu h-iriosal, aillidh, ciuin ;
Na rachadli do theanga gu luaths
'S na maslaich do shluagh ni 's mo ;
Bi' umhal do d' ghinteiribh talmhaidh,
Is faicear neo-fhalbhach thu :
Oir creid 'nuair bhios iomadli a' strith,
Gur meanbh an ni chi gach suil.
Ma's e 'n aoidh a thig chum na h-oidhche
A leagas a dhruim ri lar,
Ma chi e san teaghlach sin maighdean
Caillidh se loinn do chach •
Oir oirre-s' bi'dh inntinn gu dluth
'S e ag iaiTaidh gu sugradh tla ;
Ach is beag an ni chluinneas a chluas
Nach leig e san uair os aird.
Bi'dh iomadh fear suarach an deigh
Air thusa bhi 'm mi-sta dha
'Nuair a leigeis tu iarrtannas leis
'S a chailleas tu freasdal a's fearr ;
O ! coisnidh e sin dhuit gu truagli
Le eachdraidh fuath o chach
Thoir feirt air an fhear ud a chaoidh'
Ma's tig thu le rnaoim 'na d' dhail.
Ach ma thig fleasgach mu 'n cuairt,
A shaoileas tu 's uailse beus,
Cleachd cridhealas bhritheagach dha
Mar eireig 'sa barr fo sgeith ;
Le danadas amhailteach ciuin,
Is soilleireachd sul gu reidh,
'Ma bhios tu gu banail gu brath
Gu 'n tarruinn thu cairdeas cheud.
'S a nise na'n innr>eadh tu dhuinn,
Ma thaitinn riut m' impidh thla,
Gu'n do shoilleirich mise gu reidh
Na'n tigeadh ort beud gu brath ;
Old Gaelic Songs. 131
Thoir d' achmhasan seachad, nia thoill,
'S ni 'n cuirearn fhein suim 'sa' bhas,
Ma their thu gu'n chuir mi ort gruaim,
Bidh mi gu La-luain am thamh.
In the beginning of the winter of 1620, Murdoch, the son of
Alexander Macrae of Inverinate, who was married to Ann Mac-
kenzie, daughter of the Laird of Applecross, went, as was his
wont, on a hunting excursion to some of the upper defiles of
Gleann-Lic, in Kintail, and was lost in the hills. His friends
searched for him, and after fifteen days Murdoch's body was
found at the foot of a rock. It is not known for certain how the
man came by his death : he may have slipped over the precipice,
but it was said that Murdoch had, during his ramblings, found a
man stealing his goats. Having taken him a prisoner, he was
bringing him home when, it is supposed that, as they were pass-
ing along the Cadha, at the Carraig, in Gleann-Lic, the man
pitched Murdoch over the rock at the foot of which his body was
found. There is a tradition that on his death-bed an old man
was heard to confess that he was the murderer of Murdoch Mac-
rae, and that this confession was overheard by a girl who revealed
it. The Rev. Alexander Cameron, late of the Quoad Sacra
Parish of Glengarry, sent to the Secretary of the Gaelic Society
of Inverness, parts of two plaintive songs composed on the
lamented death of Murdoch Macrae. They are printed in Vol.
VIII. of the Society's Transactions. I am sorry that Mr
Cameron should have said the supposed murderer was a Strath-
glass man. By this assertion I am reluctantly compelled to state
that the tradition in Kintail is (see Dornie MS., pages 165 to
167), that he was a Glenmoi-iston man, and I have always heard
the same myself. The elegies alluded to were composed by the
herdsman of Murdoch's brother, John Macrae, locally known as
the "Bard mac Mhurchaidh mhic Iain Ruaidh" who resided in
Mamag, in Gleneilchaig, Kintail.
This song was apparently composed while the search for
Murdoch Macrae was going on —
Och nan ochan 's mi sgith,
'Falbh nan cnoc so ri sian,
Gur neo-shocrach a' sgriob tha 'san duthaich ;
Cha b1 e d' fhasach gun ni,
No d' fhearann-aitich chion sil,
Ach sgeul nach binn e ri sheinn 's an duthaich.
132 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Thu bhi, Mhurchaidh, air chall
Gun aon chuimse, c' e 'm ball ;
Sud an urchair bha caillte dhiiinne.
'S cruaidh an cas am beil sinn,
Thug am braigh so dhinn,
'S cha chuir cairdean an ire dhuinn e.
Och mo chlisgeadh 's mo chas,
Gun tu 'n ciste chaoil chlair,
Le nos aig do chairdean ciuirt' air.
Bu chall ceille mo dhan,
Mar dhealbh itean an sas,
Gun tuigt air mo dhan nach b'fhiu e.
'S beart nach guidhimi do m' dhebin,
Ach na ludhaig Dia oirnn,
Do chul buidhe bhi choir na h-urach.
Och gur miste mo chail,
Bho 'n bu threudach mi dh' al,
Gun tuigte air mo dhan nach fiu e.
Slan le treubhantas seoid,
Slan le gleusdachd duin' dig,
'Nuair nach d' fhaod thu bhi beo gun churam.
Slan le gliocas, 's le ceill
'S a bhi measail ort fhein,
'S nach eil fhios ciod e 'n t-eug a chiurr thu.
Slan le binneas nam bard,
Slan le grinneas nan larnh ;
Co ni mire ri d' mhnaoi, no sugradh 1
Slan le grinneas nam meur
Slan le binneas luchd-theud
'Nuair a sheinneadh tu beul gun tuchan.
Slan le fiadhach nam beann.
Slan le iasgach nan allt —
Co chuir iarunn air crann cho cliuiteach 1
Do luchd-faire* gun fhiamh,
Bho 'n bha d' air" orra riamh —
Nochd cha ghearain am fiadh a churam.
* Red deer.
Old Gaelic Songs. 133
'S ait le binnich * nan allt,
'Chor 's gu'n cinnich an clann,
Gu'n do mhilleadh na bh' ann de dh' fhudar.
'Nuair a shuidheadh thu, sheoid
Mar ri buidheann ag ol
Mar bu chubhaidh bhiodh ceol nm'n turlach.
Slan le uaisle na's leor
'S tu bhi suairce gun bhron
Bho'n nach d' fhuaireas thu, sheoid, gu h-urail.
Faodaidh an earbag an nochd,
Eadar mhaoisleach a's bhoc
Cadal samhach air cnoc gun churam.
Faodaidh ise bhi slan,
'Siubhal iosal a's aird,
Bho 'n a chailleadh an t arinunn cliuiteach.
This song was evidently compound after the finding and
burial of Murdoch Macrae's body as stated in the last verses of
this lament.
Seinneam marbhrann as ur,
Mar fhion-sul do Chlann Mhic Rath,
Air Murchadh donn-gheal mo run,
Bha loma Ian do chliu gun clileith,
Cheud Aoine do'n gheamhradh fhuar,
'S daor a phaidh sinn duais nar sealg,
An t-og bu chraobhaiche snuadh,
Na aonar uainn 's fhaotainn marbh.
'Se sealg gheamhraidh Ghlinn-lic,
Dh'fhag greann oirnn gu trie is gruaini,
Mu 'n og nach robh teann 'sa bha glic,
Bhi an teampull fo lie san uaigh.
Bha tional na sgire gu leii-,
Ri siubhal sleibh 's ri falbh bheann,
Fad sgios nan coig-latha-deug,
'Sam fear direach treun air chall.
'S tursach do chinneadh mor deas,
Dha d' shireadh an ear san iar,
'San t-og a b' fhiughantaich beachd,
Ri slios glinne marbh san t-sliabh.
* Roe deer.
134 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Tha Crathaich nam buailtean bo,
Air an sgaradh ro nihor mu t'eug,
Do thoirt as a bheatha so oirnn,
Dheadh mhic athar nan corn !s nan ceud.
'S tursach do sheachd braithrean graidh,
Am pearsan ge ard a leugh'dh,
Thug e ge tuigseach a cheaird,
Aona bharr-turs' air each gu leir.
'S tusa an t-ochdamh slat ghi-aidh,
Shliochd nam braithrean deasa, coir,
'S trom tursach an osna le each,
Gun do fhroiseadh am blath dhiubh og.
Air thus dhiubh Donnachadh nam pios,
Gillecriosd is dithis de'n chleir,
Fearachar agus Ailean dorm,
'S Uisdean a bha trom ad dheigh.
Tha cliu taghta aig deagh Mhac Dhe,
Gun easaidh gun eis air ni,
'S bidh tusa nise an uabhar mor,
An cathair ghloir aig High nan Righ.
Bhean uasal a thug dhuit gaol,
Nach bi chaoidh na h-uaigneas slan,
'S truagh le mo chluasan a gaoir,
Luaithead 'sa sgaoil an t-aog an snaim.
'S tursach do gheala bhean ur og,
'S frasach na deoir le gruaidh,
'S i spionadh a fuilt le deoin,
Sior chumha nach beo do shnuadh.
A dheagh mhic Alasdair uir,
Dha 'n tigeadh na h-airm an tus t'oig,
'S i do gheala ghlaic san robh 'n cliu,
Do shliochd Fhearachair nan crun 's nan corn.
'Nuair rachadh na h-uaislean a stigh,
Ann san talla am bidh am fion,
Bu leat na dh'iarradh tu lach,
'S cha bu diu leat neach dha dhiol.
Bu luthar astar do chas,
Fhiurain ghasda bu dreachair dealbh,
Na'n togteadh bonndachd a bhac,
Nach robh gealtach air chleas airm.
Old Gaelic Songs. 135
Bha thu fearail anns gach ceum,
'S bu bharraicht' thu a deirceadh bhochd,
'S math dhut air deas laimh do Righ,
Lughad sa chuir thu 'm pris an t-olc.
Air Nollaig nan corn 's nan cuach,
'S ann sa ghleann so shuas bha' n call,
An t-og a b-fhiughantaich snuadh,
Na shineadh fo shuaimhneas dall.
Bu tu marbhaich' a bhalla-bhric bhain,
Le mor-ghath caol, 's e fada, geur,
Le cuilbheir bhristeadh tu cnaimh,
'S bu shilteach fo d' laimh na feidh.
Do rasg gun aire fhir chaoimh,
Fo 'n mhala gun chlaon gun snial,
Deud gheal dhisneach is beul dearg,
Sud an dealbh bha air an fhear.
Bu tu an t-slat eibhinn aluinn ur,
Bu mhiann sul 's bu leannan mna,
A ghnuis ann san robh 'm breac-seirc,
Bha cho deas air thapadh laimh.
Chuala mise clarsach theud,
Fiodhall is beus a' co-sheinn,
Oha chuala 's cha chluinn gu brach,
Ceol na b'fhearr na do bheul binn.
Gas fhalt buidhe fainneach reidh,
Aghaidh shoillear gle ghlan dearg,
A ghnuis san robh gliocas gun cheilg,
Air nach d'fhiosraicheadh riamh fearg.
'S math am fear-raunsachaidh an t-aog,
'Se 'm maor e a diriarras gu mion,
Bheir e leis an t-og gun ghiamh,
'S fagaidh e 'ui fear liath ro she.in.
'S ann Di-h-Aoine dh' fhalbh thu 'uain,
'S air Di-h-aoine fhuaireadh thu, riiin,
'S disathurna bu chruaidh an cas,
Aig sluagh dha d' charadh 'san uir.
The next song on my list was composed by Mrs Eraser of
Guisachan and Culbokie, daughter of Mr Macdonald of Ardnabee,
Glengarry. This lady had nine sons. Three of them died at
136 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Guisachan, two in America, two in the East Indies (one of these
in the Black Hole of Calcutta), and two who were officers in the
Austrian army died in Germany. Donald, the youngest but one
of the family, was killed there on the battle-field. Soon after the
news of his death arrived in Strathglass, his mother composed a
plaintive elegy on him, the poetry of which is of a high order.
She sings thus —
Nollaig mhor do'n gnas bhi fuar,
Fhuair mi sgeula mo chruaidh-chais ;
l)omhnull donn-gheal mo run,
Bhi 'n a shineadh an tiugh a' bhlair.
Thu gun choinneal o 's do chionn,
No ban-charaid chaomh ri gal ;
Gun chiste, gun anart, gun chill,
Thu'd shineadh, a laoigh, air dail.
'S tu mo bheadradh, 's tu mo mhviirn,
'S tu mo phlanntan an tus fais,
M'og laghach is guirme suil,
Mar bhradan fior-ghlan 'us tu marbh.
'S e bas anabaich mo mhic,
Dh' fhag mi cho trie fo ghruaim ;
'S ged nach suidh mi air do lie
Bi'dh mo bheannachd trie gu d'uaigh.
'S aim do Ghearmailt mhor nam feachd
Chuir iad gun mo thoil mo mhac,
'S ged nach cuala each mo reachd,
Air mo chridhe dh' fhag e cnoc.
Ach ma thiodhlaic sibh mo mhac
'S gu'n d' fhalaich sibh le nir a choi-p,
Leigidh mise mo bheannachd le feachd,
Air an laimh chuir dligh' bhais ort.
Sguiridh mi de thuireadh dian,
Ged nach bi mi chaoidh gun bhron ;
'S mi 'g urnaigh ri aon Mhac Dhe,
Gu'n robh d' anam a' seinn an gloir.
ORAN MOR MHIC-LEOID EADAR AN CLARSAIR DALL (RUARIDH
MAC-ILLEMHOIRE) AGUS MAC-TALLA.
We find a great deal of common sense and good poetry per-
vading the whole of this song. The author, " an Clarsair ball,"
Old Gaelic Songs. 137
was born in the Island of Lewis in the year 1646. He had two
brothers, Mr Angus Morrison, the famous wit, who was minister at
Contin, and Mr Malcolm Morrison, minister at Poolewe. Their
father, an Episcopalian clergyman in Lewis, was a descendant of
the celebrated Britheamh Leoghasach. Rory, the minstrel was
deprived of his eyesight by smallpox while he was at school in
Inverness. In consequence of this he followed the bent of his
inclination as a musician, a profession in which it is said he
excelled. He was engaged as a family harper by John Breac
Macleod, the Laird of Harris, in whose service he remained until
John Breac died. After the demise of his worthy patron, changes
took place. Both the harper and the family piper were dismissed,
and the echo was heard no more in the Dun. The blind harper
imagines he has discovered his old friend " the Echo" astray in the
hills, and the following song was composed between them. In
sorrow, but in prophetic mood, they expatiated on the extravagance
of Ruairidh Og, successor of the wise John Breac. The song was
sent as a remonstrance to the young Laird of Harris. Sir Alex.
Mackenzie of Gairloch said that every landed proprietor in the
Highlands ought to study the song. —
Miad a mhulaid tha 'm thaghall
Dh' fhag treoghaid mo chleibh g'l goirt
Aig na rinn mi ad dheighidh,
Air m' aghairt 's mo thriall gu port.
'Sann bha mis' air do thoir,
'S mi meas gun robh coir agam ort,
A. dheagh mhic athair mo ghraidh
B tii m' aighear, is m' adh, is m' olc.
Tha Mac-talla fo ghruaim,
Anns an talla 'm biodh fuaim a cheoil ;
'S ionad taghaich nan cliar,
Gu'n aighear, gu'n mhiagh, gu'n phoit.
Gu'n mhire, gu'n mhuirn,
Gu'n iomracha dlu nan corn ;
Gun chuirm, gu'n phailteas ri daimh,
Gu'n mhacnas, gun mhanran beoil.
Chaidh a chuibhle mu'ii cuairt,
Gu'n do thionndaidh gu fuachd am blaths,
Naile chuna' mi uair,
Dun flathail nan cuach a thraigh.
138 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Far'm biodh taghaich nan duan,
Ionia' mathas gun chruas, gun chas ;
Dh' fhalbh an latha sin bhuain,
'S tha na taighean gu fuaraidh fas.
Dh' fhalbh Mac-tall' as an Dun,
'Nam sgarachdainn duinn r'ar triath
'Sanii a ihachair e rium,
Air seacharan bheann, san t-sliabh.
Labhair esan air thus —
" Math mo bharail gur tu ma's fior,
Chunna' mise fo' mhuirn,
Roi'n uiridh an Dun nan cliar."
A mhic-talla, nan tur,
'Se mo bharail gur tusa bha,
Ann an teaghlach an fhion',
'S tu 'g aithris air gniomh mo lamh,
" 'S math mo bharail gur mi,
'S cha b'urasd dhomh bhi mo thamh ;
'G eisdeachd fathruim gach cebil
Ann am fochar Mhic-Lebid an aigh.
" 'S mi Mac-talla, bha uair
'G eisdeachd fathrum nan duan gu tiugb ;
Far bu mhuirneach am beus
'Nam cromadh do'n ghrein 'san t-sruth.
Far am b' fhoirmeil na sebid,
'S iad gu h-branach, ceolmhor, cluith ;
Ged nach faicte mo ghnuis,
Chluinnt 'aca sa'n Dun mo ghuth.
" 'N'am eirigh gu mock
Ann san teaghlaich, gun sproc, gun ghruaim
Chluinnte gleadhraich nan dos,
'San ceile na' cois on t-suain,
'Nuair a ghabhadh i Ian
'Si gu'n cuireadh os n-aird na fhuair ;
Le meoir fhileanta bhinn,
'Siad gu ruith-leumach, dionach, luath.
" 'Nuair a chuirt i na tamh,
Le f urtachd na fardaich f£in ;
Dhomh-sa b' fhurasda radh
Gu'm bu churaideach gair nan t6ud
Old Gaelic Songs. 139
Le h-iomairt dha laruh,
A cur a binneas do chach an ceill ;
'S gu'm bu shiubhlach am chluais,
A moghunn lughar le luasgan mheur.
" Ann san fheasgar an deigh,
Am teasa na greln tra noin ;
Fir chneatain ri clair,
'S mnai' freagairt a ghna cur leb.
Da chomhairleach ghearr,
A labhairt's gu'm b' arc! an gloir ;
'S gu'm bu thitheach an guin,
Air an duine gu'n fhuil, eru'n fheoil.
" Gheibhte fleasgaich gun ghruaitn,
'Na do thalla gn'n sgraing, gun fhuath ;
Mnai' fhionna 'n fhuilt r6idh,
Cuir binneis an ceill le fuaim.
Le ceileireachd beoil,
Bhiodh gu h-ealanta, h-ordail, suairc ;
Bluodh fear-bogha 'nan coir,
Ri cur meoghair 'a mhebir na'n cluais.
" Bhiodh a rianadair fein
Cuir an ire gur h-e bhiodh ann ;
'S e 'g eiridh 'nam measg,
'S an eibhe gu trie na cheann.
Ge d 'a b'ard leinn a fuaim
Cha tuairgneadh e sinn gu teann ;
Chuireadh tagradh am chluais
Le h-aidmheil gu luath 's gu mall."
A Mhic-talla so bha
Anns a bhaile 'n do thar mi m' iul,
'S ann a nis dhuinn as leir,
Gu'm beil mis a's tu fein air chul.
A reir do chomais air sgeul
O'n 's fear-comuinn mi-f6in a's tu ;
'M beil do mhuinntearas buan,
Aig an triath ud da'n dual an Dun 1
" Bho linn nan linntean bha mi,
'S mi mar aon duine tamh 'sa chuirt ;
'S theireadh iomadh Macleoid,
Nach b' uireasaidh eolus dhuinn ;
140 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Ach na fhasach gun fheum,
Cha 'n fhaca mi fein bho thus,
Ri fad mo chuimhne sa riamh,
Gun Toitear no Triath an Dim."
Ach o' n thainig ort aois,
Tha ri chantainn gur baoth do ghloir ;
Cha 'n e fasach a th' ann,
Ge d' tha e san am gun lod ;
Air Toitear 's beag fheum,
'S og Thighearna fein na lorg ;
'S e ri fhaotainn gun fheall,
Cur ri baoth ann an ceann luchd chleoc.
Ach tillidh mi nis gu 'd chainiit,
Bho 'n a b' fhiosrach mi anns gach sion ;
Gur trie a chunnacas gille og,
Bhi gun uireasaidh stoir no ni :
'S gu m biodh a bheachd aige fein,
Nuair cheannadh e feudail saor,
A dh' aindeoin caithearnachd dha
Nach cunnard da laimh uam maor.
Ach cha b'ionnan a bha.
Dha na fir sa tha Mac Leoid,
Ann an sonas 'sa sith
Gun uireasaidh ni no loin,
Ann an daor chuirt nan Gall,
Ged* bha thoil fuireach ann ri bheo,
Tighearna Eilg is glan sgire,
Cha b eagal da dhiobhail stoir.
Ach 's ionnan sin 's mar a tha,
'S gur soilleir fhaicinn a bhla air bhuil,
Bho'n nach leir dhoibh an call,
Miad an deigh air cuirt Ghall cha sguir,
Gus an togair do'n Fhraing,
A dhol bliadhna an geall na chuir,
Bidh an niosgaid a' fas,
Air an iosgaid 'si cnamh na bun.
Theid seachd cupaill gun dail,
Air each cruidheach as gair-mhor srann,
Diollaid lasdoil fo thoin,
'S mor gu'm b fheirde e srian oir na cheann,
Old Gaelic Songs.
Fichead guinea 's beag fhiach
Gun d' theid sid a chur sios an geall,
Cha teid peighinn dha fein
Bonn cha ghleidheir dha 'n deigh a chall.
'S theid coig coigean de'n or,
Gun d' theid sud air son cord da'n aid,
Urad eile oirre fein,
Faire faire 's math feum gu spaid,
'S gi-abhataichean saor,
Gur punnd Sasunnach e gun stad,
Air a chunntadh air clar,
Dhe'n an iunntas gun dail air fad.
Cha bhi pheidse ann a meas,
Mur bi aodach am fasan chaich,
Ged chosd e guinea an t-slat,
Gheibhear sud air son mart 'sa mhal,
Urrad eile ri chois
Gun d' theid sud ann an a casaig dha,
'S briogais bheilibheid bhuig mhin,
Gu bhi ruighinn a sios gu shall.
Theid luach mairt no nis mo,
Air paidhir stocainn de'n t-'seorsa 's fearr,
'S cha chunntar an corr,
Ducaid diuc air da bhroig bhuinn ard
Clachan criosdail s math snuadh,
Ann am bucaill mu'n cuairt gun srual
Sud na gartainean suas,
Paidhir thasdan a 's luach naua barr.
Cha bhi pheidse ann am pris,
'Se gun aithe dhi air ach cleoc,
Grios a chlaimhidh cha b' fhiach,
'S bu chuis athais ceann iaruinn dha,
Criosaibh dealbhach o'n bhuth,
Ceann airgid as bucaill oir,
'S feudar sud f haotainn dha,
'S thig air m' fhearannsa mal nis mo.
'S theid e stigh anns a bhuth,
Leis an fhasan a's uire bho'n Fhraing,
'San t-aodach gasda bha'n de,
Ma do phearsa le speis nach gann
142 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Theid a thilgeil an cxiil,
A fasan dona cha'n fhiu e plang
Air mal baile no dha,
Glacar peana ''scuir laimh ri b-ainn.
'San nuair thilleas e risd,
A dharaharc a thire fein,
An deis ma miltean chur suas,
Gun tig sgriob air an tuath mu 'n spreidh,
Gus an togar na mairt,
An deigh an ciurradh 'sa reic air feill,
Bi'dh na fiachan ag at,
Chum aui faoighneachd ri mhac na dheigh.
Theid Uilleam Mhartain a mach
'Se gu si-aideil air each a triall,
Cha lughaid a bheachd,
Na na h-armuinn a chleachd sud riamh,
Cha 'n 'eil ouimhne air a chrann,
Cas-chaibe no laimh cha b' fhiach
'Se cheart cho spaideil ri diuc.
Ged bha athair ri ruamhar riabh.
Thoir an teachdaireachd bhuam
Le deifir gu Ruairidh og,
Agus innis dha fein,
Cuid de 'chunnard ged 'se Mac Leoid,
E bhi 'g amharc na dheigh
Air an Iain a dh' eug 's nach beo,
Ge bu shaibhir a chliu,
Cha'n fhagadh e 'n Dun gu'n cheol.
A Mhic-talla so bha,
Anns a' bhaile '11 robh gradh nan cliar,
Sa' n Triach Tighearnail teann,
Sa'n cridhe gu'n fheall na chliabh,
Ghabh e tlachd dheth thir fein
'S cha do chleachd e Duneideann riamh
Dh' fhag e 'in bonnach gun bhearn,
'S b fhearr gun aithriseadh each a chiall.
The next song I have heard attributed to Donald Matheson,
Esq. of Attadale : —
Hu-o ho mo chailin laghach,
'S tu mo chailin seadhach, ciuin,
Hu-o ho mo chailin laghach,
'S tu mo roghainn, thaghainn thu.
Old Gaelic Songs. 143
'S tu mo chailin 6g, deas, dealbhach,
'S barail leani nach meanbh do chliu
Meangan iir o'n fhaillean ainmeil,
Toradh a preas tarbhach thu.
Hu-o lib, etc.
Suil a's guirme, gruaidh a's deirge,
Beul a's cuimte m' an deud dhluth,
'S tu uach mealladh mi 'n am earbsa —
Ciod e fath nach leanmhuinn thu.
Hu-o ho, etc.
'Ghiag shlat iir a's ailte sealladh,
Miar dheth 'n chraoibh a's molaich riisg,
'Ghiag a dh-fhas gu reidh fo dhuilleach
'N te do 'n tug mi gealladh thu.
Hu-o hb, etc.
lubhrach bhuadhach o na choille,
Dhionach. dhualach, dhiongmhalt, dhluth
Ghnioinhach, ghuaillneach, gun bhi corrach,
Theireadh ceud mo leannan thu.
Hu-o hb, etc.
'S ionmhuinn 'eucag nan rosg mala,
'Thairg i fein mar sholus dhuinn,
'S mairg a threigeadh tu dha aindeoin.
'S eibhinn do' n ti 'nihealas thu.
Hu-o hb, etc.
'S binn a' smebrach anns an doire,
'S binn an eala 'n cois a* loin,
'S binne na sin guth mo leannain,
'N uair a theannas i ri cebl.
Hu-o hb, etc.
Banarach gu dol na bhuaile,
Bean uasal gu suidhe mil 'n bhord,
Meur is gile 's grinne dh' fhuaigheas,
Troigh chuimir nach cuir cuaig am broig.
Hu-o hb etc.
'N 'oidhche bha sinn anns a Chaiplich,
Ghabh mi tlachd dhiot 's tu mo run,
Ged a bhiodh each oirnn ag aithris,
Bhiodh sinn fein gu tairis ciuin.
Hu-o hb etc.
144 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.
Fiuran uasal uallach og mi,
Mhrabhain dobhran ann an earn,
Ghlacainn breac air linne mhulain,
Bheirinn cuireadh dhuit gu pairt,
Hu-o ho etc.
Dhianain buachaille gu samhuinn,
Thearbuinn gamhain agus laogh,
Ghlacainn bradan agus banag,
Bh eiriiin pairt de dha mo ghaol.
Hu-o ho etc.
Chunna mi 'n raoir bruadal cadail,
Ribhinn ghasda thighinn n' am choir,
'Nuair a dhuisg mi anns a mhaduinn,
Cha robh agam dhi ach sgleo.
Hu-hb etc.
'S soilleir daoimein ann am fainne,
'S soilleir tulach ard air Ion,
'S soilleir righinn ann a' rioghachd,
Aig mo nianaig se tha 'n cbrr.
Hu-o hb etc.
'S soilleir long mhbr fo 'cuid aodaich,
'Si cur sgaoileadh fo 'cuid sebl,
'S soilleir an lath 'seach an oidhche,
'S aig mho mhaighdinn fhin tha 'n cbrr.
Hu-o hb.
This is a song by Ian Mac Mhurchaidh in which he professes
to be very sorry when his intended, Helen Macrae, daughter of
Donald Macrae, of Torloisich, slighted him and married Coinneach
bg Macleannan. The whole burden of the song is about his real
or imaginary loss and sorrow at her desertion. However, in the
concluding verse he advises his friends not to heed all they hear
about him ; for he assures them that there is not one among all the
daughters of Eve who could disturb his mental equilibrium,
O, 's nior is misde mi
Na thug mi thoirt dhi ;
Ge b'e de ni ise,
Dh' fhag i mise bochd dheth.
Old Gaelic Songs. 145
Aithnichear air mo shugradh
Nach 'eil mi geanach ;
Cha thog mi mo shuil
Ann an aite soillear.
'Nuair a chi mi triuir
A' dol ann an comunn,
Saoilidh mi gur gum
A bhios gu mo dhomail.
O 's mor, &c.
Gu'm beil mi fo ghruaimean
'S mi ann am mulad ;
Cha lugha mo thruas
Ris a h-uile duine.
Liughad fear a luaidh i
'S nach d' rinn a buinnig ;
'S fortanach ma thamh iad
Na'n slainte buileach.
O 's mor, &c.
Thainig am fear liath sin
A mhilleadh comuinn ;
Ged dh' fhanadh e shios
Gum bu bheag an domail.
'S dana learn na dh' iarr e
Chur mu mo choinneamh,
'S cha ghabhadh e deanamh
Gun chiad a thogail.
O 's mor, &c.
Sin 'nuair thuirt a mathair,
Cha tugainn i idir
Do dhuine dhe cairdean —
Cha b' fheaird' iad ise ;
Chreid mi am fear a thainig
Mi leis an fhios sin
Gur iad fein a b' fhearr
Chumadh ann am meas i.
O 's mor, &c.
O biodh i nise
Mar tha ise togar ;
Gheibh sibh ann an sud i
Bho'n is mise a thog i ;
10
146 Gaelic Society of fnuerness
Cha bu mliasladh oirre
Ged bu phairt de coire
Gu'm biodh mo theacairean
Dha cur na roghuinn.
O 's mor, &c.
A Choinnich Mhic-Dhonuil,
Bu mhor am beud learn
Do theachdaire chomhdach
Le storaidh breige ;
Mas a duine beo mi
Cha bhi thu 'n eis dheth
Gum faigh thu i ri phosadh
Le ordugh Cleire.
O 's mor, &c.
'S misde mi gu brach e
Ge d' gheibhinn saoghal ;
Cha leasaicheadh each mi
'8 na thug mi ghaol dhuit ;
'S muladach a tha mi
Nach d' rinn mi d'fhaotainn ;
'S fortanach a tharladh dhomh
Bhi tamh mar ri m' dhaoine.
O 's mor, <fec.
Thog iad mar bhaoth-sgeul
Orm air feadh an aite
Gu'n caillinn mo chiall
Mur faighinn lamh riut ;
'S iongatach learn fein
Ciod e chuir fos 'n aird sud,
Mur d' aithnich sibh fein
Gu'n deach eis air mo mhanran.
O 's mor, &c.
Sguiridh mi dheth 'n oran
Mu 'n gabh sibh miothlachd,
Gus am faic mi 'n cord ribh
Na tha dheth deanta ;
Na creidibh a stbraidh
Air feadh nan criochan,
Cha 'n 'eil aonan beo
Chuireadh as mo chiall mi.
O 's mor, &c.
Old Gaelic Songs 147
The next song is a lively one, composed by the jovial and
famous Kintail Bard Ian mac Mhurchaidh. In 1772, Ian Buidhe
MacLennan, farmer, at Inchchroe, Kintail, invited his neighbour
and bosom friend, Ian mac Mhurchaidh to accompany him to Strath-
glass, in order that the Bard might assist him in effecting a mar-
riage contract between himself and Christina, the eldest daughter
of Duncan Mor Macrae, who was at that time tacksman at Wester
Knock fin, and part of Glenaifric. On their arrival at Duncan
Mor's house, a domestic told them her master was along with his
labourers cutting corn on the dell of Knocktin. " Go," said the
Bard, " tell him he is wanted" — "And who shall I say wants
him?" said the girl. The message was characteristic, and was as
follows : —
" Innis thusa dha 'n fhear chlaon
Gum bheil na daoine ud a's tigh,
Mac 'Illinnean as a Chro
'S Maor gorach an uisgebheath."
From the nom-de-plume with which the Bard dubbed himself
Duncan Mor knew at once who wanted him. Leaving his coat and
bonnet on the field, he made all haste to shake the hand of his
guest and the contract was settled in the course of that evening.
The happy marriage took place in about a fortnight afterwards.
The rest is well told in the song : —
An oidhche bha sinn an Cnoc Fhinn,
Bha sinn na'r cuideachda ghrinn,
'Nuair chaidh an stuth na'r ceann,
Bha pasgadh lamh mu'n cuairt ann.
'S ann a thoisich sinn air faoineachd,
An dull nach ola' sinn ach aon deoch,
'S ann a bha sinn air an daoraich,
Mu 'n do smaoinich glusad.
Fhir a theid thairis air an Druim,
Thoir mo shoiridh dh' fhias an fhuinn,
A dh' ionnsuidh osdairean Chnoic Fhinn,
B'iad sud na nor dhaoin' uaisle.
'Nuair a thoisich sinn an toiseach,
Am beachd nach ola' sinn ach bolul,
'S ann a thraigh sinn cbr sa h-ochd dhiubh,
Mu' n do thogair glusad.
148 Gaelic Society of Inverness
Ghleidh mi beagan dheth mo thur,
Gus an d'thainig a phios ur,
A thug Caitair as a bhuth,
'Si chuir mo chnuaic-sa luaineach.
Cha b' ioghnadh ise bhi grinn,
Uilleam is Caitair innte sgriobht',
Liughad fear dha '11 d'thug e dinneir,
'S dha 'n do shin e 'n t-uachdar.
So an geamhradh a tha taitneach,
Gheibhear cuilm an ceann gach seacain,
Reitichean is posadh aithghearr,
'S daoiue glan mu'n cuairt dhaibh.
Bha mi tacan air mo smaointean,
Cia mar thaghainn comhdach aodaich,
'S an dannsainn air a bhanais aotrom,
Thug laimh sgaoilt Ian Ruaidh dhuinn.
The following song, to the air of " The Flowers of Edinburgh," is
one of Iain Mac Mhurchardh's best and most popular efforts. It was
written in America, and while he was engaged in the American War
of Independence. He compares, in splendid verse, his wretched posi-
tion there, a soldier in the King's army, to his former free and
happy state in Kintail. The poor bard bitterly regretted with
good cause, that he had ever left his native country, and his con-
trast of his experiences in the land of his adoption and in the
Scottish Highlands, is powerful, poetical, and patriotic : —
Gur muladach a tha mi,
'S mi 'n diugh gun aobhar ghaire ;
Cha b' ionnan 's mar a bha mi
'S an aite bha thall :
Far am faighinn manran
Mire, is ceol-gaire,
Agus cuideachd mar a b' aill learn
Aig ailleas mo dhreaui.
Nuair 'shuidheamaid mu' bhord ann
Bhiodh botul agus stop ann ;
'S cha b' eagal duinn le comhstri.
Ged 'tlh'olt' na bhiodh arm.
'S e th' againn anns an aite so,
Tarruing dhorn is lamh
Agus cleas nan con 'bhi sas
Anns gach aite le'n ceann
Old Gaelic Songs. 149
Guidheamaid le durachd,
A h-uile fear 'na urnaigh
Gun tigeadh lagh na duthcha,
Gu cunntais gun nihaill ;
Gun tigeadh achd bho'n righ sin,
A b' fhurast' dhuinn a dhireadh.
'S a chleachd bhi aig ar sinsear,
'S an tim a bha ann ;
Cha b'e 'm paipear bronach,
A. shracadh na mo phocaid,
Bhiodh againn air son storais,
Ach or gun bhi meallt ;
Crodh is eich is feudail,
Dha 'n cunntadh air an reidhlein,
Dheth 'm faighte sealladh eibhinn,
Air eudann nam beann.
Mo shoraidh gu Sgur-urainn.
'S an coire th' air a culthaobh,
Gur trie a bha mi dluth ann
Air chul agh is mhang,
Ag arnharc air mo ghluinean,
An danih a' dol 's a' bhuirich,
'S a cheil' aige ga dusgadh,
Air urlar nan allt ;
Cha b'e'n duilleag chrianaich,
A chleachd e bhi ga bhiathadh ;
Ach biolar agus min-lach,
Is sliabh gun bhi gann ;
Nuair rachadh e ga iarraidh,
Gun tairneadh e troimh fhiaclan,
An t' uisge cho glan sioladh,
Ri fion as an Fhraing.
Mo shoraidh leis an fhiadhach,
Ge trie a bha mo mhiann ann ;
Cha mho 'ni mi iasgach,
Air iochdar nan allt ;
Ge b'ait learn bhi ga iarraidh,
Le dubhan, is le driamlach,
'S am fear bu ghile bian diubh,
Ga shiabadh mu'm cheann ;
150 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Ga tharruing thun na bruaiche,
Bhiodh cuibhle 'dol mu'n cuairt leis,
Is cronmg ami ga bualadh,
Mu'n tuaims a bhiodh arm ;
Ach 's e th' againn anns an aite so,
" Grippin hoe" a's lamhag,
'S chan fhasa learn a' mhairlin
'Cur taimich na'm cheann.
Na'm faighte lamh-an-uachdar,
Air luchd nan cota ruadha,
Gun deanainn seasamh cruaidh,
Ged tha 'n uairs' orm teann ;
Ged tha iad ga n' ar ruagadh,
Mar bhric a dol 's na bruachan,
Gu'm faigh sinn fhathast fuasgladh,
Bho'n uamhas a th' ann,
Ma chreideas sibhs' an fhirinn,
Cho ceart 's tha mi ga innse,
'S cho chinnte ris an disne,
Gur sibhs' 'bhios an call ;
Gur e nu'r deireadh dibreadh
Air fhad 's dha 'm cum sibh 'stri ris ;
N' as miosa na mar dh' inntrig,
'S gur cinn teach gur th' ann.
Sud an rud a dh' eireas,
Mur dean sibh uile geilleadh,
'Nuair 'thig a chuid as treine,
Dheth 'n trend a tha thall.
Bithidh crochadh agus reubadh,
Is creach air bhur cuid spreidhe,
Cha'n fhaighear lagh no reusan
Do reubaltaich ann ;
Air fhad 's dha 'n gabh sibh fogar
Bidh ceartas aig High Deorsa,
Oha bharail dhomh gur spors dhuibh
An seol 'chaith sibh ann,
Ach 's culaidh-ghrath is dheisinn
Sibh fhad 's dha'n cum sibh streup ris,
'S gur h-aithreach leibh na dheigh so
An leum 'thug sibh ann.
DUANAG ALTRUIM. — Le Ian Mac Mhurchaidh dha phaisde ann
an Carolina-mu-Thuath. Dhaindeoin " Ciiothan, is ubhlan, is
Old Gaelic Songs. 151
siucar a fas" tha meinn chianalais a' bruchda a mac aims gach
rann de 'n duanag so.
Dean cadalan samhach,
A chuilean mo ruin ;
Dean fuireach mar tha thu,
'S tn an drasd' an ait' ur.
Bithidh oigfhearan againn,
Lan beairteis is cliu,
'S ma bhios tu na d' airidh,
'S leat fear-eigin dixibh.
Gur ann an America,
Tha sinn an drasd';
Fo dhubhar na coille,
Nach teirig gu brach.
'Nuair dh' fhalbhas an dulachd,
'Sa thionndaidh's am bias ;
Bithidh cnomhan bidh ubhlan,
'S bithidh an siucar a' fas.
'S ro bheag orm fein,
Na daoine so th' ann,
Le' n cotaichean drogaid,
Ad mhor air an ceann ;
Le' in briogsannan goirid,
'S iad sgoilte gu'm bainn,
Cha 'n fhaicear an t-osan —
'Si bhochdainn a th-ann.
Tha sinne na'r n-Innseanaich,
Cinnteach gu leor,
Fo dhubhar nan ci-aobh,
Cha bhi h-aon againn beo;
Madaidh allaidh is beistean,
A g' eibheachd 's gach frog,
Gu'm beil sinne 'n ar n-eiginn,
Bho 'n la threig sinn High Deors .
Thoir mo shoiridh le failte,
'Chinntaile na 'm bo,
Far an d' fhuair mi greis m' arach,
'S mi 'm phaisde beag og.
152 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Bhitheadh fleasgaichean donna,
Air am bonnaibh ri ceol,
Agus nionagan dualach,
'San gruaidh mar an ros.
An toiseach an fhoghair,
Bu chridheil na'r sunnd,
Am fiadh as an fhireach,
'S am bradan a grunnd.
Bhitheadh luingeas an sgadain,
A' tighinn fo sheol,
Bu bhoidheach an sealladh,
'S fir dhonn aire am bord.
In 1774 John Macrae, i.e. Ian Mac Mhurchaidh emigrated,
along with many of his ne~'ghbours, from Kintail, Lochcarron, etc.,
and settled in North Carolina. Soon after their arrival the
American War of Independence broke out, and as might be
expected they at once joined and took a prominent part in what
they considered to be the right of Britain. The bard was ulti-
mately taken prisoner and confined in a wretched dungeon where
he soon died. It is said that his loyal compositions during the
war greatly inspirited his brother Highlanders, and that the
Americans when they got him into their hands treated him with
unusual severity. This is one of the last, probably the last, of Ian
Mac Mhurchaidh's compositions.
Tha mi sgith 'n fhogar so,
Tha mi sgith dheth 'n t-strith,
So an tim dhoruinneach.
Ged a tha mi fo'n choille,
Cha 'n 'eil coire ri chomhdach orm.
Tha mi sgith &c.
Ach mi sheasadh gu dileas,
Leis an High bho' n bha choir aige.
Mi air fogar bho fhoghar,
Deanamh thighean gun cheo annta.
Ann am buthaig bhig bharraich,
Cha d' thig caraid dha'm fheoraich ann.
Ach na'm bithinn aig a bhaile,
Gheibhinn cairdean's luchd-eolais ann.
Old Gaelic Songs. 153
Ach na'n tigeadh Cornwallis,
'Sinn a ghluaiseadh gu solasach.
'Gu sgrios thoirt air beisdean,
Thug an t-eideadh san storas uainn
Thoir mo shoiridh thar linne,
Dh'ionnsidh ghlinne 'm bu choir dhomh bhi.
Far am minig a bha mi,
'G eisdeachd gairich laogh og aca.
Thoir mo shoiridh le durachd,
Gu Sgurr-Urain 's math m' eolas ann.
'S trie a bha mi mu'n cuairt di,
'G eisdeachd udlaiche croineanaich.
'S do 'n bheinn ghuirm tha mu 'coinneamh,
Learn b\i shoillear a neoineanan.
Thoir mo shoiridh le caoimhneas,
Gu Torloisich nan smeoraichean.
Far an trie bha mi mu bhuideal,
Mar ri cuideachda sholasaich.
Cha b' e an t-ol bha mi 'g iarraidh,
Ach na b'fhiach an cuid oranan.
Sios 's suas troimh Ghleann-seile,
'S trie a leag mi damh croic-cheannach.
I do not know who composed this humorous song. From
the first time, however, that I heard it, the authorship was attri-
buted to the Rev. Ranald Rankin, Catholic Clergyman, who left
Moidart, and went as a missionary to Australia about thirty
years ago.
AN T-EACH IARUINN,
'Se 'n t-each iaruinn fhuair mo mhiann,
'Nuair a thriallainn air astar ;
Is e gun diollaid a's gun srian,
Siubhal dian leinn do Ghlaschu.
Se '11 t-each, &c.
'S ann air a bhios an t-sitrich chruaidh,
'N am dha gluasad o'n Chaisteal ;
Tothan geala tigh'nn o shroin,
'S e ro dheonach air astar
154 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.
Cha'n iarr e fodar na feur,
'S cha'n eil siol dha mar chleachdadh ;
Ach an teine chur r'a tharr,
'Se sud abhaist mar bhraic-theist.
Tha fuaim a chuibhleachan am chluais,
Mar thorann cruaidh tigh'nn o chreachan;
Mar ghille-mirein dol Di'an cuairt,
Chi thu coilltean, sluagh, a's clachan.
Tha riadh de charbadan na dheigh,
'San ionad fein aig bochd a's beartach ;
An uair a rachadh e na leum,
B'fhaoin do mhac a fheidh a leantuinn.
Sud riut a nis a ghaoth-tuath,
Dubhlan do'n luaths tha 'n ad chasan ;
Feuch riut Eolus na'n speur,
Ma's tu fein is trein' air astar.
Tha 'n t-each aluinn, calma, treun,
Tha e meamnach, gleusda, reachdmhor ;
An t-each a bhuidhneas geall gach reis,
Cha'n 'eil feum a dhol aghleachd ris.
S' coma learn coitse nan each mall,
Cha'n 'eil ann aca culaidh-mhagaidh ;
Cha'n fhearr learn gige na'n each fann,
Cha'n 'eil ann ach glige-ghlaige.
Mar chloich-mhuilinn dol na deann,
Sios le gleann o bharr leachdainn,
Tha gach cuibhle a ruith bhios ann,
Falbh le srann 's an dol seachad.
M' eudail gobha dubh a ghuail,
'S e thug buaidh air na h-eachaibh,
Leis a' ghearran laidir luath,
Falbh le sluagh eadar bhailtean.
Linn nan innleachdan a th'ann,
Gu sluagh a chur na'n deann air astar ;
An litir sgriobhas tu le peann,
Ma'n dean thu i-ann bidh i 'n Sasunn
Old Gaelic Songs. 155
Na'n eireadh na mairbh o'n uir,
Dh'fhaicinn gach ni iiir a th'againn,
Cha chreideadh iad an sealladh sul,
Nach e druidheachdan a bh'againn.
Ni e bodaich bheinne dhusgadh,
'S daoine-sith bha uin' na'n cadal ;
Teichidh iad le geilt 'sna cuiltean,
Mu'n teid am muchadh no'n spadadb.
Siubhlaidh bat'-na-smuid air chuan,
Sgoltadh stuadh, 's ga'n cuir seachd ;
Seolaidh long o'n Airde Tuath,
Le gaoth chruaidh 's frasan sneachda.
Cha'n ionnan sud 's mo ghearran donn,
'Nuair dheireadh fonn air gn astar ;
Cha'n iarr e coirce no moll,
Ach uisge' na chom 'nuair bhios tart air.
Na'm faiceadh tu Iain Ruadh is claon air,
A glaodhaich gu aird a chlaiginn,
" Mur stad sibh an t-each donn a dhaoine,
Cha bhi tuilleadh saoghail againn."
Bi'dh an t-eagal ann, 's cha'n ioghnadh ;
Fear ri faoineis, 's fear ri magadh ;
Chluinnidh tu iad air gach taobh dhiot,
Fhearaibh 'sa ghaoil— " What a Rattle !"
Gus an rathad a bhi reidh,
'S nach bi eis air na astar,
Ni e toll am bun gach sleibh,
'S bheir e reis 'stigh na achlais.
A ruith troi' uamha chreagach dhorch,
'Rinn am fudar gorm a' sgoltadh ;
Gu'm bheil moran eagal orm
Gu'm buin a thoirm uam mo chlaisteachd.
Chi thu sluagh ann as gach aite,
A t;il ainli Chanaan as a Sasunn,
Eadar Peairt 'sam Brumlath,
Eadar an Spainnt a's Braigh Lochabar.
The next song was composed by Duncan Macrae, who was
tacksman at Conchra, Lochalsh. He had a family of sons, one of
156 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
whom was married to a daughter of a tacksman, i.e., Farquhar
Macrae of Fadoch. So well was Macrae at Conchra pleased
with the first marriage that he proposed another son of his should
many Janet, a younger daughter of Fadoch. Accordingly he
accompanied his son, who was a widower, to hear what Miss
Janet might have to say on the subject. Her would-be l'ather-in-
law places the result of his journey, and his interview with
Seonaid, before us as follows : —
'Nuair thug mi 'n Gleann mu Nollaig orm,
'S trom a ghabh mi 'n t-aithreachas,
Gun fhios nach iad na dramaichean,
Thug oirnn bhi farraid Seonaid.
'Nuair shuidheas mi na m' aonaran,
Gum bi mi trie a smaoineachadh,
Gun d' fhuair mi 'm bonn nan aonaichean,
Bean donn an aodainn bhoidheich.
Bha i maiseach maoineachail,
Gun robh. i stocail daoineachail.
Cha n fhaca mi bean t'aogaisg,
'Dh-aon taobh 'san robh rni eolach.
Fhuair mi toil do mhathar leat,
Toil t'athar is do bhraithreau leat,
'S cha leigeadh High nam Papanach,
A'chaoidh do 'n Aird le dheoin thu.
Gheibh thu duine dh'iarrainn duit,
Tigh geal an aite tiorail,
Each is gille 's diollaid,
'S do chur sios gu Gaol na Doirnidh.
Chuir thu dhiot gun leisgeul mi,
Cha'n eil mi uair 'na t'eisimeil,
Ma tha thu 'g iarraidh teisteanas,
Cuii ceist air bean an drobhair.
Tha fear* an Gleannstrafairire,
'S e an comhnuidh tighinn da lharach ort,
Cha 'n ann do shliochd nan greannanach,
Gur ro mhath 'b'aithne dhomhs iad.
*This was Hugh Fraser, locally known as Fear Dheadhanaidh.
He was the only brother of the late Robert Fraser, laird of
Aigais.
Old Gaelic Songs. 157
'Nuair chaidh mi air 'n t'saothair ud,
Gun thachair fir Ohill-Fhaolain rium,
'S gun d' 61 sinn botul taosgach,
Ged' robh e daor sail Toiseachd.
B'iad sud an comunn faoilteachail,
Cha d' chuir iad suil am priobaireachd,
Bha pailteas bidh is dibhe aca.
Deadh fhidhleir agus oi-ain.
Dol seachad 'm beul an anmuich dhomh,
Gun thachair fearaibh Shalachaidh rium,
'S ann dhornhsa fein a dhearbh iad,
Nach robh an t-airgiod gann na'm pocaid.
Gun chuir iad sgioba is bata leam,
Gu m' fhaicinn dhachaidh sabhailte,
'S gun d '61 sinn ' nuair rainig sinn,
Deoch slaint na bha gun phosadh.
Janet Macrae, the subject of the above Luinneag was con-
sidered a great beauty ; but as she proved herself to be so pro-
ficient in rejecting the hand of some of the finest, handsomest, and
best situated gentlemen in the surrounding districts, a local poet
apostrophised her as follows:
Mo nighean bhuidhe bhoidheach,
A phosadh a h-uile fear ;
Tha coignear dha d' iarraidh,
Fad bliadhna dhaoin' urramach,
Tha triur dhiubh sin posda,
'S tha Seonaid gun duin' aice,
Miss Janet, however, did not choose to remain long on the
spinster list, and when she made her selection, the neighbours used
to say, after William Ross : —
Ma fhuair thu do roghainn,
Do dh-fhearaibh an domhain gu leir ;
Tha fios aig na h-eolaich
Mar bhuilich thu deonach do speis, &c.
This Luinneag is the composition of William Macbean, a
native of Kingussie. He was one of about three hundred pass-
engers 011 board the "St George", which sailed from Oban in 1838.
After five months at sea, they arrived safely at their destination
Sydney, New South Wales. As the most of the passengers were
from the Highlands, song and slory were in requisition. I heard
158 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
it said by some that were on board that Macbean endeavoured
to make them feel the long voyage the happiest and most charming
part of their lives.
LUINNEAG.
Gu ma slan do na fearibh
Chaidh thairis an cuan,
Gu talamh a gheallaidh,
Far nach fairich iad fuachd.
Gu ma slan do na mnathan
Nach cluinnear a gearan ;
'S ann theid iad gu smeireil
Gar leantinn thar 'chuan.
Gu ma slan, <fcc,
Is na nighneagan boidheach,
A dh'fhalbhas leinn comhladh,
Gheibh daoine ri 'm pbsadh,
A chuireas or nan da chluais.
Gu ma slan, &c.
Gheibh sinn aran is iin ann,
Gheibh sinn siucar is ti ann ;
'S cha bhi gainn' oirnn fhin,
'S an tir 's bheil buaidh.
Gu ma slan, &c.
Nuair dh'fhagas sinn an t-aite so,
Cha chuir iad nior mhal oirnn ;
'S cha bhi an Fheill Martainn
Cur naire ann ur gruaidh.
Gu ma slan, <fcc.
Gu fag sinne an tir so,
Cha chinnich aon ni ann ;
Tha 'm buntata air dol a dhith ann,
'S cha chinn iad le fuachd.
Gu ma slan, &c.
Gheibh sinne crodh agus caorich ;
Gheibh sinne cruithneachd air raointean,
'S cha bhi e cho daor dhuinn
Ri fraoch an taobh tuath.
Gu ma slan, &c.
Old Gaelic Songs. 159
'Nuair a theid mi do'n mhonadh,
A mach le mo ghunna,
Cha bhi geamair no duine
Ga ma chur air an ruaig.
Gu ma slan, &c.
Gheibh sinne sioda agus srol ann ;
Gheibh sinne pailteas do'n chloimh ann,
'S ni na mnathan dhuinn clodh dheth,
Air seol an taobh tuath.
Gu ma slan, &c.
Cha bhi iad ga'r dusgadh
Le clag Chinn-a-ghiubhsaich ;
Cha bhi e gu duireas
Ged' nach duisg sinne cho luath.
Gu ma slan, &c.
It is said that the following song was composed for Duncan
Macrae, son of Farquhar Og of Morvich, Kintail, on his being laid
up after spraining his foot.
Huil obhan ho guri ho,
Huil obhan ho ro hi,
Huil obhan ho guri ho,
Cadal trorn gun deach' dhiom.
'S dona sud a " Bhothain"* bhochd,
A nochd gue dubhach a tha,
Sealgair nan aighean 's na laogh,
Na lidhaidh sa thaobh ri lar.
Cha b'e sud 's na chuir thu suil,
A bhi tarraing a'bhruchd bho'n traigh,
Ach leaghadh luaidhe an camus cruinn,
'S tu leagadh na suinn gu lar.
Beannan beag san robh do mhiann.
Dha shireadh ri gaoth an iar,
Lorg-ealadh ri sgor-bheinn chas,
Sud am beus a chleachd thu riainh.
Beinn-a-mheadhain ghlas' n fheoir,
San sgaoil an ceo mas eirich grian,
Far a minig a bha mo ghradh,
Air uileanu air sgath nam tiadh.
*Bothan is said to be the name of the hunter's dog.
160 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Beinn a Ghiusaicbean ma thuath,
'S braigh leachd nam fuar bheann gorm,
An trie a thug thu callaidh toll,
Ann sa bheinn an cluinnte toirm.
Creagan sgeodach dubh an fhraoich,
An darna taobh do Chona-ghleann cas,
Far a minig a bha thu ghaoil,
A feitheamh ri gaoth Mheal-dhamh.
Dair-dhoire nan damh dearg,
Sail-chaorainn nan earb 's nam boc,
Far 'in bu trie thu air do ghlun,
'S do ghillean air cul nan cnoc.
'S ioinadh beinn is tulaich ard,
Is talamh garbli ri sneachd 6g,
A shiubhail do chalpa treun,
'•S air talamh reidh fhuair thu leon.
Sona sud a Bhothain bhochd,
A nochd gur subhach a tha,
Bho 'n fhuair cas Dhunnachaidh luathas,
Togaidh sinn suas ri Gleann Mhic Phail.
The following three fragmentary stanzas are like the pre-
ceding ones : —
Sud a cheaird dha 'n d' thug mi speis,
'Nuair a bha mi eutrom bg,
Bhi falbh le gunna fo 'm sgeith,
Gleidheadh an fheidh air a lorg.
'S trie a rinn mi siubhal fann,
Air feadh allt is ghlac is fhrog,
'S fraoch agus seileach ann,
Cho ard ri mo cheann is corr.
An te sin a th' agam na 'm uchd,
'S trie a rinn i fuil an glaic,
'Nuair a lasadh i air torn,
Dh' fhagadh i an damh donn fo lot.
In my younger days in Strathglass I used to hear the follow-
ing, but have not heard it since I left that country. My memory
Old Gaelic Songs. 161
may not have sufficiently served me to enable me to supply the
complete song, but I shall be glad to receive any verses I may
have omitted : —
'S trom an luchd tha mi giulan air m' inntinn,
Dh'fhag sud m' aigneadh air chinnt ann an cas,
'S mi bhi smaointin bho chionn cor agus bliadhna,
Gur a modha tha mi crianadh na fas,
Righ phriseil mur a dean thu orm foirinn,
Tha mi 'm priosan aig doruinn an sas,
'S trie m' easlaint a g' innse le deifir,
Gur fear-binn air mo bheathsa 'm b&s.
Am bas ged' a dh' fhaicinn e tighinn,
Cha 'n eil e beo fear a chitheadh mo dheoir,
Bho'n a chaill mi gach solas a bh'agam,
Sa tha mi gun dad deth mo threoir,
Chaol bhanaich mo lamhan 's mo chasan,
'S air m' aisnean cha'n eil dad a dh-fheoil,
Chaill mi uile mo dhealbh agus m' aogasg,
'S trie tha m' aodann air chaochladh gach neoil.
Tha 'n saoghal so caochlaideach uile,
'S mairg riamh a chuir bun 'as a ni,
A anabharra saibhreas no spionnaidh,
Bho 'n as furasda leis bhi gar dith.
'Nuair a shaoil learn gum bu teodha mo shamhradh,
Bhuail dudhlachd a' gheamhraidh orm cruaidh,
Ghrad thionndan an saoghal mar fhaoileach,
'S dh'fhag sud dhomhsa gach caolas mar chuan.
'S ann a bha mi am muirne le manran,
Fhad sa bha iad ga m' arach measg Ghall,
Oha b' annas dhomh pbit ag ol fiona,
Mar ri armuinn neo-chrian gun bhi gann,
Cha robh aoii ni dhomh duilich ri f haotainn,
Air am faodadh mac duine bhi 'n geall,
'S f haide an t-sheachdain an diu learn na bhliadhna,
Slainte 's aidhir air triall bhuam air chall.
'S ann mar luing ann an doruinn a tha mi,
'S i air bristeadh roimh chlabhraich nan tonn,
Ann an socair no suidhe cha tamh dhomh,
Ach mar uibhean ga 'n caramh air droll,
11
1G2 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
'Nuair a shaoil mi tighinn thugam a bhairlinn,
Bhi ga m' thudanadh ghnath bhar mo bhonn,
'Righ phriseil mur a gabh thu fein truas rium,
Tha do laimh ann san uair' orm gle throm.
The following sacred poem was composed by the famous
Juliet of Keppoch, (Sile na Ceapaich). A fragment of it appears
in Vol. vii. of the Transactions of this Society. The following
version was transcribed by the late lamented D. C. Macpherson
of the Advocates' Library, Edinburgh, from a copy which Iain
Ban Innse took down from an old servant of Sile. Sile was born
at Bohuntin, Brae-Lochaber, in 1660, and died in the year 1729.
Di do bheath', a Mhoire Mhaighdeann,
'S gur gile do Mhac na 'ghrian ;
Rugadh am Mac 'an aois Athar,
Oighre JFhlathanais ga'r dion.
B' iosal an ceum thug an Slanair,
Tighinn a Parras gu talanah ;
Rugadh e ann an staball,
Gun tuilleadh aite dha falamh.
Cha d'iarr Banrainn na h-umhlachd,
Fuirneiseachd, rum, no seomar ;
Cha mho 'dh iarr i mnathan-glaine,
Ach Righ nan Dul a bhi ga comhnadh.
Cha d' iarr Micein na h-uaisle,
Cuisein, no clusag, no leaba,
Ach gu'n d' eirich leis a Mhathair,
Ga' chur sa' mhaingeir na laidhe.
B' aobhainn an sealladh a fhuair i
An uair a thainig e as a collainn ;
Ga 'shuaineadh 'an anartan bana
An Slanair a thainig gu'r ceannach,
Shoillsich reulna anns an athar
'Rinn rathad do na tri righrean;
Thainig iad ga shealltainn le failte,
'S gaol 'us gradh thoirt da le firinn.
Thainig na buachaillean bochda,
'Ghabhail fradhairc air 's an tim sin —
Misneach do'n lag 's do'n laidir,
Gu 'bhi cho dana air an ti ud.
Old Gaelic Songs. 163
'N uair chula Herod an ardain,
An targanach a thigh'n gu talamh,
Cha d' fhag e micein aig mathair
Gun a chur gu has le h-an-iochd.
Rinn Moire naomh an lagh a chleachdadh —
Thairg iad an leanabh anns an teainpull,
Dh' fhalbh iad a dh-oidhche 's a latha,
Leis do'n Eiphit 'ghabhail tamhachd,
Dh' fhuirich iad an sin, car tamuil,
Ga altrum agus ga' arach
Ann an gaol, 's 'an gradh, 's 'an umhlachd,
Le durachd athar 'us mathar.
'Nuair chual iad gu'n d'eug Righ Herod,
Smaoinich iad ceum a thoirt dachaidh,
Bu mhiannach leo sealladh de'n cairdean,
'S 'fhad 's a bha iad gun am faicinn,
Thug iad cliu do Dhia 's an teampull,
'S gu Nasaret air dhaibh 'bhi tilleadh,
Suil ga'n d' thug iad thair an gualainn,
Dh 'iunntraich iad bhuap am Messia.
'S iad a bha gu bronach, duilich,
Trath nach b' fhurasda dhaibh 'fhaotainn ;
'Sa' mhiad 's a rinn iad ga 'shireadh,
Bu dubhach a bha iad as 'aogais ;
Ach tim dhaibh dol deiseal a 'n teampull,
Dh' aithnich iad a chainnt gu beathail,
Measg nan ollaichean a' teagasg,
Bu deas a thigeadh dha labhairt.
Labhair an sin ris a mhathair ;
" Ciamar a thainig dhut fuireach 1
'S dubhach a rinn thu ar fagail,
Na tri laithean bha sinri ga d' shireadh ;"
" A mhathair na biodh ortsa mulad,
Ged a dh' fhuirich mi 's an teampull;
Seirbhis m'athar anns na flaitheas,
Feumaidh mi feitheamh 's gach am dhi.
" A litithad latha fuachd 'us acras,
Siubhal seachrain agus imeachd,
A th' agamsa ri fhulang fhathast,
Mu'n teid mo ghnothuch gu finid ;
164 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.
Fuilgidh mi fhathast mo bhaisteadh,
Fuilgidh mi traisg aims an fhasach,
Fuilgidh mi 'n namhaid ga m' bhuaireadh,
'Us mo bhualadh, 'us mo phagadh.
" Fuilgidh mi breth agus binn,
'Us mo chur sios le fianais-bhreige ;
Seallaidh mi gu h-iiinhlaidh, iseal,
Ged a dhitear mi 's an eucoii1.
Mo chur bho Philat gu Herod,
A dh' innseas sgeula mar is aill leo,
'S bho '11 nach dian mi mar is math leo,
Cuirear deis' de 'n anart bhan orm."
'N uair a dheasaich iad an t-suipeir
Dha fhein 's do na bh' aige de mhuinntir,
Bheannaich e agus bhlais e,
Binn e sin an casan ionnlad.
'N uair dh' aithnich e 'm bas ga riribh,
Dh' fhag e dileab aca deonach ;
Bho 'n nach d' fhaod e aca fuireach,
Bheannaich e'fhuil agus fheoil dhaibh.
Rinn e anns a' gharadh urnaigh,
Chuir e gu dluth dheth fallus fala ;
Dh' fhuilig e rithist a sgiursadh,
'Us crun a chur air de 'n dreathann ;
Smugaidean a chur na 'aodann,
'S a bhualadh air gach taobh le'n dearnaibh,
Ghiulain e 'chrois air a ghuailnean,
'Sa chur suas eadar dha mheirleach.
Bhlais e'n cupa 's an robh 'n t-searbhag,
Tiota beag mu'n d' fhalbh an anail ;
Thug e rnathanas dh'a naimhuean,
'S liubhair e do 'n Ard-righ 'anam,
Leig a sios as a' chrois E,
Liubhair iad a chorp dh' a mhathair ;
I fhein 's na bh 'aice de mhuinntir,
Rinn iad anns an uir a charamh.
Aig fheothas 's a rinn thu a ghleidheadh,
A dh' fhalbh leis a latha 's a dh-oidhche ;
Aig fheothas 's a rinn thu air feitheamh,
Di do bheath', a Mhoire Mhaighdeann ;
Old Gaelic Songs. 165
Di do bheath', a Mhoire Mhaighdeann,
'S gur gile do nihac na 'ghrian ;
Rugadh am mac 'an aois 'Athar,
Oighre Flilathanais g'ar dion.
I shall conclude by giving you one more Rann by Sile na
Ceapaich.
Beir mo shoiridh leis an ti,
Bha caitheamh na sligh' air a h-aineol ;
Ged a dh' fhag iad as an deigh sinn,
Cha 'n fhios nach eiginn duinn an leanachd,
Ged fhogair iad sinn as an righeachd,
'S suarach an dith air a Phap e ;
Cha ghluais sid an Eaglais dhaingeann
Dh' fhag mo Righ air carraig laidir.
Oha dean geataichean if rinn,
Na idir cumhachdan dhaoine ;
Car a chur dhith as a laraich,
Clachairean cha d' fhag cho faoin i.
Rinn iad ballaichean de d' cholluinn,
'S rinn iad uinneagan de d' chreuchdan ;
'S ami de d' bheul a rinn iad dorus,
'S do dha shuil na 'n solus gle gheal.
Rinn iad sgliata de d' chrun-dreathain,
Agus staidhir de d' chrann-ceusda ;
Rinn iad le traisg 'us le urnaigh,
'Teannachadh gu dluth ri cheile ;
Bha Moire, Bhaintighearn' air a h-urlar,
Dh' fhuirneisich an da Ostal deug i,
Aig na fhuair iad rithe 'shaothair ;
Fad an saoghail gus an d' eug iad.
Cheangail iad a chreud mu'n cuairt di
Mu 'm fuasgladh i as a cheile ;
Bha seachd glasan air a h-ursainn,
'Sa h-iuchraichean aig luchd-gleuta ;
Bha seachd glasan air a h-\irsainn,
'S a h-iuchraichean aig luchd-gleuta ;
Comas a dunadh 's a fosgladh,
Dh' fhag na h-Ostail sud mar oighreachd.
166 Gaelic Society of Inuerness
Baisteadh, Daingneachadh 'an ordugh
Corp glormhor Chriosta, 's Faoisid ;
Ola-ro-bhas, Ordugh, 's Posadh,
Gur h-iad sud 'bu choir dhuinn fhaotaiun.
Tha seachd peacannan ri sheachnadh ;
'S tha seachd subhailcean gu'n claoidh sin,
Mu'n tig an ceud sheachd gun fhios duinn
An t-seachd eil 'bhi trie na'r cuimhne.
TTabhar, sannt, druis, craos,
Leisg, farmad, agus fearg ;
Gur h-iad sud a chur bho'n dorus,
Mu 'm faigh sinn cronachadh garg,
Tha seachd eile na d heigh sin,
Seachd a tha feumail do 'n anam,
Biadh, fardach, agus aodach,
'Thoirt do dhaoine na 'n airce.
'N uair a chluinneas sinn gur bas e,
Comhnadh gu'm fagail 's a 'chlachan.
Na ceithir criochan mu dheireadh,
'N am dealachadh ris an t-saoghal ;
Bas, Breitheanas, a's Flathanas,
'S Ifrinn an rathad nach caomh lein,
'S bho nach caomh leinn dol g'a fhaicinn,
Biomaid air ar faicill daonnan,
'S cinnteach mi nach fhaod sinn fuireach,
'N uair thig sumanadh o'n aog oirnn.
10th FEBRUARY 1886.
On this date, Councillor T. S. Macallister, of the Northern
Hotel, Inverness, was elected an honorary member ; and Mr Alex.
Maclean, teacher, Culloden, and Mr William Macdonald, clerk, 63
Church Street, ordinary members. Mr Duncan Campbell, editor
of the Northern Chronicle, read a paper on " The Isle of Man :
its Language, History, and People ;" and Mr John Whyte,
librarian, Inverness, read a paper on " Gaelic Phonetics," which
was very favourably reviewed by the members present.
Mr Campbell's paper was as follows :—
The Isle of Man. 167
THE ISLE OF MAN— ITS HISTORY AND
LANGUAGE.
The Isle of Man lies out in the Irish Sea, at something like
equal distances from Scotland, England, and Ireland. It is with-
out insular company except that of its own Calf. The Point of
Ayre is only 16 miles from Burrow Head, and 21 from the Mull
of Galloway. By means of these two seaward extensions of
Wigtownshire Scotland claims closer neighbourhood with the Isle
of Man than Ireland, England, or Wales. The distance from
Peel to Strongford Lough, in Ireland, is 27 miles. It is just the
same distance between Maughold Head, in Man, and St Bees
Head, in Cumberland. Forty-five miles measui'e the space between
the Calf of Man and Holyhead in Wales. The Calf is a bluff
rocky farm of 800 acres, devoted, I believe, to rabbit breeding.
It is separated fi'om Man by a channel of three miles, which can-
not be crossed every day, nor at times for weeks at a stretch.
The Calf is a striking feature of the picture the island kingdom
presents to the eyes of those coming by ship or steamer from
Liverpool or Ireland. Man itself is 33 miles long and 12 miles
broad, but it tapers at both ends. A bold range of hills, which
assume the imposing airs of real mountains, occupies the interior
along the line of length, and sends spurs and bluffs down to the sea.
The northern part of the island is carse or " magher " land ; but it
may be noticed in passing, as a peculiarity of the Manx language,
that in it the separate field becomes the " Magher," and that every
boundary, whether a fence or an invisible line, is called " cagliagh."
Man has an area of 150,000 statute acres, more than 90,000 of
which are cultivated. The population is about 54,000. In " the
good old times" it fluctuated fi'om 10,000 to 14,000. It was a
little over 14,000 when the Duke of Athole succeeded his relative,
the last Earl of Derby of the old line, as " King in Man " in the
year 1736. In 1829 the British Government finally acquired all
the propert3' and rights of the Athole family in the kingdom of
Man, and at that time the population had reached 40,000. Con-
sidering that regular steamers from Liverpool and Barrow-in-
Fumess now make the Isle of Man in general, and Douglas, its
modern capital, in particular, the favourite watering-place of York-
shire and Lancashire, the increase of the population since 1829
is not very remarkable, when this further fact is likewise taken
into account, that the silver, lead, and copper-mining industry
began by the Murrays has of late been immensely developed.
168 Gaelic Society of Inverness
Douglas, a handsome town at the head of a picturesque bay, may
be said to live upon visitors. So also may Peel —that is to say,
Port-na-hinsey — the place on the shore which has usurped the
name of the old rock -islet acropolis. The farming population is
just what it ought to be, neither too sparse nor too crowded. The
farms in general are of fair size and well cultivated. Those that
live by the land stick to the land, those that live by mining stick
to mining, and those that live by the sea stick to the sea. The
Manxmen have a large fleet of superior fishing smacks, which
covers the Irish Sea from side to side when its fishing is good,
and goes out far when the shoals are elsewhere. They have capital,
organisation, and the great advantage of large markets for fish at
their doors. But most of these hardy, cheerful, industrious Manx
fishermen go to the ends of the earth as sailors once or oftener in
their lives. Both the Royal Navy and the Merchant Navy profit
by their services. Fully half the Manx population dwell
in the towns and large villages. Douglas has 14,500, Castle-
ton, or Balla Chastal, 3000, Port-na-hinsey or Holmtown —
mis-named Peel — 3500, and Ramsay 400. Port Erin, Port
Mary, the mining village of Laxey, and other villages depending
solely on mining, fishing, and lodging-house and shopping business
contain the remainder of the urban population. The island is
lovely in summer, and mild, but somewhat wet and foggy in
winter. Fuschias, myrtles, and other exotics are not killed by
winter frosts. Douglas, with its fine bay, sea-wall, terraces, con-
crete and moulded houses, tree-like fuschias, and beautiful land-
scape, is more like a southern continental than a British town.
The people, both urban and rural, make a pleasing impression
upon visitors. They are energetically industrious, orderly, genial
— with a flash of hastiness — and generally prosperous. The Norse-
men have scarcely left a trace behind them, except in a few names
of places and the evil memory of tyrannical institutions. In the
Manx people of the present day the black-eyed, black-haired,
round faced, Celtic type is not only predominant, but it almost
excludes all other types. They are heavier and stronger people
than the Welsh, yet although their language is not British, but
Gaelic, they are wonderfully like the Welsh in set, features, and
characteristics.
Mannan, or Manninan, is said to have been the first ruler, if
not the first planter of Man. In the old Statute Book of the
island he is thus described : — " Manninan-beg-mac-y-Lear, the
first man who held Man, was ruler thereof, and after whom the
land was named, reigned many years, and was a paynim (heathen).
The Isle of Man. 169
He kept the lands under mists by his necromancy : if he dreaded
an enemy, he would of ane Tian cause to seem one hundred, and
that by art magic." Tradition further affirms that the magician
Mannan and his followers were expelled from the island on the
arrival of St Patrick. But this tradition is inconsistent with a
custom still obseived at Midsummer, on the eve of St John the
Baptist, when people carry green rushes and meadow grass to the
top of Barrule, one of the highest mountains in Man, in payment
of rent to Manninan-beg-mac-y-Lear. The name of this high hill
is descriptive of its shape, for, in its Manx form — " Baare-ooyl " —
it signifies "the top of an apple." In the strange poem gathered
into his collection by the Dean of Lismore, which describes how
Caoilte redeemed Fionn from King Cormac's prison by bringing
that monarch a rabble of animals, are mentioned.
" Da mhuc mhucaibh Mhic Lir."
A nd again : —
" Tugas learn each agus lathair
De ghreidh mhaiseach Mhananain."
The Dean ascribes the authorship of the poem to Caoilte Mac
Ronain himself. We may therefore conclude that, in the form in
which he got it, it must have been floating about at least a hundred
and fifty years before 1512, when the collection of songs was
finished. The Dean belonged to a priestly and literary family
whose continued memory for five generations would have prevented
him from attributing to a Fingalian hero an ur-sgeul ballad made
near his own time. But Ewen M'Comic, the Baron of Dail
Ardconaig, was the Dean's contemporary, and, being sick for a
long time, the baron made a song, in which he mentioned the
many wonderful things he would give, if he only had them, to
purchase good health. Among the ransom offerings he mentions
" Greidh is aidhre Mhananain."
The herds and flocks of Mananan.
Mananan's father became Shakespeare's " King Lear." The Manx
people call their island "Elian Mhannin." Julius Caesar, fifty
years before the Christian era, heard of it under the name of
" Mona." Tacitus, on the other hand, writing near the end of
the first century of the Christian era, calls Angelsea " Mona."
This Welsh Mona was the great university of Druidic theology
and learning when the Roman commander, Sentonius Paulinus,
invaded it, A.D. 61, and killed the Druid priests and professors,
and cut down the sacred groves. But there is reason to believe,
170 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
from the traces they have left behind, that the remnant of the
Druids sought shelter in the other Mona after the slaughter, and
had sacred groves and circles there until the time of St Patrick.
Man is, in fact, a perfect museum of Druidic, Celtic, and Scandi-
navian antiquities. Before the necromancer's time, and perhaps
centuries after him as well, the large, big-horned elk or " Ion"
browsed in the glens of Man, and looked out from the heights
upon the few coracles sailing on the surrounding sea. The Duke
of Athole, who was the last " King in Man," sent to the Edin-
burgh Royal Museum an almost perfect skeleton of the great elk,
which was found in a bed of marl near Ballaugh, in Man. The
tailless cat exists to the present day, and is not at all in danger of
being extinguished by imported cats. The tailless cat is supposed
to have had some friendly connection with the necromancer, and
to have received a perpetual guarantee of existence within the
Kingdom of Man. The Romans themselves must have seen it,
for an altar preserved at Castleton shows that towards the end of
their rule in Britain they had a military station in Man. The
inscription tells that the altar was erected to Jupiter, by Marcus
Censorius, son of Marcus Flavius Volinius, of the Augustensian
Legion, Prefect to the Tungrian cohort of the Province of Nar-
bonne. Had Celts, Norwegians, and Danes inscribed their Manx
monuments in Roman fashion, what a singular tale of changes
they would have told us.
Gildas, who was born in 493, and died in 57C, in his gloomy
treatise " concerning the calamity, ruin, and conquest of Britain "
by the Saxons, mentions incidentally that in A.D. 395, in the reigns
of Arcadius and Honorius, a Scot named Brule was Governor of
Man. It is probable that Brule came to Man from Ireland, as
the Scots had scarcely begun to plant colonies in Scotland at that
time. In 517 the island was conquered by Maelgywn, Prince of
North Wales, and it continued to be ruled by a dynasty of his race
until Anarawd, the last Welsh King of Man, died in 913.
Shortly afterwards the Scandinavian sea-rover, Gorree or Orry,
conquered the island, and formed the Kingdom of Man and the
Isles. Gorree is supposed to have instituted the Tynwald Court,
established the Taxiaxi, now called the House of Keys, and
divided the island into sheadings. The last king of his dynasty
died about 1040. He was succeeded by Goddard, son of Sygtrig,
King of the Danes. This Goddard was, after confusions and
invasions, succeeded by his son Fingal. Goddard Crovan or
Chrouban, son of Harold the Black of Iceland, in 1077 slew
King Fingal, completely subdued Man, and brought most of
The Isle of Man. 171
the Scottish islands under his subjection. The last of Oovan's
race who ruled in Man was Magnus. After the battle of Largs
he rejected the suzerainty of Norway, and did homage to Alex-
ander III. of Scotland. He died childless in 1265, and the Scot-
tish King took possession of the island. Most people have heard
of the three armed legs which constitute the arms of Man — two legs
for standing and one for kicking — and to which the motto is ap-
pended— Quocunque jeceris stabit — whichever way you throw it,
it will stand. Well, it was Alexander of Scotland who gave that
heraldic symbol to the Manx Kingdom. The island at the death
of Magnus had been fully three hundred years under stringent
Norse rule, and yet the Manx people emerged from that long sub-
jection as Celtic as they had been in the time of Gildas. Their
language has adopted many words from English, but it has scarcely
retained a Scandinavian word beyond a few names of places and
of institutions, such as the Tynwald. Even the strange word
"Taxiaxi" is said to be Gaelic — meaning guardians or senators —
and to derive itself from "taisg" or "teagasg."
Man fell under the suzerainty of King Edward Longshanks
during the war of conquest he carried on with Scotland. It looks
as if he carried out, or, at least, instigated, the insular revolution
by countenancing the claims of a pretender with a purely Celtic
name to the Tynvald Throne. When the great Edward died the
little Edward, his son, chucked Man back and forward, like a prize
of little value, among three of his favourites — Piers de Gaveston,
Gilbert Mac Gascall, and Henry de Beaumont. Bruce descended
upon Man with ships and warriors from Galloway, Ayr, and
Argyle in the \'ear 1313. He drove out the English, subdued the
island, and gave it to his nephew, Randolph, Earl of Moray.
William Montacute, Earl of Salisbury, married Mary, the female
heiress of the Crovan dynasty, and Edward the Third, allowing her
claim, aided Salisbury, who took Man from Randolph's heirs in
1344. He was crowned King of Man with great pomp, but he
afterwards sold his kingdom to Sir William le Scroop. The buyer
was attainted for treason, and Man was again chucked from hand
to hand, until it was granted to Sir John Stanley in 1406. Sir
John Stanley, the founder of the Derby family, reduced the
"breast law" of his insular kingdom to writing. He found the
island, to a great extent, lying waste, and the population small and
distressed. He encouraged tillage and fishing industry, and
modified the harsh customs which had come down from the
Scandinavian conquerors. Upon the whole, the Stanley dynasty
of Kings in Man, beginning in 1406 and ending in 1736, gave
172 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
the islanders peace, prospei'ity, and justice compared with what
they used to receive before. But yet they could not be said to be
popular rulers. The elder branch of the house of Stanley became
extinct on the death of Earl James in 1736, and while the English
honours and estates went to the heir male — a very distant kinsman
indeed of Earl James — the Isle of Man and the Barony of Strange
fell to James Murray, second Duke of Athole, who was, by female
descent, the nearest heir of the seventh Earl of Derby, who for
his fidelity to the Stuart cause, was beheaded in 1651. The wife
of this Cavalier earl was the heroic lady who defended Latham
House, and who figures in " Peveril of the Peak." On the for-
feiture of the Cavalier earl, Man was given to Loi-d Fairfax, who
retained it for nine years. The heir of the beheaded Earl of
Derby regained his kingdom and other patrimonies at the Restor-
ation.
The Manx people and their last King, "John the planter,"
parted on anything but amicable terms in 1829. The Duke's
nephew, Dr George Murray, then Bishop of Sodor and Man, was
chiefly responsible for the mutual irritation in which the connection
terminated. The bishop wanted to bring about a tithe commuta-
tion, which has since been accomplished almost exactly as he pro-
posed, and when he failed in getting what he wished, he tried un-
justly to levy a tithe on green crops, which was tumultuously
resisted. The Duke his uncle was glad to sell his proprietary
and manorial rights, and in order to restore harmony the Govern-
ment promoted Dr George to the see of Rochester. But that
final "tiff" notwithstanding, the Murrays, with their strong
Highland proclivities, and improving energies, were both popular
and beneficent Kings in Man. They have left their marks
on the whole island. Castle Mona, now the truly palatial
hotel of Douglas, and its beautifully planted, spacious, and
romantic policy grounds, testify to the taste as well as to the mag-
nificence of the last island monarch. And all over the island,
wherever astonishing bits of woodland pictures burst upon the
view, the Murray mark is there directly or indirectly impressed.
They promoted Manx literature, which, in the middle of their
dynastic period, reached its highest level, thanks to holy Bishop Wil-
son, Bishop Hildesley, and Dr Kelly, in the Manx translation of the
Scriptures. The Murrays had the appointment of the bishop and
the rectors and vicars of most of the seventeen parishes of the
island in their hands, and they took care to appoint men well ac-
quainted with Manx Gaelic. It was preached regularly in all the
churches of the island in their time ; and now it is scarcely
The Isle of Man. 173
preached in any, although the people in their homes throughout
all the country continue to speak the language of their ancestors.
Another custom which the Murrays religiously guarded is still
preserved — "The courts are still fenced in Manx, according to
ancient traditionary form ; and the island laws are still promul-
gated in Manx on the Tynwald Mount."
The Imperial Government had been using steady pressure for
more than a century before 1829 to get rid of the Kings in Man
and the Manx tariff. As early as 1670 an enterprising Liverpool
firm organised smuggling in Man on a large scale, and made im-
mense profit for a time. The English customs and excise duties
were then comparatively low, but the import duties of Man were
still so much lower that a good margin of profit was left to the
smugglers. The situation of the island made it a natural empor-
ium for the illicit traders of many lands. The Manx people did
the distribution work, and in spite of ships of war and armed cut-
ters, they glided in their boats with cargoes of brandy, wine, tea,
and other commodities under cover of night and mists, to the Scotch,
Irish, English and Welsh coasts. Great pressure was brought upon
the last Stanley King in Man to sell the island to the Government.
That pressure, in a stronger degree and in various forms — one
which was to foment faction and discontent in the island —
was steadily continued during the Murray period. When
nothing else would do, in 1765 the British Government in a
very high-handed manner constrained the Duke of Athole to sell
the Manx sovereignty — retaining bis proprietary and manorial
rights, ecclesiastical patronage, &c. — for £70,000. The Manx
people were filled with consternation, and many of them hastily
realised their possessions, and retired from the island. But after
some years they recovered confidence, and developed the contra-
band trade to such an extent that a Parliamentary Committee,
appointed in 1792, estimated the annual loss to the customs of
Great Britain caused by Manx smuggling at £350,000. It was
felt that the purchase of the sovereignty was not enough, and that
till the property and patronage rights were vested iu the Crown,
the neck of the contraband trade could not be broken. So the tithe
commotion was not officially checked but fostered; and the Duke
of Athole's position was made so uncomfortable that he was at last
glad to sell out entirely for £416,114.
The ecclesiasical history of Man is to the effect that St
Patrick converted the heathens of that island, and placed " a holy
prudent canon of the Lateran, and a disciple of his own named
Germanus," over them as bishop, that for a long time thereafter the
174 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Bishops of Man received Irish consecration, that in 838 the
Bishopric of Sodor was constituted by Pope Gregory, and that
subsequent Bishops of Man not knowing whether they should
obey Drontheim, York, or Canterbury, sought confirmation from
the Pope. Most of this is true, but I believe St German of Man
is St German of Auxerre, and that his parish and cathedral on
the Peel islet confirm views, which, on other grounds, I hold
regarding the Christianising importance of the work of St Ninian
and the mission of St Palladius. I believe St German was never
in Man, except by the representation of his friends and disciples.
It is a different case with Maughold, the secondary patron saint
of Man. He was an Irishman, and the chief of a band of robbers.
He was c&ughtflagrante delicto or red-handed, brought to St Patrick,
and converted. But either for penance or for punishment he was
sent to sea in a skin-covered wicker boat, with feet and hands tied.
Wind and currents drifted him safely to Maughold Head in Man,
and he became in due time Bishop of the island. After Maug-
hold there was an obscure succession of Irish, Welsh, and Scotch
bishops. About 1130 — the Manx date is, by evident mistake,
1113 - arose a man who in a cmious way connected the Island
of Man with our own district, by much trouble, and a fearful
baptism of blood. In his profession this man thus styled him-
self : — Ego Wymundus sanctae ecclesice de Schid — I, Wymundus,
of the holy Church of Skye. He someway became one of the
first monks of the splendid monastery of Furness, on the Cam-
brian shoi-e opposite Man, which was founded in 1124 in the
midst of a still thoroughly British population, who had been long
allied with the Albanic nation. Olave, the Norwegian King of
Man and the Isles, granted land at Rushen to Yvo, abbot of Fur-
ness, and Abbot Yvo sent over Brother Wymundus and other
monks to take possession of the affiliated house there. Brother
Wymundus quickly ingratiated himself, not only with the King,
but with the Celtic people of the isle, who with one acclaim
elected him for their Bishop, and sent him to Thurstan, Arch-
bishop of York, who consecrated him. We may be sure that
there was not much difference between the Gaelic of Skye and
the Gaelic of Man in the 12th century, and it seems the Nor-
wegian king as well as the Celtic people of Man were carried
off their feet by the eloquence and good looks of Wymundus, who
was tall, handsome, open-faced, and enthusiastic. No sooner,
however, was Wymundus consecrated and installed, than he called
himself Malcolm M'Heth, the heir of the Earl or Maormor of
Moray, who was slain in 1130, when acting as one of the princi-
The Isle of Man. 175
pal leaders of the Gaelic insurrection of that year against King
David and his Anglo-Norman aristocracy and laws. The King of
Man and Somerled of Argyle, that king's son-in-law, believed in
Malcolm. He married Somerled's sister, and was soon at the
head of a land and sea force. He was strongly supported in this
part of the country. I don't believe the man was an impostor,
although the monkish flatterers of King David and his race branded
him as such. In a speech to King David himself, Robert de
Brus, ancestor of the Bruce of Bannockburn, called Malcolm
M'Heth, the quondam monk and bishop, " heir to a father's hate
and persecution." Malcolm M'Heth made descents here, there,
and everywhere, and disappeared like a sea-bird before the king's
forces. He was by degrees shaking King David's throne, and the
first check he received was, strange to say, in Celtic Galloway,
where the bishop led the array of the district, and, to encourage
the people, threw a small axe at the invader, which chanced
to strike and fell him. This created a panic among his
followers, and made them fly. In after years, M'Heth used
to say boastingly, that it was only God through the faith of
a simple bishop that marred his fortune. After the repulse
M'Heth suffered in Galloway, King David mustered all his Nor-
man chivalry, and in some place not stated brought M'Heth to
bay, defeated, and captured him. He sent him as a prisoner to
Marchmont, or Roxburgh Castle, in 1137 ; being, as a saintly
man, afraid to take the life of a foe who had received the tonsure
and been consecrated a bishop. When King David died in 1153,
and his grandson, Malcolm the Maiden, succeeded him, M'Heth
was still a prisoner in Roxburgh Castle. His sons, although mere
youths, in company with their uncle, Somerled of Argyle, conjured
up a big storm next year. In 1156, Donald the eldest of
M'Heth 's sons, was taken prisoner, and sent to join his father in cap-
tivity. But the war was carried on by Somerled and his other
nephew with such success that in 1157 young King Malcolm made
peace with M'Heth, liberated him, and made him Earl of Ross.
Malcolm M'Heth gave himself all the airs of a local king in Ross,
and created for himself enemies among the people and their local
chiefs, who conspired against him, beset him in a narrow pass,
captured him, put out his eyes, and turned him out of the county.
He used to say in after years that if his enemies had left him a
sparrow's eye he would have been avenged upon them. His
enemies in Ross put out the eyes of Malcolm M'Heth about 1161.
He then retired to the English monastery o? Bylands, where for
years he lived, not uncheerfully, and where William of Newburgh
176 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
became acquainted with him, and in graphic style painted his
character for future ages. M'Heth's sons were associated in all
his undertakings with their great uncle Somerled, until he was
killed at Renfrew in 1164. They apparently settled, married and
brought up heirs to the ancestral hate in Argyleshire, while
Harald, Earl of Orkney, put away Afreka, daughter of Duncan,
Earl of Fife, his first wife, in order to marry their sister. The
M'Heths only claimed at the utmost the Earldom of Moray,
but another claimant appeared on the scene about 1 1 80, who
claimed the throne of Scotland. This was Donald Ban, who called
himself the son of William, son of Duncan, that so-called filius
nothus (bastard son) of Malcolm Ceannmore, who reigned as king
for a few months. Contemporary authorities never hint King
Duncan was illegitimate — that was a fiction invented in after times
by monkish chroniclers devoted to the descendants of St Margaret,
who usurped the rights of the elder branch of Ceannmore's house.
Malcolm Ceannmore was undoubtedly married, several years before
he ever saw the Saxon Margaret, to Ingibiorg, widow of his cousin,
Earl Thorfinn, and there is no good reason for doubting that by
her he became the father of Duncan, and also of a fair-haired Donald,
who died in early youth. Duncan at his death left an undoubtedly
legitimate son, called in Gaelic Uilleam Mac Dhonnachaidh, and
in Norman "William Fitz Duncan. William was a young lad when
his father died, and was probably then a hostage at the English
Court. He became, when well advanced in years, the husband of
Alicia Rumile, the Norman heiress of the strong castle, and great
lordship of Skipton in Craven. They had one son, the Boy of
Egremont, who was drowned in the Stricl. Craven history tells
nothing about William Fitz Duncan before he became Lord of
Skipton. His father, King Duncan, was killed in 1094, and it was
not till thirty-six years after that date that William married the
Norman heiress. There is strong reason to believe that he lived
in his native land, while his uncle, Alexander the Fierce, filled the
throne of Gaelic Scotland. All things considered, it is Arery pro-
bable that William Fitz Duncan had a wife and children before he
married the Lady of Skipton, when both he and she were no
longer very young. Be that as it may, after William the Lyon
had done homage to Henry Plantagenet for all his realm, the
claimant, Duncan Ban Mac William, was accepted by the Gaelic
people of the North, and of Argyle and the islands, as the true
heir to the Albanic throne, and he reigned as actual ruler on this
side of the Grampians for seven years, before King William, by a
mighty effort and help from the Normans of England, managed to
The Isle of Man. 177
defeat him at Mam Garbh, or Mamgarvia in Strathspey, in the
year 1187. Donald was slain in the battle, but he left a Clan
Mac William to carry on the fight. His son, Donald Ban, and
the descendants of Malcolm M'Heth, gave Alexander the Second
great trouble as late as 1216, and I am not sure that the circling
eddies of this long-continued Gaelio revolt against Anglo-Norman
laws, language, and institutions did not reach down to Wallace
and Bruce, and helped largely to secure Scottish independence.
When I visited the island some years ago, I was told at Douglas
that Manx Gaelic was rapidly dying out ; and would altogether
disappear as a living language with the then generation. The
vicar of Kirk Braddan and a local Wesleyan preacher were the
only ministers who preached in Manx, at least in Douglas and its
neighbourhood. The new school system had caused Manx to be
excluded from the public schools. Many of the young people
were seized with that snobbish spirit which is so often found to
prevail in places largely depending on summer visitors, and dis-
owned knowledge of Manx, even when their bad English proved
it to be the only language which they thoroughly understood. Yet
it was admitted that when the vicar of Kirk Braddan held Manx
services in Douglas — the most Anglicised place in the island —
he had always crowded audiences. In truth his fidelity to his
native tongue, his personal character, and his Gaelic eloquence,
made him a " King of Men !" On looking a little under the sur-
face of things, I found that Manx, although veiled, was still strong
in Douglas, and 'that with the exception of a part of the Ramsay
district, which had been invaded by farmers from the south of
Scotland, it remained everywhere the household language of the
Manx people — the language, too, in which love-songs were made,
and in which Manxmen, meeting in distant parts of the world,
conversed with one another. I therefore came to the conclusion,
that although practically banished from pulpit and school, Manx
Gaelic would live through the period of English summer visitings
as it had lived through three centuries of Scandinavian and
Danish rule. The Manx Society founded in 1858, by its many
valuable publications, has done, and is still doing, much to save
the Manx language from being obliterated, as the British tongue
of Cornwall was wiped out in last century, and the Gaelic of Gal-
loway was silently killed soon after George Buchanan, about 1580,
described it in his history as a living language.
The spelling of Manx Gaelic was always of the phonetic kind,
but it remained unfixed until the publication of the Manx Bible
in 1772. Here is the Lord's Prayer, first in Manx, then in the
12
178
Gaelic Society of Inverness.
nearest permissible Gaelic, and lastly as it is given in Kirk's
Bible, which is just the Irish Bible of Bishop Bedell and O'Donnell,
put in Roman characters : —
THE LORD'S
In Manx.
Ayr am t'ayns niau,
Casherick dy row dty ennym
Dy jig dty reeriaght.
Dty aigney dy row jeant et y
thalloo, myr te ayns niau.
Cur dooin nyn arran jiu as gagh
laa.
As leih dooin nyn loghtyn, myr
ta shin leih dauesyn ta jannoo
loghtyn nyn 'o'i.
As ny leeid shin ayns niiolagh,
agh livrey shin veih oik :
Son Ihiat's y reeriaght, as y
phooar, as y ghloyr, son dy
bragh as dy bragh, Amen.
PRAYER.
In Gaelic.
Athair againn t'anns neamh,
Caisrigte gu'n robh d'ainm.
Gu'n tigeadh do rioghachd,
D'aigne gu'n robh deant' air an
talamh, mar ta e anns neamh.
Cur duinn ar n-aran diugh is
gach la.
Is logh duinn ar lochdan mar ta
sinn logh daibhsan ta dean-
amh lochdan n'ar n-aghaidh.
Is na leudaich sinn 's a mhiolagh
ach liubhair sinn bho olc :
Oir's leatsa an rioghachd, is a
phuair, is a ghloir, gu brath
is gu brath, Amen.
Kirke's Bible— 1690.
Ar nathair ata ar neamh, naonihthar dainm : Tigeadh do
rioghachd. Deuntar do thoil ar an ttalamh, mar do nithear ar
nearnh. Ar naran laeathamhail tabhair dhuinn a niu. Agus
maith dhuinn ar bhfiacha, mar mhaithmidne dar bhfeitheamh.
nuibh fein. Agus na leig sinn a ccathughadh achd saor inn o olc.
Oir is leachd fein an rioghachd, agus an cumhachd, agus an ghloir
go siorruighe. Amen.
Here follow the first eighteen verses of the first chapter of
the gospel of St John, from the authorised Manx and Gaelic ver-
sions of the Scriptures : —
Ayns y toshiaght va'n Goo,
as va'n Goo marish Jee, as va'n
Goo Jee.
Va'n Goo cheddin ayns y
toshiaght marish Jee.
Liorishyn va dy chooilley
nhee er ny yannoo ; as ii'egooish
cha row nhee erbee jeant va er
Anns an toiseach bha am
Focal, agus bha am Focal maille
ri Dia, agus b'e am Focal Dia.
Bha e so air tus maille ri
Dia.
Rinneadh na h-uile nithe
leis ; agus as eugmhais cha
d'rinneadh aon ni a rinneadh.
ny yaiinoo ;
Aynsyn va bea, as va'n vea
soilshey deiney.
Ann-san bha beat ha, agus b'i
a' bheatha solus -dhaoine.
The Isle of Man.
179
As ren y soilshey soilshean
ayn.s n dorraghys, as cha ren y
dorraghys goaill-iish.
Va dooinney er ny choyrt
veih Jee va enmyssit Ean.
Haink eh shoh son feanish,
dy ymmyrkey feanish jeh'n
toilshey, liorishyii dy voddagh
dy chooilley ghooinney credjal.
Cha nee eh va'n soilshey
shen, agh v'eh er ny choyrt dy
ymmyrkey feanish jeh'n toil-
shey shen.
Shen va'n soilshey tirrinagh,
ta soilshean ayns dy chooiljey
ghooinney ta cheet er y theihll.
V'eh ayns y theihll, as va'n
seihll er ny yanno horishyn, as
y seihll cha dug enney er.
Haink e gys e vooinjer hene,
agh cha ren e vooinjer hene
soiaghey jeh.
Agh whilleen as ren soiaghey
jeh, dauesyn hug eh pooar ay ve
nyn mec dy Yee, eer dauesyn ta
credjal ayns yn ennym echey:
Va er nyn ruggey, cha nee jeh
f uill, ny jeh aigney ny foalley, ny
jeh aigney dooinney, agh jeh Jee.
As ghow yn Goo er dooghys
ny foalley, as ren eh baghey nyn
mast' ain (as hug shin my-ner
yn ghloyr echey, yn ghloyr myr
jeh'n ynrycan Mac er-ny-ghed-
dyn jeh'n Ayr) lane dy ghrayse
as dy irrinys.
(Dymmyrk Ean feanish jeh,
as dei'e eh, gra, Shoh eh jeh .ren
mish loayrt, T'eshyn ta cheet my
yei er ny hoiaghey roym ; son
v'eh roym)
As jeh'n slane towse echey ta
Agus tha 'n solus a' soills-
eachadh aims an dorchadas,
agus cha do ghabh an dorchadas
e.
Chuireadh duine o Dhia, d'am
b'ainm Eoin.
Thainig esan mar fhianuis,
chum fianuis a thoirt mu'n t-
solus, chum gu'n creideadh na
h-uile dhaoine trid-san.
Cha b'esan an solus sin, ach
chuireadh e chum gu tugadh e
fianuis mu'n t-solus.
B'e so an solus fior a ta soill-
seachadh gach uile dhuine tha
teachd chum an t-saoghail.
Bha e anns an t-saoghal, agus
rinneadh an saoghal leis, agus
cha d'-aithnich an saoghal e
Thainig e dh'ionnsuidh a dhu-
thcha fein, agus cha do ghabh a
mhuinntir fein ris.
Ach a mheud as a ghabh ris.
thug e dhoibh cumhachd a bhi
'nan cloinn do Dhia, eadhon
dhoibh-san atacreidsinn 'na ainm :
A bha air an gineauihuin
cha'n ann o fhuil, no o thoil na
feola, no o thoil duine, ach o
Dhia.
Agus rinneadh am Focal 'na
fheoil, agus ghabh e comhnuidh
'nar measg-ne, (agus chunnaic
sinn a ghloir, mar ghloir aoin-
ghin Mhic an Athar,) Ian grais
agus fii-inn.
(Thug Eoin fianuis uime, agus
ghlaodh e. ag radh, Is e so an ti
mu'n do labhair mi, An ti a ta
teachd a'm' dheigh, tha toiseach
aig orm ; oir bha e rornham.)
Agus as a lanachd-san ihuair
180 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
shin ooilley er gheddyn ayrn, as sinneuile, agus gras air son grids,
grayse er grayse. Oir thugadh an lagh le Maois,
Son va'n leigh er ny choyrt achthainigangrasagusanfhirinn
liorish Moses agh haink grayse le losa Criosd.
as furinys liorish Yeesey Creest. Cha'n fhaca neach ar bith Dia
Cha vel unnane erbee er vakiii rianih ; an t-aon-ghin Mic, a ta
Jee ec traa erbee ; yii ynrycan arm an nchd an Athar, is esan
Mac v'er-ny-gheddyn, ta ayns a dh'fhoillsich e.
oghrish yn Ayr, eshyn t'er hoil-
shaghey eh.
17TH FEBRUARY 1885.
On this date R. D. M. Chisholni of Chisholm (The Cliisholm)
was elected a life member. Thereafter Mr Alexander Macbain,
M.A., F.S.A., Scot., Inverness, read a paper on the Heroic and
Ossianic Literature. Mr Macbain's' paper was as follows : —
THE HEROIC AND OSSIANIC LITERATURE.
Ireland and Scotland had practically a common language and
literature until the fall of the Lordship of the Isles and the time
of the Refoi-mation, and even after these events, the ebb of Irish
influence was felt in our earliest printed works and in the style of
orthography and of language adopted. This close connection ex-
isted at least a thousand years, for in the fourth century the Picts
and Scots were united together against the Romans and their
dependants. The colonising of Argyllshire by Irish settlers —
Scots they were called — is placed in the beginning of the sixth
century ; it is believed that a previous wave of Gaelic Celts — the
Caledonians — had over-run and then held lordship over the rest
of the country, having mingled with the previous bronze-age
Picts, whose language, at least, the Gaelic was rapidly ex-
tinguishing. Be this as it may, the Scots from Ireland were
a cultured and literary colon v, and Columba, with his priests,
soon followed in their wake. The Irish Fili, or poet, again
followed in the wake of culture and Christianity, carrying the
tales and poems of his country among a kindred people, and
doubtless receiving in turn whatever A Ibanic genius was able to add
to the common stock of Goidelic literature. This went on for
centuries, and Scotland was a second home for the Irish Culdee,
and for the Irish poet and harper. "Even in the twelfth and
thirteenth centuries," says Dr Sullivan, "the Irish poets and
The Heroic and Ossianic Literature. 181
musicians included Scotland in their circuit, and took refuge, and
sought their fortune there. We shall mention one instance as it
happens to be instructive in another way, that of Muireadhach
O'Daly, better known on account of his long stay in Scotland as
Muireadhach Albanach, or Muireach the Scotchman." This
Muireach Albanach is believed to have been the ancestor of
the Mac Vurrichs, hereditary bards to Olanranald, and one of
them figures in the Ossianic controversy. The literary language
remained Irish throughout, from the sixth to the sixteenth century,
and our first printed book is couched in the Irish of its time,
the sixteenth century. That work is Bishop Cars well's Gaelic
Prayer-book. And it, as the famous Irish scholar O' Donovan
said, " is pure Irish, and agrees with the Irish manuscripts
of the same period in orthography, syntax, and idiom." The
literature, equally with the language, was common to both
countries ; the mythic, heroic, and historic tales were the
same, practically, in each country. But the end of the fifteenth
century saw a change begun ; a masterful policy was adopted to-
wards the Highlands, and the Lordship of the Isles, the great bond
between Ireland and Scotland, and indeed the great Gaelic head-
ship of the country, was broken up. The Gaels of Scotland,
thrown on their own resources, advanced their own dialect to the
position of a literary language, and tried to discard the Irish or-
thography, The first effort in this line is the Dean of Lismore's
Book, about 1512. Little, however, was done in the matter of
writing down literary compositions, so that the next considerable
MS. is that of Fernaig in 1688. At the same time the religious
literature still appeared in the Irish form, such as Carswell's book,
Kirke's works, and the Bible. A compromise was effected last
century ; the popular dialect became the literary language, as it
ought, but the Irish orthography was adhered to still.
Scotland also dealt with the ballad and tale literature in much
the same way. The purely popular part of the old Irish-Scottish
literature was retained ; the tales and ballads of Fionn and his
heroes were almost the only survivors of the mighty literature of
the middle and early ages. . We see the change beginning in the
Dean of Lismore's book ; the favourite heroic ballads are those in
i-egard to Fionn, but Cuchulinn is not neglected. Nevertheless,
last century Macpherson could, without a word of protest from
friend or foe, bring Cuchulinn and Fionn together as contempor-
aries ; so much was Cuchulinn's real position in the Gaelic literary
cycles unknown.
This pre-Reformation literature, common to both Ireland and
182 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Scotland, may be called not old Gaelic literature, for Gaelic is
ambiguous, but " Goidelic " literature. It is the literature of the
Goidelic or Gaelic branch of the Celtic race, as opposed to the
Brythonic branch — the Welsh, Cornish, and Breton. The Goidelic
literature suffered sadly at the hands of time ; first the monks gave
it their peculiar twist in trying to eliminate paganism from it ;
then the unhappy history of the country of Ireland, with its con-
tinuous wars since the advent of the Norse in the eighth century
onwards, checked the growth of literature, and much of it was
thereafter lost in the social wars that lasted on to our own times ;
for at times it was dangerous even to possess an Irish MS.
Goidelic literature is divisible into three cycles or groups.
There is, first, the mythological cycle ; this deals with the history
and ethnology of Ireland and Scotland ; second, the Cuchullin
cycle ; and, third, the Fionn or Ossianic cycle. The first cycle
deals with the mythical history of Ireland ; it was completely
recast by the monks of the early middle ages. Consequently the
Irish gods became merely earthly sovereigns, chiefs of an early
race that seized on and colonised Ireland. Monkish manufacture
begins Irish history before the flood, when the Lady Cesair took
the island. But she and her company were drowned, all except
Finntan, who survived the flood in a Druidic sleep and lived for
generations to relate the tale. Several post-deluvian " takings "
of the island then follow ; but the outstanding invasions
amount to four. These are, the Fir-bolgs, overcome by the Tuatha-
De-Danann, both of whom were successively annoyed by the Fo-
morians or sea-rovers ; and, lastly, came the Milesian or the real
Gaelic Irish race. The Fir-bolg, Fomorians, and Tuatha-De-
Danann fight with each other by means of Druidic arts mostly,
and it is incontestably established that the Tuatha-De, as indeed
the name shows, were the higher gods of the Gaels. The
Fomorians were the gods of misrule and death ; that is also
clear. The Fir-bolg may have been earth-powers, or they may
have been the pre-Celtic inhabitants ; it is hard to say. When
the Milesians arrived they found the Tuatha-De- Danann in pos-
session; the Tuatha kept them at bay by Druid magic, but at
last came to terms with the Milesians or Gaels, gave up Ireland
to them, and themselves retired to the Sids or fairy mounds, and
to the Land of Promise, from which places they still watched and
tended the actions of men. Now these facts, such as they are,
appear in sober chronological order in the Irish annals, with
minute details and genealogies. The Tuatha-De came to Ireland
in the year 1900 B.C., and the Milesians in 1700. Such is the
The Heroic and Ossianic Literature. 183
mythological cycle. Now we pass over close on 1700 years, for
all of which, however, Irish history finds kings and minute details
of genealogies. A few years before our era there was a Queen
over Connaught named Meave (Medb), whose consort and
husband was Ailill. He was a weak and foolish man, and
she was a masterful woman, very beautiful, but not very
good. Some tales make her half divine — that a fairy or
Sid6 was her mother. This Ailill was her third husband.
She had been married to Conchobar Mac Nessa, King of
Ulster, but they mutually divorced each other. The reign
and rule of Conchobar is the golden age of Irish romance ;
it is in fact the " Cuchulinn " cycle. It was in his reign, that
the third of the Sorrowful Tales of Erin was enacted. The first
concerned the children of Lir, a prince of the Tuatha-De, whose
children were enchanted by their stepmother, and became swans,
suffering untold woes for ages, until their spells were broken
under Christian dispensation. The second sorrowful tale had, as
its theme, the children of Turenn, whom Luga, prince of the Tua-
tha-De, the sun god, persecuted and made to undergo all sorts of
toils and dangers. The third tale concerns the reign of Concho-
bar, not the age of the gods. The subject of it is the woes of
Deirdre, well known in both Scotland and Ireland. Deirdre was
daughter of the bard Feidlimid, and, shortly before her birth, the
Druid Cathbad prophesied that she should be the cause of woes
unnumbered to Ulster. The warriors were for killing her, but
Conchobar decided to bring her up to be his own wife, and
evade the prophecy. She was kept apart in a lis (fortress),
where she could not see a man until she should wed Concho-
bar. Her tutor and nurse alone saw her. The tutor was one
day killing a calf in the snow, and a raven came, and was
drinking the blood of the calf. Deirdre said to her nurse that she
would like to have the man who would have the " three colours
yonder on him ; namely, his hair like the raven, his cheek like the
blood, and his body like the snow." The nurse told her such a
person was near enough — Nois, the son Uisnech. There were
three brothers of them, Nois, Ardan, and Ainle, and they sang so
sweetly that every human being who heard them were enchanted,
and the cattle gave two-thirds additional milk. They were fleet
as hounds in the chase, and the three together could defy a
province. Deirdre managed to meet Nois and boldly proposed to
him to fly with her. He refused at first, but she prevailed. He,
his brothers, and their company fled with her. After wandering
round all Erin, they were forced to come to Alba. They made
184 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.
friends with the king of Alba and took service under him. But
the king came to hear of Deirdre's beauty and he must have her.
The men of Alba gathered against the brothers and they had to
fly. Their flight was heard of in Erin, and Conchobar was pressed
to receive them back. Fergus Mac Roich, Conchobar's stepfather,
and Cormac, Conchobar's son, took the sons of Uisnech under
their protection, and brought them to Ulster. Conchobar got some
of his minions to draw Fergus and Cormac away from them, and
then the sons of Uisnech were attacked, defenceless as they were,
and were slain. Conchobar took Deirdre as his wife, but a year
afterwards she killed herself, by striking her head against a rock,
from grief for Nois and from Conchobar's cruelty.
The Scotch version of the tale differs from the Irish only in
the ending. Deirdre and the sons of Uisnech were sailing on
the sea ; a fog came on and they accidentally put in under the
walls of Conchobar's town. The three landed and left Deirdre
on board ; they met Conchobar and he slew them. Then Conchobar
came down to the sea and invited Deirdre to land. She refused,
unless he allowed her to go to the bodies of the sons of Uisnech:
" Gun taibhrinn mo thri poga meala
Do na tri corpa caomh geala."
On her way she met a carpenter slicing with a knife. She gave
him her ring for the knife, went to the bodies, stretched herself
beside them, and killed herself with the knife.
Macpherson's poem of Darthula opens with an invocation to
the moon, and then we are introduced to the sons of Uisnech
and Darthula, on the sea near Cairbar's camp, driven there by a
storm, the night before their death. This brings us in mediae res,
as all true epics should do, and the foregoing part of the story
is told in the speeches of Darthula and Nathos, a somewhat con-
fusing dialogue, but doubtless " epic." These previous facts are,
that Darthula is daughter of Oolla. Cairbar, who usurped the
Irish throne on the death of Cuchulinn, regent for young Cormac,
and put Cormac to death, was in love with Darthula. Ouchulinn
was uncle to the sons of Uisnech, and Nathos took command on
his death, but had to fly, for the Irish army deserted him for
Cairbar. On his way to Scotland he fell in with Darthula, and
rescued her from Cairbar ; they put out for Scotland, but were
driven back. Cairbar met them and killed them with arrows,
one of which pierced Darthula. Macpherson naively says: "The
poem relates the death of Darthula differently from the common
tradition. This account is the most probable, as suicide seems to
The Heroic and Ossianic Literature. 185
have been unknown in those early times, for no traces of it are
found in the old poetry." Yet Boadicea, queen of the Iceni,
committed suicide only fifty years later, to escape Roman tyranny
and lust ! The oldest Irish version is in a MS. written nearly
700 years ago, and the composition may be much older, yet there
Deirdre unpoetically knocks out her brains, evidently because no
weapon could be had. The Scotch version ends far more poeti-
cally than either Macpherson's or the Irish one.
Fergus Mac Roich and Cormac Oonloingeas, son of Conchobar,
who had taken the sons of Uisnech under their protection, took
vengeance for the sons of Uisnech, as far as they could, and then
withdrew to the court of Queen Meave. Fergus was there her
chief counsellor and friend.
Now we come to Ouchulinn, son of Sualtam, "fortissmus
heros Scotorum," as Tigernach says. Like all mythic and fairy-
tale heroes, strange tales are told of his birth. Dechtine, sister of
Conchobar, lost a foster-child of somewhat supernatural descent.
On coming from the funeral she asked for a drink ; she got it, and
as she raised it to her lips a small insect sprang into her mouth
with the drink. That night the god Luga of the Long Arms
appeared to her and said that she had now conceived by him. As
a result, she became pregnant. As she was unmarried, the scandal
was great, but a weak-minded chief named Suallam married her.
She bore a son, and he was called Setanta, and this Setanta latterly
got the name of Cuchulinn. The way Setanta got the name of
Cuchulinn was this. Culand the smith invited Conchobar and his
train to spend a night and a day in his house, and when closing
the door for the night he asked Conchabar if he expected any more
of his people to come. He did not. Culand then let loose his
house dog and shut the door. But the boy Setanta came late and
was set on by the furious animal. A severe fight took place, but
Setanta killed the animal The smith demanded eric for the do»
and Setanta offered to w atch the house until a pup of that dog
should grow up. This he did, and hencegotthe name of Cu-chulaind,
the dog of Culann.
This is evidently a myth founded on a popular etymology of
Cuchulinn's name, and, though a smith, always a Druidic and
mythic character, is introduced, it may have no further significance.
Some of his youthful exploits are told. He prayed his mother to
let him go to his uncle's court among the other boys ; he goes,
and appears a stranger among the boys playing hurley or shinty
before the castle. They all set on him and let fly all their
" camags " and balls at him ; the balls he caught and the hurleys
186 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
he warded off. Then his war rage seized him. " He shut one
eye till it was not wider than the eye of a needle ; he opened the
other till it was bigger than the mouth of a meal-goblet." He at-
tacked the youths arid set them flying every way. Conchobar re-
cognised him and introduced him to the boys. The next thing was
the choosing of arms when he was fit to bear them. Conchobar
gave him first ordinary weapons, but he shivered them with a
shake. Fifteen sets did he so break in ever rising grade of strength.
At last Conchobar gave him his own royal weapons. These he
could not shiver. Fifteen war-chariots did he break by leaping
into them and shaking them, until he got the king's own chariot,
which withstood him. He and the charioteer then darted off,
reached Meath, challenged and slew three champions, and came
back again to Emania, his uncle's capital, safe and sound.
A wife had now to be got for him, and Conchobar searched
all Erin for a suitable partner, but in vain. The ladies of Erin
greatly loved him, as the records say — " for his splendour at the
feat, for the readiness of his leap, for the excellence of his wisdom,
for the melodiousness of his eloquence, for the beauty of his face,
for the lovingness of his countenance. For there were seven pupils
in his royal eyes, four in the one and three in the other for him ;
seven fingers on each of his two hands and seven on each of his
two feet." And another says, after the usual profusion of colour
and minutiae as to garments — " I should think it was a shower of
pearls that was flung into his head. Blacker than the side of a
black cooking-spit each of his two brows; redder than ruby his lips."
The Highland ballad of the Chariot of Cuchulin describes him
even better and certainly in true Celtic style of successive epithets.
Cuchulinn himself set out for a wife, and fell in with Emer,
daughter of Forgill, a " noble farmer " holding extensive lands
near Dublin. " Emer had these six victories upon her," says the
tale, "the victory of form, the victory of voice, the victory of
melodiousness, the victory of embroidery, the victory of wisdom,
the victory of chastity." Emer did not immediately accept him,
though latterly she was violently in love with him. Her father
would not have him at all ; he did not like professional champions.
He got him to leave the country to complete his militaiy education
with the celebrated lady Scathach in the Isle oi' Skye. Cuchulinn
went to Scathach, whose school was certainly no easy one to enter
or pass through. Here he learned all those wonderful feats —
cleasa — for which he is so famous in story. His special cleas
was the gae bolg or belly-dart, a mysterious weapon mysteriously
used, for it could only be cast at fords on water. It was at Scat-
The Heroic and Ossianic Literature. 187
hach's school that he fell in with Ferdia MacDamain, the Fir-bolg
champion, who was the only man that could match Cuchulinn.
Their friendship was great for one another, and they swore never
to oppose one another.
Aoife or Eva, daughter of Scathach, and also an amazon,
fell in love with Cuchulinn, and he temporarly married her, biit
like those heroes, he forgot her as soon as he left her. His son
by her, Conloch, was not born before he left. When Cuchulinn
returned to Erin he married Emer, daughter of Forgill. taking her
by force from her friends.
We now come to the great "Tain Bo Chualgne," the "queen of
Celtic epics," as Kennedy says. The scene shifts to Heave's palace
at Cruachan. She and Ailill have a dispute in bed one night as to
the amount of property each had. They reckoned cattle, jewels,
arms, cloaks, chess-boards, war-chariots, slaves, and nevertheless
found their possessions exactly equal. At last Ailill recollected the
famous bull Finn-beannach (white-horned), which, after having
ruled Meave's herds for a while, left them in disgust, as being the
property of a woman, and joined the cattle of Ailill. Much
chagrin was her portion, until she recollected that Dare of Facht-
na in Cualgne possessed a brown bull, Donn Chuailgne, the finest
beast in all Erin. She sent Fergus Mac Roich, with a company,
to ask the bull for a year, and he should then be returned with
fifty heifers and a chariot worth 63 cows. Dare consented, and
and lodged Meave's deputies for the night. But getting uproarious
in their cups, they boasted that if Dare would not give the bxill
willingly, they would take it by force. This so annoyed Dar6 that
he sent Meave's embassy back without the bull. The queen was
enraged, and at once summoned her native forces, including Ferdia
arid his Firbolg, and invited Fergus and Cormac to join her with
all their followers. This they did, but unwillingly. So the large
army moved against Ulster, Meave accompanying them in her
chariot — a lady of large size, fair face, and yellow hair, a curiously
carved spear in her hand, and her crimson cloak fastened by a
golden brooch.
The people of Ulster, meanwhile, were suffering from a
periodical feebleness that came upon them for a heinous crime
committed by them. They were, therefore, in a condition of
childish helplessness, and they could neither hold shield or throw
lance.
But when Meave, at the head of her exulting troops, ap-
proached the fords which gave access to the territory of Dare,
there stood Cuchulinn. He demanded single combat from the
188 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
best warriors of her army, laying injunctions on them not to pass
the ford until he was overcome. The spirit and usages of the
time put it out of Meave's power to refuse, and there, day after
day, were severe conflicts waged between the single Ultonian
champion and the best warriors of Meave, all of whom he
successively vanquished. Meave even called in the aid of magic
spells. One warrior was helped by demons of the air, in bird shape,
but in vain, and the great magician, Cailetin and his twenty-
seven sons, despite their spells, also met their doom. Cuclralinn
further is persecuted by the war goddess, the Morrigan, who
appears in all shapes to plague him and to frighten the life of
valour out of his soul. Cuchulinn is not behind in daimonic
influence, for with the help of the Tuatha-De— Manannan especi-
ally— he does great havoc among Meave's troops, circling round
them in his chariot, and dealing death with his sling. Meave is
getting impatient ; time is being lost ; the Ultonians will soon
revive, and Cuchulinn must be got rid off. She calls on
Ferdia, the only match there exists for Cuchulinn, but he
refuses to fight with his school days' friend. Nay, he would
by his vows be forced to defend him against all comei's.
The queen plies him in every way with promises, wiles, and
blandishments ; he will get Findabar, her daughter, for wife, and
lands and riches ; and, alas ! he consents, he binding himself to
fight Cuchulinn, and she binding herself to fulfil her magnificent
pi'omises. Fergus goes forward to apprise Cuchulinn of what
occurred, that his fi'iend and companion, Ferdia, was coming to
fight with him. "I am here," said Cuchulinn, " detaining and
delaying the four great provinces of Erin, since Samhain to the
beginning of Imbulc (spring), and I have not yielded one foot in
retreat before any one during that time, nor will I, I trust, before
him." Cuchnlinn's charioteer gets his chariot yoked, with the
two divine horses — those mystic animals that the gods had sent
for Cuchulinn, the Liath Macha " Grey of Macha," the war-goddess,
and the Dub-sanglend. " And then," says the tale, " the battle-
fighting, dexterous, battle-winning, red-sworded hero, Cuchulinn,
son of Sualtam, sprang into his chariot. And there shouted
around him Bocanachs, and Bananachs, and Geniti Glindi, and
demons of the air. For the Tuatha-De-Danann were used to set
up shouts around him, so that the hatred and the fear and the
abhorrence and the great terror of him should be greater in every
battle, in every battlefield, in every combat, and in every fight into
which he went."
Ferdia's charioteer, who does not wish his master to fight with
The Heroic and Ossianic Literature. 1$9
his friend, Cuchulmn, hears Cuchulinn coining thundering to the
ford, and describes the sound and its meaning to Ferdia in verse,
following the introductory narrative. And he was not long
" until he saw something, the beautiful, flesh-seeking, four-peaked
chariot, with speed, with velocity, with full cunning, with a green
pavilion, with a thin-bodied, dry-bodied, high-weaponed, long-
speared, warlike creit (body of the chariot); upon two fleet-bound-
ing, large-eared, fierce, prancing, whale-bellied, broad-chested,
lively-hearted, high-flanked, wide-hoofed, slender-legged, broad-
rumped, resolute horses under it. A gray, broad-hipped, fleet,
bounding, long-maned steed under the one yoke of the chariot. A
black tufty-maned, ready-going, broad-backed steed under the other
yoke. Like unto a hawk (swooping) from a cliff on a day of hard
wind ; or like a sweeping gust of the spring wind on a March
day, over a smooth plain ; or like the fleetness of a wild stag on
his being first started by the hounds in his first field, were Cuchu-
laind's two horses with the chariot, as though they were on fiery
flags ; so that the earth shook and trembled with the velocity of
their motion."
The heroes met at the ford- -Cuchulinn is always connected
with ford-fighting. They fought for three days, and on the fourth
the fight was terrible and the feats grand ; Ouchulinn hard pressed
calls for his gae-bolg — a feat which Ferdia was unacquainted with,
and Ouchulinn slays him. Cuchulinn mourns over his friend's
body in piteous strains, and weak with grief and wounds he leaves
his place at the ford, which he had defended so long and well.
Meave now passed into Ulster, seized the Donn Chualgne,
and sent it to Connaught ; she ravaged Ulster to the very gates
of its capital, and then began to retire. But now the spell that
bound the men of Ulster was broken, they woke and pursued ; a
great battle was fought in which, as usual, the combatants and amis
are described minutely ; indeed throughout the Tain we are
treated to a profusion of colour — of red or yellow hair on the
warriors' heads, coloured silk leine or blouses, mantles held by rich
brooches, and finely wrought shields. The Queen was defeated,
but the Donn Chualgne reached Connaught nevertheless. This
wonderful animal finding himself among strange pastures, gave
vent to his wonder and vexation in a serious of mighty bellows.
These brought the Finnbeannach on the scene at once ; they
fought, the Donn overcame and raising his rival on his horns rushed
homewards, leaving detached parts of the Finnbeannach here and
there on his way ; such as at Athlone, which signifies the ford of
the loin. His rage ceased not when he reached Cualgne, but he
190 Gaelic Society of Inverness
went charging against a rock thei'e thinking-it was his rival, and
thus dashed out his own brains.
Such is the story of the epic of the "Bo Ohualgne." This
does no justice to the spirit and vigour of the original, its
wealth of description of men, arms, and colours, its curious cus-
toms, its minutiae, its wordlists of descriptive epithets, all which
are characteristic of the Celtic imagination — profuse, minute, and
boldly original. As a repertory of manners and customs, it is
invaluable. These are in their general form Homeric, literally
Homeric ; but there are differences — there is always the Celtic
smack in the facts seized on and made prominent, and, in other
matters, though for instance we have chariots and horses and
bronze arms enough, we meet with no body armour, not even a
helmet.
In Scotland, Tain Bo Chualgne is little known ; the Cuch-
ulinn Cycle altogether, indeed, belongs to the literary rather than
the popular epos. But this Society has been lucky enough to get
almost the only popular account of the Tain that exists in the
Highlands. In the Second Volume of our Transactions, Mr
Carmichael gives an excellent version of it, much degraded though
it be in the shape of a mere popular tale. Yet it practically repeats
every feature of the tale we have told. Macpherson, too, got a copy
the tale, and it appears as that inveterate episode, in Book II. of
Fingal, but sadly shorn of its dignity, and changed to suit his
theme. Cuchulinn, after his defeat by Swaran, attributes his
ill-luck to his having killed his dearest friend, Ferda, the son of
Damman. Ferda was a chief of Albion, who was educated with
Cuchulinn in " Muri's hall " (sic), an academy of arms in Ulster.
Deugala, spouse of Cairbar, who was " covered with the light
of beauty, but her heart was the house of pride," loved Ferda, and
asked Cairbar to give her half of his herd and let her join her
lover. Cairbar called in Cuchulinn to divide the herd. " I
went," he said, " and divided the herd. One bull of snow re-
mained. I gave that bull to Cairbar. The wrath of Deugala
rose." She induced Ferda most unwillingly to challenge Cuchu-
linn to mortal combat. " I will fight my friend, Deugala, but
may I fall by his sword ! Could 1 wander on the hills and behold
the grave of Cuchulinn ?" They fought and Ferda fell.
The eighteeneth century sentimentality of Macphersoii's Ferda
is very different from the robust grief and practical sense shown
by Ferdia in his relations with Meave in both the Irish and High-
land version of the tale. Ferdia there consents under the influence
of wine and female blandishment, but nevertheless takes heavy
The Heroic and Ossianic Literature. 191
guarantees that Meave will fulfill her promises, especially as to the
money and lands. Curiously too, in the Iliad, the Greeks always
tight for Helen and the riches she took with her to Asia. There
is little sentiment in the matter. But if we argue merely a priori
as to what sentiments or ciistoms existed in ancient times, we are
certain to go wrong, as Macpherson always did.
The rest of Cuchulinn's life is shortly told, and this portion
of it is also the one that has taken most popular hold, and hence is
known best here. We have mentioned that he left a son unborn
in Scathach. This was Conloch. His mother educated him in all
warlike accomplishments possible, save only the " gae-bolg." She
then sent him to Ireland under " geasa " not to reveal his name,
but he was to challenge and slay if need be the champions there.
She secretly hoped in this way that he would kill his father
Cuchulinn, and so avenge her wrongs. He landed in Ireland,
demanded combat, and overcame everybody. He lastly overcame
and bound Conall Cernach, next to Cuchulinn the best champion
of Erin. Then Conchobar sent for Cuchulinn; he came — asked
Couloch his name, but he would not divulge it. Conloch knew
his father Cuchulinn, and though Cuchulinn pressed him hard, he
tried to do him no injury. Cuchulinn, finding the fight go against
him, called, as in his extremity he always did, for the Gae-Bolg.
He killed Conloch. Then follows a scene of tender and simple
pathos, such as not rarely ends these ballads of genuine origin.
The story is exactly parallel to that of Soohrab and Rustem in
Persia, so beautifully rendered in verse by Matthew Arnold.
A wild and pathetic story is that of Cuchulinn's death.
Meave, determined to avenge herself on him for the Tain Bo
Chualgne, suddenly attacked him with a force that took her years
to get ready. For instance, the six posthumous children of
Cailetin, the magician, whom Cuchulinn killed on the Tain, appeared
against him. The omens were against Cuchulinn's setting out ;
the divine horse, the Liath Macha, thrice turned his left side to
him ; he reproached the steed ; " thereat the Gray of Macha came
and let his big round tears of blood fall on Cuchulinn's feet/'
He went ; the Tuatha-De evidently and plainly deserted him ;
the magician children of Cailetin had therefore open field. He
fell by his own spear, hurled back by the foe. But Conall Cernach
came to avenge his fall ; and as he came, the foe saw something at
a distance. " One horseman is here coming to us," said a
charioteer, " and great are the speed and swiftness with which he
comes. Thou wouldst deem that the ravens of Erin were above
him. Thou wouldst deem that flakes of snow were specking the
192 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
plain before him." " Unbeloved is the horseman that comes,"
says his master, " It is Conall the victorious on the Dewy-Red.
The birds thou sawest above him are the sods from that horse's
hoofs. The snow flakes thou sawest specking the plain before
him are the foam from that horse's lips arid the curbs of the
bridle." A true piece of Celtic imagination ! Conall routs the
foe and returns with the heads of the chief men to Emer,
Cuchulinn's wife, whom the ballads represent as asking whom
each head belonged to, and Conall tells her in reply. The
dialogue is consequently in a rude dramatic form.
We now come to the Fionn or Ossianic cycle. The chroniclers,
as already stated, place this cycle three hundred years later than
the Cuchulinn cycle. Whether we accept the dates or not, the
Ossianic cycle is, in a literary sense, later than the Cuchulinn
cycle. The manners and customs are changed in a most marked
degree. In the Cuchulinu cycle, the individual comes to the
front ; it is champion against champion, and the armies count for
little. Indeed Cuchulinn is, like Hercules and the demi-gods,
alone in his feats and labours. But in the Ossianic cycle we have
a body of heroes ; they are indeed called in the chronicles the Irish
" Militia." Fionn is the head and king, but he by no means too
much outshines the rest in valour and strength. Some of the
Feni are indeed braver champions than he. However, he alone
possesses divine wisdom. And, again, in the Fenian cycle, we no
longer have chariots and war-horses. Cow-spoils disappear com-
pletely, and their place is taken up with hunting and the chase.
On the whole the Fenian cycle has more of a historic air ; that is,
the history in it can be more easily kept apart from the super-
natural ; though, again, there are more tales of supernatural
agencies by far in it than in the Cuchulinn cycle — fairy tales
which have no historical basis. It will be better, therefore, to
look at Fionn first as a possibly historical character, and then
consider him as the fairy-tale hero.
The literary and historical account of Fionn and the Feine is
briefly this. The Feine was the militia or standing army of the
Irish kings in the third century. They fought the battles and
and defended the kingdom from invasion. There were seven bat-
talions of them. Their privileges were these : — From Samhain
(Hallowe'en) till Beltane (May -day) they were billeted on the
inhabitants ; from Beltane till Sarnhaiii they lived on the products
of the chase, for the chase was all their own. Again, no man
could settle his daughter in marriage without first asking if one
of the Feine wished her as wife. But the qualifications of Fenian
The Heroic and Ossianic Literature. 193
soldiers were high : he must, first, give security that no eric, or
revenge, must be required for his death ; second, he must be a
poet — at least compose a war song ; third, he must be a perfect
master of his weapons ; fourth, his running and fighting qualities
must pass test by the band ; fifth, he must be able to hold out his
weapon by the smaller end without a tremble ; sixth, in the
chase through plain and wood, his hair must continue tied up —
if it fell, he was rejected ; seventh, he must be so light and swift
as not to break a rotten stick by standing on it ; eighth, he must
leap a tree as high as his forehead, and get under a tree no higher
than his knees ; ninth, without stopping, he must be able to -draw
a thorn from his foot ; also, he must not refuse a woman without
a dowry, offer violence to no woman, be charitable to the poor and
weak, and he must not refuse to fight nine men of any other nation
that might set upon him. Cumal, son of Trenmor O'Baisgne,
was Fionn's father, and he was head of the militia in King Conn
Ced-cathach's time (122-157, A.D.). Tadhg, or Teague, chief
Druid of Conn, lived at Almu, or Almhinn (Allen in Kildare),
and he had a beauty of a daughter named Muirne. She was
asked in marriage by ever so many princes, and amongst others by
Cumal. Her father i*efused her to Cumal, because his magic know-
ledge told him the marriage would force him to leave Almhinn.
Cumal took Muirne by force and married her. The druid ap-
pealed to Conn, who sent his forces against Cumal. Oumal was
killed in battle at Cnucha by Aed, son of Morna, and Aed him-
self was wounded in the eye, whence his name of Goll, or one-eyed.
This is the celebrated champion and Fenian rival of Fionn — Goll
Mac Morna. Her father wished to burn Muirne, evidently
because of his prophetic knowledge of personal disaster, but she
escaped to Cumal's sister. Here she gave birth to Fionn or Demni,
as he was first named. He, when he grew up, forced Tadhg to
give him Almhinn as eric for his father, and he also got eric from
Goll, with whom he made peace. Another fact, historically
recognisable, is Fionn's marriage to Grainne, daughter of Cormac,
son of Art and king of Ireland, She eloped with Diarraad ;
Fionn pursued them, and after various vicissitudes captured
them, but the Fein£ would not permit him to punish the runaways
in any way. Their privileges made the Feind troublesome, and
King Cairbre, son of Cormac, tried to disband them, owing more
immediately to dynastic troubles, and in any case the Clan Morna,
headed by Goll, were at daggers drawn with the Clan Baisgne,
Fionn's family. Cairbre, aided by the Clan Morna, met the Clan
Baisgiie at Gabhra in 284, and a great fight was fought. Oscar
13
194 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
commanded the Clan Baisgne ; there was great slaughter and
almost extinction for Oscar's side. Cairbre and he mutually slew
each other. Ossian and Caoilte were the only survivors of note.
The historical accounts place Fionn's death in the year before this
battle, though the ballads and popular tradition are distinctly
against such a view. Fionn was slain, it is said, at Rath-breagha,
on the Boyne, by a treacherous fisherman named Athlach, who,
wished to become famous as the slayer of Fionn. Fionn had
retired there in his old age.
Both in Scotland and Ireland there are some historical ballads
that connect Fionn with the invasions of the Norsemen, but these
can hardly be seriously considered as containing historical ti-uth,
that is, if we trust the above account, which places the Feine in
the 3rd century. The Norsemen made no invasions into Ireland
sooner than the 8th century ; that is a historical fact. The period
of the Norse and Danish invasions are, roughly, from 800 to close
on 1300. The ballads of Manus and Earragon may have a his-
torical basis ; there is little supernatural or impossible in them.
Manus is a well-known name in both Scotland and Ireland, and,
without a doubt, the great Magnus Barefoot, who was killed in
Ireland in 1103, is meant. At the same time, the ballad must be
rejected as history ; it is a popular tale, where St Patrick, Ossian,
and Magnus appear as nigh well contemporaries. The popular
hero of the romantic tale is Fionn, and hence anything heroic and
national that is done, be it in an early age or in a late, is attri-
buted, by the popular imagination, to the popular hero. Manus,
a historical charactei*, stuck to the popular fancy, because he was
the last important invader of Ireland. It could not be expected
that our romantic ballads would not receive both additions and
local colouring in coming through the ages of Norse invasion.
Fionn and his heroes are lay figures, to which were attached any
striking or exciting events that the nation may have bad to go
through.
So much for the Fionn of history. Let us now turn to the hero
of the romantic and fairy tales. Fionn in history, such as it is,
is merely a great warrior and champion, but in the popular
imagination he belongs to the race of the giants, and has kin-
ship with the supernatural powers. He is in fact a mortal
champion moving in a fairy atmosphere. Nor is the popular
notion of Fionn of late growth ; we shall, indeed, find reason to
suspect that it anteceded the historical conception — that what is
historical is merely rationalised myth. A charter of the reign of
Alexander the Second in the early part of the 13th century
The Heroic and Ossianic Literature. 195
speaks of Tuber na Fein, which is glossed by " feyne, of the gvett
or kempis men callit ffenis, is ane well." This, which is only a
hundred years later than the oldest Irish MS. account of Fionn,
is exactly the present day popular notion of the Feine. They
were giants. About 1500 Hector Boece can thus write of Fyii
Mak Coul : — " Virum uti ferunt immani statura, septenum enim
cubitorum honiinem fuisse narrant, Scotici sanguinis omnibusque
insolita corporis mole formidolosum." Thus, much to the disgust
of Keating, the Irish historian, he makes him a giant some seven
cubits high, makes him also a Scotchman, and fixes his date about
450 A.D.; and he further tells us that Fyn was renowned in stories,
such as was told of King Arthur. Bishop Leslie in the same
century says that Fynmacoul was a " man of huge size and
sprung, as it were, from the race of the giants." Gavin Douglas,
about 1500, also speaks of
" Greit Gow Macmorne and Fyn Mac Cowl, and how
They suld be goddis in Ireland as they say."
Dunbar, the contemporary poet, says : —
" My fore grandsyr, hecht Fyn Mac Cowl,
That dang the deil and gart him yowll,
The skyis rained when he wald scoull,
He trublit all the air :
He got my grandsyr Gog Magog;
Ay whan he dansit the warld wald schog ;
Five thousand ellis gaed till his frog,
Of Hieland pladdis, and mair."
The world shook when Fionn danced ! Martin, in his " Western
Isles," calls him a "gigantic man." And in Ireland also, as in
Scotland, Fionn and his heroes are among the people considered
to be giants, "the great joiant Fann Mac Cuil," as Kennedy calls
him, after the style of the peasantry who relate tales of Fionn.
Mr Good, a priest at Limerick in 1566, speaks of the popular
" giants Fion Mac Hoyle, and Oshin (read Osgur) Mac Oshm."
Standish O' Grady, in his lately published History of Ireland,
places the Fianna back in the dawn of Irish history — gigantic
figures in the dusky air. " Ireland is their playground. They
sot up their goals in the North and South in Titanic hurling
matches, they drive their balls through the length and breadth of
it, storming through the provinces." Macpherson found the
ballads and stories full of this, and as usual, he stigmatises them
as Irish and middle-age. He quotes as Irish this verse : —
196 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
" A chos air Cromleach, druim-ard,
Chos eile air Crom-meal dubh,
Thoga Fion le lamh mhoir
An d' uisge o Lubhair na sruth."
With one foot on lofty Cromlech, and the other on black Croni-
meal, Fionn could take up the water in his hand from the river
Lubar ! Yet the hills can still be pointed out in Macpherson's
native Badenoch where Fionn did this ; but Macpherson, as
usual, gives them his own poetic names. Cam Dearg and Scorr
Gaoithe, at the top of Glen-Feshie, are the hills, and the Fionn-
tag, a tributary of the Feshie, is the poetic " Lubhar." He has
therefore to reduce the Fionn of the popular tales and ballads, to
proper epic dimensions — to divorce him, as he says himself, from
the "giants, enchanted castles, dwarfs, palfreys, witches, and
magicians," which he thinks were imposed on the Fionn epic in
the fifteenth century, and continued still to be the popular idea
of Fionn and his heroes.
The popular imagination accounts for this talluess in a ration-
alistic manner worthy of any euhemerist historian. In Campbell's
Popular Tales, this is how the Een was set up. An old King of
Erin, hard pressed by the Lochlinners, consults his seneschal as to
the best course to pursue. The latter advises him to marry 100 of
the tallest men in the kingdom to the same number of the tallest
women ; then again to intermarry 1 00 of each sex of the tallest of
their descendants, and so on to the third generation. This would
give him a gigantic race able to cope with any foe. The thing was
done. And in the third generation a gigantic race was the result.
Their captain and king was Cumal, and he defeated the Lochlinners
and forced them to terms of peace.
There are various turns given to the story of Fionn's birth,
but they all agree that his father was killed before his birth, that
he was carried off and reared in secret, that he did great youthful
feats, that his first name was Demni, and that he was called Fionn
from his white head. Most tales also tell how he ate the salmon
of knowledge. The best form of the whole tale is this. Cumhal
was going to battle, and in passing a smithy, while his horses
were being shod, he went in to see the smith's daughter. The
smith on learning what happened cursed the king, and hoped he
would not return safe from the fight. Smiths and druids were
uncanny in those days, and his wish was gratified; Cumhal fell in
the battle. The new king heard of the smith's daughter, and
ordered her to be imprisoned. If she gave birth to a daughter,
The Heroic and Ossianic Literature. 197
the daughter might be allowed to live, but a son must be put to
death, for he would be the true heir to the throne. She brought
forth a daughter, and all his watch rushed to tell the King ; but,
before the night was through, she also brought a boy into the
world. The nurse, Luas Lurgann, rolled the child up in the end of
her gown and rushed off to the woods, where she brought him up
in secret. She exercised him in all kinds of feats — running,
cleasa of all kinds, and arms. She took him one day to play
hurley — shinty — with the boys of the King's town. He beat
everybody and then began to maul and kill right and left. The
king heard of it and came out ; "Co e an gille Fionn ud," said
he, " tha mortadh nan daoine 1" (who is that Fair lad killing the
people1*) The nurse clapped her hands for joy and said : —
" Long hast thou wanted to be baptized, but to-day thou art indeed
baptized, and thou art Fionn son of Cumhal son of Trenmor, and
rightful king of Erin." With this she rushed away, taking the
boy on her shoulders. They were hotly pursued ; Luas Lurgann's
swiftness of old was failing her. Fionn jumped down, and
carried her in turn. He rushed thiough the woods, and when he
halted in safety he found he had only the two legs of his nurse
left over his shoulders — the rest of her body had been torn away
in the wood. After some wanderings he came to Essroy, famous
for its mythic salmon — the salmon of all knowledge. Here he
found a fisher fishing for the king, and he asked for a fish to eat.
The fisher never yet had caught fish though he had fished for years.
A prophecy said that no fish would be got on it till Fionn came.
The fisher cast his line in Fionn's name and caught a large salmon
— it was too large for Fionn, he said, and he put him off each time.
Fionn got the rod himself and landed a bigger salmon still. The
fisher, who had recognised who he was, allowed him to have a small
fish of his lot, but he must roast it with the fire on one side the
stream and the fish on the other, nor must he use any wood in the
process. He set fire to some sawdust, and the wind blew a wave of
fire over to the fish and burned a spot on it. Fionn put
his thumb on the black spot ; it burnt him and he put the thumb
in his mouth. Then he knew everything ; the fisher was Black
Arcan who slew his father. He seized Arcan's sword, and killed
him. In this way he got his father's sword, and also the dog
Bran, both of which the fisher had. And, further, by bruising
his thumb in his mouth, the past and the present were always
revealed to him. He then went in secret to his grand-
father's house — the smith's house. Thereafter he appeared in the
king's court ; the king gave wrong judgment, and if one of royal
198 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
blood did this, Temra the palace (?) fell ; and if one of royal blood
gave the right judgment, it rose again. Temra fell ; but on
Fionn giving the judgment rightly, Temra was restored again.
He was at once recognised, and again pursued. The king then
hunted every place in Erin for him, and at last found him as
steward with the king of Colla. Colla and Fionn rose together
against Cairbre, and slew him, and so Fionn recovered his patri-
mony and kingdom.
Besides Fionn's powers in knowing present and past
events, he was also a great medicine man. He possessed the
magic cup, a drink from which could heal any wound, unless
from a poisoned weapon. The Dord Fionn was again a kind of
wail or music raised when Fionn was in distress. His men, when-
ever they heard it, came to his help.
The leading heroes among the Feine were : —
Fionn himself.
Gaul Mac Morna, leader of the Clann Morna. He served
under Fionn, but as Goll had killed Fionn's father, they
had no great love for each other. Yet Fionn's praise
of Goll is one of the best of the ballads ; more especially
as showing us what characteristics pleased best the Feine,
or rather the Gaelic people.
Ossian, son of Fionn, the renowned hero-poet.
Oscar, his son, the bravest of the Feine, youthful, handsome,
and kind-hearted.
Diarinad O'Duinn, the handsomest of the Feine, the darling
of the women, " the Adonis of Fenian mythology, whose
slaughter by a wild boar is one of the most widely
scattered myths of the Ossianic Cycle." He had a
beauty spot—" ball-seirc " — which if any woman saw,
she fell in love with him at once.
Caoilte MacRonan, Finn's nephew ; he was the swiftest of
the Feine. They had always to keep a speiteach (1) on
his foot, for otherwise he would go too fast for the rest.
Fergus Finn-vel, son of Fionn, a poet, warrior, and adviser.
Conan Maol, the Thersites or fool of the Feine\ He is the
best narked character of the whole. He was large-
bodied, gluttonous, and mcst cowardly. Everybody has
a fling at Conan, and he at them.
The story of the Feind may be considered under the following
heads : —
(1) Foreign Messengers.
(2) Distressed people, especially women.
The Heroic and Ossianic Literature. 199
(3) Foreign combatants and invaders.
(4) Enchantments — by far the largest class.
(5) Fights with beasts.
(6) Battles and internal strife?.
(7) Ossian after the Feine.
Messengers from Lochlinn play an important part in the bal-
lads. They are called " athachs"; there is one eye in the middle
of their forehead, and one hand which comes from the breast,
and they have one foot. It may be noted that the god Odin himself
appears in the Norse tales in an almost equally monstrous form.
The " athach," on one occasion, invited Fionn and his men to
Lochlinn ; the king's daughter was much in love with Fionn.
Before they set sail, they provided themselves with daggers, be-
sides their other arms. They went ; their arms were piled in an
outhouse, but their daggei^s they secretly kept. At the feast, they
were so arranged that one of Fionn's men was between two Loch-
linners. Lochlinn'skingbeganaskingtheheroesuncomfortable ques-
tions— who slew this son and that son of his. Each hero answered
as the case was. Finally, there was a rush to arms, but the
Feine with the secret daggers slew their men. The Feine escaped
safely home, taking " nighean Lochlinn " with them. This story
is the foundation of the episode of Agandecca in Macpherson's
Fingal, Book III.
The Muileartach is a sort of female counterpart to the
" athach." She is Manus' foster-mother, and she came to fight the
Fein6 ; and they had a tough job conquering her. She seems to
be a personification of the Atlantic sea.
An " athach " appears also another day: —
" Chunncas fcighinn o'n mhagh
An t-oglach mor is e air aon chois,
Le chochal dubh ciar dubh craicionn,
Le cheann-bheirt lachduinn is i ruadh-mheirg."
They asked his name. He told them he was Lun Mac Liobhain,
smith to the king of Lochlinn, and he put them under geasa to
follow him to his smithy.
" Ciod am ball am beil do Oheardach 1
Na'm fearrda sinne g'a faicsinn 1"
" Faiceadh sibhse sin ma dh' fhaodas,
Ach ma dh' fhaodas mise, chart f haic sibh."
They set after him, and Daorghlas kept pace with him, and when,
on reaching the smithy, one of the smiths asked, in reference to
200 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Daorgblas, who this fear cool was, Fionn answered that his name
was now Caoilte. Here they got victorious arms, but they had to
be tempered in human blood. Fionn, by a stratagem, got the
smith's mother to take the place that fell to him by lot, and she
was unwittingly killed. And Fionn's own sword was tempered in
the smith's own blood.
" B'e Mac an Luin lann Mhic Cumhail,
Gum be Drithleannach lann Oscar,
'S b'i Chruaidh Chosgarrach lann Chaoilte,
Gum b'i an Liomharrach lann Dhiarmad,
Agam fein bha Gearr-nan-colann."
Every hero's sword had a name, as we see from this.
Distressed people came to the Feinl for protection. In Mac-
' pherson, nearly every other poem presents such, but in the ballads,
there is only one good Macphersonic case. This is found in
" Duan na h-Inghinn," or Essroy of the Dean of Lismore. The
daughter of the King of Under-waves Land flies from the love of
the son of the King of the Land of Light (Sorcha). She comes in
a gold " curach" to Fionn. Her lover follows on his steed riding on
the waves. He fights the heroes and falls. Some ballads
represent him as killing the Nighean, others that she was with
Fionn in the Feine a year. This is nearly exactly the same as
Macpherson's Maid of Oraca and Faine-soluis. It is the only
poem of his that agrees with the ballads in any satisfactory
respect. But his language differs widely, though the plot is the
same.
Foreign invaders are numerous. Sometimes they are single-
handed, as in the case of Dearg, and his son Conn after him.
Other times there is a regular invasion. The stories of siugle
invaders are all of a type ; he comes, challenges the champions
and lays them low in ones, twos, tens, and hundreds. Then Goll
or Oscar goes, and after a stiff fight annihilates him. Their
wounds are healed by Fionn. The Kings of Lochlinn are the
chief invaders. Manus we have already considered. Earragon,
another Lochlinn king, got his wife stolen by Aide, one of
Fionn's men, and came to Scotland to fight them over it. The
ballad is called "Teanntachd Mhor Na Feine," and forms the
groundwork of Macpherson's Battle of Lora, or as he says him-
self, calling it Irish of course — " It appears to have been founded
on the same story with the * Battle of Lora,' one of the poems of
the genuine Ossian" ! A most serious invasion of Ireland was
made by Dare Donn or Darius, King of the World, helped by all
The Heroic and Ossianic Literature. 201
the rest of the world. The scene was Ventry Harbour. The
battle went on for a year and a day. In some versions, it is a
Kilkenny cat business, where everybody is killed and some
others besides ; for Fionn and his Feine are represented all as
falling, though they were helped even by the Tuatha-De. Other
forms of it represent the heroes as finally victorious. The ballad
in the Dean of Lismore's book is the only Scotch representative
of this tale.
Enchantments form the largest class of these poems and
tales. There are various " Chases," where the FeinS, singly or
altogether, get lost and enchanted. Again, they may be enchanted
in a house, as in "Tigh Bhlair Bhuidhe" and the "Rowan-tree
Booth." Then some of them may be tricked away, as in the story
of the "Slothful Fellow"— An Uille Deacair. Here they land
in Tir-fb-Thuinn, and the Happy Land. These stories display
the highest degree of imaginative power : they are humourous,
pathetic, and at times tragic.
Another class of legends is that relating to the killing of
dragons and like monsters. There is scarcely a lake in Ireland
but there is some legend there about a dragon, or bio,st, which
Fionn, or one of his heroes, or one of the Saints, destroyed. Fionn
had some tough fights with these terrible animals, and his
grandson, Oscar, was likewise often engaged in the same work.
On one occasion, as an old Lewisman used to tell, Oscar was
fighting with a huge biast that came open-mouthed towards
him. He jumped down its throat at once, and cut his way out,
and thus killed the brute. We have read of Odin being thus swal-
lowed by the wolf, but have never heard of his appearing after-
wards.
Internal dissension is seen in the armed neutrality maintained
between Fionn and Goll. They at times have open strife. But
the most serious defection is that of Diarmad, who ran away with
Fionn's wife. Of course he refused her at first, but she laid him
under geasa to take her. This he did. The pursuit began soon
after, and they went round Erin. Many feats were performed,
some of which were of a magic and supernatural nature. They
were caught at last, but Fionn was forced to spare them, because
Oscar would not allow him to wreak vengeance at the time.
Fionn, however, revenged himself at the hunt of the magic boar.
Diarmad killed the boar, escaping unscathed ; Fionn was dis-
appointed at this, so he asked Diarmad to measure the boar ; he
did. Fionn then asked him to measure it against the bristles. His
foot, which was the only vulnerable part of his body, was stabbed in
202 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
the process by the bristles, and as the beast was a magic and
poisonous animal — a Tore Nimhe — he was fatally wounded. Nor
would Fionn cure him though he could. So Diarmad died.
A sad event happened just before the close of the Feme's
career. The men went off to hunt, leaving Garaidh at home with
the women. The prose tales say that he stayed purposely to find
out what the ladies took to eat and drink that always left them
so rosy and youthful. In watching for this, he fell asleep, and
they pinned his long hair to the bench. Then they raised a battle
shout. He got up in furious haste, but, if he did, he left his scalp
behind him. Mad with rage, he rushed out, went to the woods
and brought home plenty fuel. He locked the women in, and
then set fire to the house. The flames weie seen by those that
were hunting, and they rushed home. If the speireach were off
Caoilte, he might have been in time to save the house. They
jumped Kyle-rhea on their spears, but one of them, Mac-Reatha,
fell into the Kyle, and hence the name. Wives and children were
lost, and the race of great men left alone in the world. Fionn, by
bruising his thumb in his mouth, knew it was Garaidh that did
the deed. They found him hid in a cave, but he would not come
out until he was allowed to choose the manner of his own death.
They allowed him. He asked to be beheaded by Oscar on Fionn's
knee. Now Oscar never could stop his sword from going through
anything he drew the sword upon, and they had to bury Fionn's
knee under seven feet of earth, and even then it was wounded.
Fionn then journeyed to Rome to get it healed.
When Fionn was away, King Cairbre thought he might as
well get rid of the Feine. He invited Oscar to a feast. There he
wished to exchange spear-heads with him, which was considered
an insult in those days :
" Ach malairt cinn gun mhalairt crainn,
Bu eucorach sud iarraidh oirnn."
They quarrelled ; their troops were got ready and a battle engaged
in. Both leaders fell by each other's hands. Ossian and Fiomi
just arrived frem Rome to receive Oscar's dying words. The
battle of Gabhra ended the reign of the Feine.
Fionn himself was killed by a treacherous person who invited
him to jump on to an island, in the way he did. Fionn did the
jump. Then the man jumped the same backways, and challenged
Fionn to do so. Fionn tried it, but fell up to his head in the
water. The man, finding him thus immersed, and with his back to
him, cut off his head.
The Heroic and Ossianic Literature. 203
Ossiau had, however, before this, run away with the fairy Niam
to Tir-nan-og, the Land of the Ever-young. Here he remained two
hundred years. He returned, a great giant, still youthful, on a
white steed, from which he was cautioned not to dismount, if he
wished to return again to Tir-nan-og. He found everything
changed ; instead of the old temples of the gods, now there were
Christian churches. And the Feine were only a memory. He
saw some puny men raising a heavy block of stone. They could
not manage it ; so he put his hand to it and lifted it up on its
side ; but in so doing he slipped off his horse, and fell to eaith a
withered and blind old man. The steed at once rushed off.
Ossian was then brought to St Patrick, with whom he lived for
the rest of his life, ever and anon recounting the tales of the
Feine to Patrick, the son of Calphurn, and disputing with him as
to whether the Feine were in heaven or not.
He tried once by magic means to recover his strength and
sight. The Gille Ruadh and himself went out to hunt, and he
brought down three large deer and carried them home. The old
man had a belt round his stomach with three skewers in it, so as
that he should not need so much food. The deer were set a-
cooking in a large cauldron, and the Gille Ruadh was watching it,
with strong injunctions not to taste anything of the deer. But
some of the broth spurted out on his hand and he put it to his
mouth. Ossian ate the deer one after the other, letting out a
skewer each time ; but his youth did not return, for the spell had
been broken by the Gille in letting the broth near his mouth.
Are the actors in these cycles — those of Cuchulinn and Fionn
— historical personages'? Is it history degenerated into myth,
or myth rationalised into history ? The answer of the native
historian is always the same ; these legends and tales contain
real history. And so he proceeds to euhemerise and rationalise
the mythic incidents — a process which has been going on for the
last thousand years; mediaeval monk and "ollamh," the seventeenth
century historians, the nineteenth century antiquarian and philo-
logist— all believe in the historical character and essential truth of
these myths. The late Eugene O'Curry considered the existence of
Fionn as a historical personage, as assured as that of Julius Csesar.
Professor Windisch even is led astray by the vraisemblance of these
stories, and he looks on the mythic incidents of the Fionn Cycle
as borrowed from the previous Cuchulinn Cycle, and the myths
of the latter, especialy the birth incidents, he thinks drew upon
Christian legend. As a consequence, the myths and legends are
refined away, when presented as history, to such an extent that
204 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
their mythic character does not immediately appear. But luckily
alongside of the literary presentment of them and before it, there
runs the continuous stream of popular tradition, which keeps the
mythic features, if not in their pristine purity, yet in such a state
of preservation that they can be compared with the similar myths
of kindred nations, and thus to some extent rehabilitated. This
comparison of the Gaelic mythic cycles with those of other Indo-
European nations shows in a startling degree how little of the
Fionn Cycle, for instance, can be historical fact.
The incidents in the lives of the mythic and fairy heroes of
the Aryan nations have been analysed and reduced to a tabulated
formula. Von Hahn examined 14 Aryan stories — 7 Greek, 1
Roman, 2 Teutonic, 2 Persian, and 2 Hindoo --and from these
constructed a formula, called the "Expulsion and Return" formula,
under 16 heads. And Mr Alfred Nutt examined the Celtic tales
and brought them under the range of Von Hahn's headings, adding,
however, at heading 9, two more of his own. Mr Nutt's table
is as follows : —
I. Hero, born out of wedlock, or posthumously or super-
naturally.
II. Mother, princess residing in her own country. [Cf.
beena marriage.]
III. Father, god or hero from afar.
IV. Tokens and warnings of hero's future greatness.
V. He is in consequence driven forth from home.
VI. Is suckled by wild beasts.
VII. Is brought up by a childless (shepherd) couple, or by
a widow.
VIII. Is of passionate and violent disposition.
IX. Seeks service in foreign lands.
IX. A He attacks and slays monsters.
IX. B He acquires supernatural knowledge through eating
a magic fish.
X. He returns to his own country, retreats, and again
returns.
XI. Overcomes his enemies, fi'ees his mother, and seats
himself on the throne.
XII. He founds cities.
XIII. The manner of his death is extraordinary.
XIV. He is accused of incest ; he dies young.
XV. He injures an inferior, who takes revenge upon him
or upon his children.
XVI. He slays his younger brother.
The Heroic and Ossianic Literature.
205
We give the incidents of the Fionn Cycle in this tabulated form,
placing side by side the Fionn of history and the Fionn of popular
fancy:
History.
I. In marriage (?), posthumously.
II. Muirne, daughter of Chief Druid
III. Cumal, leader of Militia.
IV. Tadg, Druid, knows he will
be ejected by hero.
V. Driven to an aunt's house.
VI.
VII. By his mother or aunt (?)
VIII.
IX.
IXA.
IXB.
X.
XI. Forces Tadg to abandon Almu.
Geta headship of Feiue.
XII.
XIII. Slain by a fisherman for sake
of fame.
XIV.
XV.
XVI.
Tradition.
Out of marriage, posthumously, and
one of twins.
Muirne (?), daughter of a smith.
LiTes with her father.
King Cumhal : is passing house.
Greatness foretold by a prophet, and
known to be rightful heir to
throne.
Into the wilderness.
Nourished by fat and marrow in a
hole made in a tree.
By his nurse, Luas Lurgann.
Drowns the schoolboys, or overcomes
them at shinty, or both. Causes
his nurse's death.
Serves as house steward. [Scholar
to Fionu, the Druid.]
Slays the boar Beo; kills lake mon-
sters (biasta).
Eats of the magic Salmon.
Wanders backwards and forwards
over Erin.
Kills father's murderer. Overcomes
Cairbre and gets throne.
Builds forts, dunes, &c.; founds a
great kingdom.
Dies, mysteriously slain in jumping
lake.
A candid examination of these tabulated results must con-
vince one that the historic account is merely the myth in a re-
spectable and rationalised form. The historic account of Fionn
and his men is poor and shadowy. In fact, outside the " birth"
incidents of Fionn himself, there are only three historical facts,
such as they are : (1) The Fein6 were an Irish militia (!) in the
third century; (2) They were overthrown in the battle of Gabhra,
where also King Cairbre, a real personage without a doubt, fell in
284 ; (3) Fionn himself married Cormac's daughter, and Cailte
killed Oairbre's successor, Fothaidh Airgtheach, in 285. Evidently
some difficulty was found in fitting the heroes of the mythic tales
into history, a difficulty which also exists in Arthur's case. He,
like Fionn, is not a king in history — there is no place for him —
206 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
but he is a "dux belli" or "militia" leader. Yet the popular
imagination is distinctly in favour of the idea that these heroes
were also kings.
The further question as to the origin and meaning of these
mythic and heroic tales is, as can be seen, one of Aryan width :
the Celtic tales are explained when we explain those of the other
Indo-European nations. Until scientists agree as to the meaning
of these heroic myths, we may satisfy ourselves with adding our
stone to the cairn — adding, that is to say, Cuchulinn and Fionn to
the other national heroes of Aryan mythology. Yet this we may
say : Fionn son of Cumal (Camulus, the Celtic war-god 1) is
probably the incarnation of the chief deity of the Gaels — the
Jupiter spoken of by Caesar arid the Dagda of Irish myth. His
qualities are king-like and majestic, not sun-like, as those of
Cuchulinn. He is surrounded by a band of heroes that make a
terrestrial Olympus, composed of counterparts to the chief deities.
There is the fiery Oscar (^id-scar, utter-cutter ?) a sort of war-god ;
Ossian, the poet and warrior, corresponding to Hercules Ogmius ;
Diarmad, of the shining face, a reflection of the sun god ; Caelte,
the wind-swift runner ; and so on.
The next question is as to the transmission and formation of
these mythic tales. Oral tradition is evidently continuous, and is
thus unlike literature and history. They are fixed with the times;
but popular tales and traditions are like a stream moving along,
and, if we fancy the banks are the centuries and years, with their
tale of facts and incidents, then naturally enough the stream will
carry with it remembrances of its previous, more especially of its
immediately previous, history. Hence it is that though these tales
are old as the source of time, yet they are new and fresh because
they get tinged with the life they have just come through. Hence
we may meet with the old heroes fighting against the Norsemen,
though the Norsemen appear late in the history of the people.
The Irish literatui-e takes us back over a thousand years at
least, and it shows us very clearly how a heroic literature does
arise. The earliest Irish literature is of this nature. The
narrative is in prose, but the speeches and sayings of the
chief characters are put in verse. That is the general outline of
the literary method. Of course all the speeches are not in verse ;
descriptive speeches are often not. Narrative, too, may appear in
verse, especially as a sum wary of a foregoing prose recital. It is
a mistake to think that the oldest literature was in verse. Narra-
tive and verse always go together in the oldest forms. But
as time goes on and contact with other literatures exists, the
The Heroic and Ossianic Literature. 207
narrative too is changed to verse. Hence our ballads are in their
narrative part, as a rule, but rhymed prose, done in late times,
three or four hundred years ago, more or less — probably more.
These tales and verses have no authors ; they are all anonymous.
Poets and singers were numerous as a guild in Ireland and Scot-
land, and were highly honoured ; they were the abstracts and
chronicles of the time — newspapers, periodicals, and especially
novels, all in one. But they were a guild where the work of the
individual was not individually claimed. We hear of great bards,
but we never hear of their works, unless, indeed, they are intro-
duced as saying or singing something after a narrative or within
a prose tale. This literary style remained till very late, and it pro-
duced among other things those remarkable colloquies between
Ossian and Patrick so well known in later Irish and in Gaelic
literature. Patrick asks questions and Ossian answers, going on
to tell a tale in verse. But it was not imagined for a moment
that Ossian composed the poem ; he only said those verses — the
poet put them in his mouth, nor did Patrick compose his share
of the dialogue. The anonymous poet alone is responsible for
his puppets. The Dean of Lismore is the first that attributes the
authorship of the poetry to those who merely say the poetry.
Thus he introduces as authors of the poems Fergus, Caoilte,
Ossian, and others. In this way Conall Cernach is made respon-
sible for "Laoidh nan Ceann" though Emer bears her share of the
dialogue. The figure of Ossian relating his tales to Patrick took
hold of the popular imagination, and Macpherson, in an unfor-
tunate hour, jumped to the conclusion that here was a great poet
of antiquity. Immediately the world resounded with the old
hero's name, though he was no more a poet, nor less so, than any
others of his heroic companions. It was merely because he hap-
pened, so the tales said, to survive till Christian times, that he
was responsible for telling those tales. Curiously enough the
Gaelic mind, in its earlier literature, always made responsible
some such survivor from past times, for the history of these times.
Thus, Finntan told the history anterior to and after the deluge,
for he lived on from before the deluge till the sixth century.
Fergus Mac Roich, Cuchulinn's friend, was raised from the dead
to repeat the Tain Bo Chualgne in the sixth century. And
Ossian came back from Tir-nan-Og to tell the Fenian epos to
Patrick.
The construction of the verse in these ballads must be noted.
The true ballad is made up of verses of four lines: four is always
the number of lines in the verse of the heroic poetry. The second
208 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
and fourth lines end in a rhyme word, and there are four feet in
each line. That is the old heroic measure. At times consecutive
lines rhyme, and in lyrical passages other measures come in, as, for
instance, in Fionn's " Praise of Goll." The feet are now-a-days
measured by four accented syllables, but it was quite different in old
Goidelic poetry. The rules there were these: — Every line must
consist of a certain number of syllables. As a rule the last word
was a rhyme- word corresponding to one in the next or in the third
line. These rhyme-words bound the lines into either couplets or
quatrains. Every line had a pause or cesura in it, and the words
before this cesura might rhyme with each other. Accent or stress
was disregarded, and this accounts for some of the irregularities
in our old ballads in regard to rhyme and metre. Thus, some
make the last or unaccented syllable of a dissyllable rhyme with
an accented monosyllable. On the whole, the ballads have recti-
fied themselves to suit the modern style of placing the accent or
stress on the rhymed syllables, and of having a certain number (4)
of accents in the line.
A word as to Macpherson's heroic Gaelic poetry. He has at
times the old heroic quatrain, but as often as not his lines are mere
measured prose. The lines are on an average from seven to eight
syllables in length. Sometimes rhyme binds them together, some-
times not. Evidently three things swayed his mind in adopting
this measure or rather no-measure. It was easy, this measured
prose ; and his English is also measured prose that can be put in
lines of like length with the Gaelic. Secondly, he had a notion,
from the researches of Dr Lowth on Hebrew poetry, that primitive
poetry was measured prose. Hebrew poetry consists of periods,
divided into two or more corresponding clauses of the same
structure and of nearly the same length ; the second clause contains
generally a repetition, contrast, or explanation of the sentiment
expressed by the first. The result of these responses or parallelisms
is a sententious harmony or measured pi'ose, which also appears
even in the English Bible. Macpherson was a divinity student
when he began his Ossianic work, and not merely does the form of
the English translation and Gaelic original show his study of
Hebrew poetry, but his poems show distinct imitations — even
plagiarisms — from the Bible. Notably is this the case in the poem
Comala. Macpherson, thirdly, had an idea that rhyme was a
modern invention, probably non-existent in Ossianic times. Un-
fortunately he did not know that rhyme is a Celtic invention, and
possibly much older than the period of Ossian and his compeers,
if they lived in the 3rd century. Had he known this, we might
The Heroic and Ossianic Literature. 209
now possess heroic Gaelic poetry of the proper type in quatrains
and with rhymes; but, instead of this, Macpherson's Gaelic
" original " is merely poetic prose— a halt between the Hebrew
Psalms and Pope's rhymes. It is an irritating compromise, with
good quatrains stuck mid wastes of prose to remind us of " what
might have been," and its mere structure is enough to disprove
both its antiquity and authenticity.
The consideration of the heroic literature of the Gael cannot
be closed without a reference to Macpherson's " Ossian." A mere
summary of his position in regard to the heroic cycles is all that
need be given. Macpherson always aimed at the antique, but
everywhere ended in sham-antique, for, last century, the ideas pre-
valent in regard to the primitive stages of society were highly
Utopian, poetical, and vague — totally unlike the reality which this
century has proved such states of society to be. The ultra-natu-
ralism of his time led Macpherson to confine his prisoners in caves,
to make his heroes drink from shells, and to cause them to use the
bosses of their shields for drums and war-signalling — a piece of
gross archaeological nonsense. The whole life of the heroes is
open-air, with vague reference to halls. Now what did they eat
or drink, or how were they dressed or housed ? We know, in the
real tales, this often in too minute a fashion ; but in Macpherson
everything is vague and shadowy. And when he does condescend
on such details, he falls into gross errors. He arms his heroes
in mail and helmet ; now, the real old tales speak of neither,
and it is undoubtedly the fact that defensive armour was not
used by the Gaelic Insular Celts. Bows and arrows fill a pro-
minent place in his plots ; yet bows and arrows were not used by
the ancient Gael, nor, indeed, by the ancient Celt. Again, his
mythology is unspeakably wrong ; ghosts appear everywhere,
in daylight or night-time ; they are a nuisance in fact. Yet
ghosts have no place at all in the real ballads and tales. True,
Cuchulinn's ghost is raised by Patrick, and Fergus MacRoich's
by some saints later on ; but those ghosts are as substantial
as when alive, and as gorgeous and glorious. Macpherson's
heaven is a mixture of classical reminiscences, with some Norse
mythology, and a vague, windy place in cloudland is faintly pic-
tured. And his references to religous rites show that he
believed Toland's theories as to the Druids and their altars
and circles. Then, the machinery of his poetry is all modern :
fogs and mists, locks flowing on the wind, green meteors, clouds,
and mountains, storms and ghosts, those eternal ghosts ! — maids
in armour — always love-sick — and always dying on their lovers'
210 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
bodies. And there are further his addresses to natural objects,
such as the sun and moon; and his sympathy with nature, and
description of lone mountains and moors, have no counterpart in
the real ballads. Descriptions we do have in the ballads, minute
and painstaking, but they are of persons, dress, houses, arms, or
of human interests of some kind. Then his similes and metaphors
are done to excess ; both are rare, indeed full-blown similes are
absent, in the grave directness of the original ballads. Some of
his similes sin against the laws of their use, as comparing things
to things unknown or imagined, as actions of men illustrated
by actions of ghosts riding on winds. Then, thinking that he was
at liberty to play any tricks with the history which these myths
pretend to hold, and thinking, too, that he had an open field for
any vagaries in regard to pre-Christian Irish and Scotch history,
he has manufactured history on every hand. Bringing the Scan-
dinavians upon Ireland in the third century is but a small part
of his sins. The whole of "Temora," save the death of Oscar, is
manufactured in history and plot. " Fingal" is founded distantly on
the ballad of Maims, but its history of Ireland is again manufac-
tured, and the terrible blunder of bringing Cuchulirm and Fionn
together, though always separate in the tales by years and cus-
toms, is enough itself to prove want of authenticity. Most of
the poems are his own invention pure and simple, while those
whose kernel of plot he imitated, are changed in their epic dress
so far as to be scarcely recognisable. In fact, there are scarcely
a dozen places where the old ballads can at all be compared to his
work. These are the opening of " Fingal" (slightly), Cuchulinn's
Chariot, Episodes of Ferda Agandecca (slightly), and Faine-soluis,
Ossian's Courtship, Fight of Fingal and Swaraii (Manus), Death
of Oscar in Temora, plots of Battle of Lora, Darthula, and Carhon,
(founded on the Cuchulinn and Conloch story), and these are all
that can be correlated in the present editions. There is not a line
of the Gaelic given the same as the Gaelic of the ballads. Indeed,
Macpherson rejected the ballads as " Irish," and Dr Clerk says
that they cannot be of the same authorship as Macpherson's Ossian.
And he is right. Yet these ballads were the only poetry known
among the people as Ossian's, and it is to them that the evidence
taken by the Highland Society always refers as basis for the parts
the people thought they recognised of Macpherson's Ossian. Gallic
and Ferguson actually quoted them in support of the authen-
ticity, and others name or describe them specially. Yet Mac-
pherson and Clerk reject them as non-Ossianic. Macpher-
son's Gaelic was written after the English, often long after,
Unknown Lochaber Bards. 211
for, in one place, he gives Gaelic in his 1763 edition in a note
(Temora, VIII. 383-5) quite different from what he gave when he
came to write the poem consecutively. The Gaelic is very modern,
its idiom is tinctured strongly with English, while out of its
seventeen hundred words, fifty at least are borrowed, and some
forty more are doubtful. The conclusion we come to is simply
this : — Macpherson is as truly the author of " Ossian" as Milton
is of "Paradise Lost." Milton is to the Bible in even nearer
relation than Macpherson is to the Ossianic ballads. Milton
retained the essential outlines of Biblical narrative, but Macpher-
son did not scruple to change even that. Macpherson's Ossian is
therefore his own poetry; it is pseudo-antique of the type of
Virgil's ^Eneid, and, in excellence of poetry, far superior to the
work of the Roman, though in its recklessness of imagery and
wildness of imagination, Macpherson wants the classic chasteness
and repose that marks Virgil. He deserved the place he appro-
priated in Westminster Abbey; he knew it was his and not
Ossian's. This last act of his, therefore, eloquently proves that he
was in his own eyes the real author of the Ossian which he gave to
the world, and which he hesitatingly, though tacitly, claimed in
his 1773 preface.
24-TH FEBRUARY 1886.
On this date two papers were read. A contribution by
Mary Mackellar, Bard of the Society, entitled " Unknown
Lochaber Bards^" was read by the Secretary; and Mr Alex.
Macdonald, Audit Office, Highland Railway, Inverness, read
an essay on Archibald Grant, the Glenmoriston Bard. Mrs
Mackellar's paper was as follows : —
UNKNOWN LOOHABER BARDS.
I cannot do anything like justice to my subject in a limited
paper like this, but I hope to give my collection of the songs of
those unknown bards in a more extended form in the course of
time. In the meantime I will classify the " Unknown Bards of
Lochaber" under two heads — those whose names have been lost to
fame, whilst a few of their songs lived, and came floating to us —
one cannot tell how — through "the dark corridors of time" down
to the present day ; and those whose names are still locally associ-
ated with their effusions, but never heard of beyond the glens of
their native country. Foremost among the first-class is that
212 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
antique gem, "The desire of the aged Bard," which was un-
doubtedly composed near the head of Glen-Nevis; but as it is
already redeemed from the moth and the rust I will pass it over.
The lullaby was a great element in Gaelic poetry — the words
always fraught with love and tenderness, the melodies soothing and
plaintive. The following one must have been composed about the
year 1 520 on a child of the family of Lochiel, and from the genealogy
of the child, as given in the lullaby, he must have been " Eobhan
Beag Mac Dho'ill 'ic Eobhain," the father of the great Cameron
warrior, " Taillear dubh na Tuaighe 'chuir an ruaig air Mac-an-
Tbisich " — " The black tailor of the Battle-axe, who put the Mack-
intosh to flight," -and the grandson of the famous Chief, Ewen
Allanson. The great great grandfather, referred to in the lullaby,
must have been " Donald dubh" the Chief who fought at Harlaw
in 1411. The lullaby must have been composed by the nurse, who
was one the clan. Had it been the mother that composed it, she
would have made loving mention of the child's father, but the
nurse would ignore him as he died without attaining to the honour
of being chief, and she could only feel entitled to be proud of her
nursling as the offspring of a line of chiefs. She was very anxious
that he would get a charter for his land, and from history we find
that this was the very time when the first charters were given to
the house of Lochiel.
The lullaby runs as following : —
Hi, ha, ho, mo leanabh
B' fhearr learn gun sgribhteadh dhuit fearann
Hi, ha, ho, mo leanabh,
Ogha Eobhain 's iar-ogh1 Ailean.
Hi, ha, ho, mo leanabh
'S iar-ogh Dhonuill Duibh bho'n darach.
Hi, ha, ho, mo leanabh
B' fhearr gun sgriobhteadh cinnteach d' fhearann.
Hi, ha, ho, mo leanabh
Ceann-Lochiall 'us Druim-na-saille.
Hi, ha, ho, mo leanabh
'S Coire-bheag ri taobh na mara,
Hi, ha, ho, mo leanabh
Acha-da-leagha 'san Anait,
Hi, ha, ho, mo leanabh,
'S a Mhaigh mhor 's an t-Sron 'san-t-Earrachd
Unknown Lochaber Bards. 213
Hi, ha, ho, mo leanabh
'Muic 'us Caoinnich, Craoibh 'us Caillich,
Hi, ha, ho, mo leanabh
'S Murlagan dubh grannda, greannach.
Hi, ha, ho, mo leanabh
'S boidheach d' aodann 's caoin learn d' anail,
Hi, ha no, mo leanabh —
Socrach ciuin a ruin do chadal.
The following is a quaint conceit, and is said to be very old.
White-robed Ben- Nevis is described as a bride going to be married
to some grey-headed giant ben ot " Morar," and when she would
go back her white gown the "Lochy" would be swollen, and the
"Lundy" running high in pride, and the "Colonel" would have
an abundance of brown ale.
Beinn Nibheis am bliadhna brath dol a phosadh,
Eite beag o ho ro, Eite beag o,
Ri fear a' chinn leith a tha thall ann am Morar,
Eite beag o ho ro, Eite beag o,
Eite beag o ho ro, hi ri am bo ho o ro,
Eite beag o ho ro, Eite beag o.
Le 'guntaichean geala 's a ceann-aodach boidheach,
Eite beag o ho ro, Eite beag o,
'Sa neapaigin sioda gu riomhach an ordugh
Eite beag o ho ro, Eite beag o,
Eite beag o ho ro, hi ri am bo ho o ro,
Eite beag o ho ro, Eite beag o.
'S 'n uair theid i ga nigheadh bidh ligh' ann an Lochaidh,
Eite beag o ho ro, Eite beag o,
'S 'n uair theid i ga h-ionnlaid bidh " Lunndaidh " Ian
morchuis
Eite beag o ho ro, Eite beag o,
Eite beag o ho ro, hi ri am bo ho o ro,
Eite beag o ho ro, Eite beag o.
'Us tonn air muin tuinn' bidh leann donn aig a' Ohoirneal
Eite beag o ho ro, Eite beag o.
Ben Nevis is no longer the sacred bride she was then, and
we wonder what the poet who sang of her so prettily would say
214 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
if he saw the prosaic nature of the head-gear that in the advance
of civilisation science has placed upon the locks in which the bed
of the stag was wont to be, and which the veil of clouds so fre-
quently enveloped in mystery and darkness. The Colonel re-
ferred to must have lived at Torlundy, where — or near where —
Lord Abinger's house is now, for the waters of the small river
Lundy running near is brown and mossy when in flood.
When the Duke of Gordon raised the 92nd Regiment —
then known as the 100th — the beautiful Duchess Jane got many
young men in Lochaber to join it, through the sorcery of a kiss
from her own rosy lips, but such persuasive sweetness was not
the only power used by the house of Gordon to get men. Parents
were thi*eatened with the loss of their crofts — or even farms —
unless their sons enlisted under the Marquis of Huntly, and
many young married men rather than leave their wives and child-
ren uncared for, left the crofts to their aged parents and took up
house for themselves in Fort- William rather than cause the old
home to be broken up. The following is a fragment of a song
composed by a sorrowing wife whose young husband seems to
have been drowned, when the regiment was on its way to Ire-
land, shortly after its being raised. A wave seems to have swept
him off the deck and she was left, alas ! to sleep alone for ever-
more, and she would give her blessing to every other regiment,
but not to the Duke of Gordon's that forced her beloved one
away from her and the fair tree of her happiness left without sap
and branchless. It is as follows: —
Gur trbm, trbm a tha mi
Gur trom a dh'fhag an t-Earrach mi,
Gur truime 'n diugh na'n de mi,
Tha cumha an deigh nam fear orm.
O 's diullich learn gun ghluais sibh,
'Nuair bha ghaoth tuath cho gailleanach,
JSe 'n tonn a rinn do bhualadh,
'S gur truagh learn gu'n do thachair e.
Gur trom, trom, &c.
O cha'n 'eil feachd 's an duthaich,
Nach durachdain mo bheannach air
Ach Reiseamaid Diuc Gordan,
'O 'n dh' fhbgair i mo leannan uam,
Gur trom, trom, &c.
Unknown Lochaber Bards. 215
'Se 'n turas 'tlmg i dh-Eirinn,
A dh 'fhag gun cheile cadail mi,
Mo chraobh tha 'n deigh a rusgadh
Gun snothach ur gun mheangain oirr*.
Gur trom, tr:)m, &c.
I could not trace the author of the following song either,
but it has a fine swing about it when sung by a chorus of hearty
Highlanders, waving their pocket handkerchiefs in the orthodox
fashion. When the Camerons of Druim-na-Saille got too numer-
ous to remain there with comfort, they hived off to Sunart, and
the chieftain of the party that removed took up his abode at
Kintra, where they became known as Sliochd Iain duibh Cheann-
tra. This song must have been composed on a gentleman of that
family.
Oh hi, hog i o
Ho ro no ho ro gheallaidh
Oh hi, hog i o
Fhir a dhireas a' ghuallain
Giullain uamsa mile beannachd,
Oh hi, &c.
Thoir mo shoraidh gu Ceann-tr&
Far bheil faileadh a' bharraich,
Oh hi, &c.
Far am bheil doireachan dlutha
'Us cnothan a' liibadh gach meangain,
Ho hi, &c.
Far am bi a' mhil 's an t-Samhradh
'Sileadh bho gach crann do'n darach.
Ho hi hog i o
Far am bi 'n crodh-laoigh 's a' bhairich
'Tighinn gu pairceannan a' bhainne.
Ho hi &c.
A dh' ionnsaidh talla nan uaislean
Ga 'm bu dual bhi 'n Druim-na-Saille
Ho hi &c.
Ach Iain oig 'ic Iain 'ic She*umais
Thug th\\ air na ceudan barrachd,
Ho hi &c.
216 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Boichead 'us buidhead do chuailean
'S do dha ghruaidh mar chaor air mheangan
Ho, hi &c.
'S buidhe 'n t6 da 'n tug thu luaidh
Ged bhuilicheadh i buaile mhart ort.
Ho hi &c.
A's ged a bhuilicheadh i tri ort
Air learn fhein nach ni gun f hear e.
Ho hi &c.
The next I will mention is my own maternal grandmother,
Mary Cameron, for whom I am named, who was well-known in
Sunart and Lochaber as a sweet poetess, and as a gentlewoman of
great refinement of feeling, and unbounded charity. She was the
Mary of whom Ailean Dall sang so sweetly —
" Na 'm faighinn gill' airson ceannach
A bheireadh beannachd gu Mairi."
Ailean Dall was not the lover represented in the song: it was a
farmer from Sunart district, but Mary, with the usual unwisdom
of the poet, chose to elope with a much poorer man, in her 19th
year, I will give the following few specimens of her verses.
One day when she had, to her great annoyance, to leave her
spinning wheel, and her household cares to keep some sheep away
from the corn whilst the shepherd, whose duty it was to tend them,
was spending the hours in dalliance with his lady-love, who was the
housekeeper of a bachelor farmer near at hand, and who was wont
to regale her wooer with the best she had in her pantry, my grand-
mother found vent to her feelings in a song of which the
following is a fragment : —
Oh ho ro 'ille dhuinn.
'Hie dhuinn bhbidhich,
Na ho ro 'ille dhuinn
Gu'm bheil mise fo mhnlad
'S mo chuidheal na h-aonar ;
Oh ho ro &c.
Mo leanaban a' caoineadh
'S nach faod mi bhi 'n coir dhoibh,
Oh ho ro &c.
Unknown Lochaber Bards. 217
'S cha bhi thusa gun fhuaraig,
Fhad 's bhios \iachdar aig Floraidh.
Oh ho ro. &c.
'S ma ni aran 's im ur e,
Cha tig tuchadh na d' sgbrnan.
Oh ho ro, &c.
'S suarach leatsa an spreigh chaorach
'S do ghairdean mu'n 6g-bhean,
Oh ho ro, &c.
Ach 'n uair thig an Fheill Martuinn
Bi am paigheadh air bord ann,
Oh ho ro, &c.
Lan do dhuirn de phuinnd Shasnach
Agus craicinn gu c!5 dhut.
Oh ho ro, &c.
The next one I will give was composed to a small vessel
owned by a favourite cousin of her own who belonged to Morven.
The name of the vessel was the " Katie." In these times when
no light-houses were erected to help the navigation of these chan-
nels of the rocky west, shipmasters were obliged to lay their
vessels up during the winter. This was evidently the case with
the " Katie."
'Nuair theid " Katie " fo h-aodach
Bidh i daonnan aig Calum.
'S trie a choisinn i an t-dr dim —
Tha i eblach 's gach cala,
Ho i o, na ri iu o, &c.
'S trie a choisinn i an t-6r dha
Tha i eblach 's gach cala
Eadar Muile 's Ceann-t-saile,
Eilean Mhartainn 'us Canaidh.
Eadar Muile, &c.
'S air roc ged a bhuail i,
Cha 'n fhuasgail e 'darach.
Sair roc, &c.
'S 'n uair a gheibh i 'n ruidhe dhireach,
Ni i 'n fhideag a ghearradh.
'S 'n uair a gheibh i, <fec.
218 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.
Air bharra nan garbh-thonn
Do 'n Mhorairne Ghleannaich,
Air bharra, &c.
Far an caith iad an geamhradh
Ri dannsadh 's ri h-aighear.
She lost three fine young daughters one after the other, and
they were buried in " Eilean Fhionain," in Loch-Sheil, where she
is also buried by their side. Shortly after the death of the last
of the three, she was herself laid on her death-bed. She then com-
posed the song of which the following is a fragment. The air of
it is the old plaintive one " Tha mo run air a' ghille." She might
be said to have died swan-like singing, for she composed this on
the day before her death.
" Tha mo run air an nighinn,
Tha mo ghaol air an nighinn,
Chuir mi taobh ri taobh an triuir ;
'S trie snidh' air mo ghruaidhean.
" 'S og a rinn mi, ruin, duit farair',
'N uair a shaoil mi bhi ri d' bhanais,
Chairich mi thu 'n Cnoc-nan-Aingeal —
Rinn mi leaba bhuan duit.
"Tha mo run, &c.
" Tha mise fagail an t-saoghail
Anns an robh mi cuairt air aoidheachd,
'S cairidh iad an sud ri 'r taobh mi,
'S och, a ghaoil, cha'n fhuar learn.
" Tha mo run, &c.
" 'N uair a thig an gnothach dluth ribh,
Cuiribh fios gu Cnoc-nam-Fluran,
'S cinnteach mi gun tig an triuir as*
De na fiurain uasal.
" Tha mo run, &c.
" 'S cinnteach mi gun tig gun dail as.
Iain mo ghaoil agus Archy ;
'S gum bi Dotair donn nam blath-shuil
Laidir fo mo ghuallainn.
" Tha mo run," &c.
* The three sons of Druimsallie .
Unknown Lochaber Bards. 219
As a specimen of how the different houses or tribes of the
clan Cameron claimed a nearer kinship with each other than with
the other branches of the clan, I may give the following verse.
Most of the gentlemen my grandmother spoke of were of the
" Sliochd Iain duibh " family, but she was angry with herself for
forgetting one dear friend, even if he was of another branch.
The gentleman referred to was Mr Alexander Cameron, tacks-
man at Meoble, who was of the Macmartins of Letterfinlay.
" C'uime dhichuimhnich mi 'n t-armunn
Ged tha e shliochd Iain 'ic Mhartuinn ;
Fhuair mi e gu caoimhneil, cairdeil —
Sliochd nan sar dhaoin-uaisle."
Contemporary with my grandmother was Captain Patrick
Campbell who served in the 42nd Highlanders, and who after-
wards made his home in Fort- William, where he built the house
which he sang of as " An tigh ban an cois na tuinne," and which
is now known as the Imperial Hotel, occupied by Mr Robert
Whyte. Captain Campbell let this house to Sheriff Flyter, who was
married to his sister, and he built a small house for himself,
which he, with his housekeeper, Nic-Mhuirich, occupied in winter,
whilst they spent the summer in Glen Maillie, where Bean-na-
bainnse — as the Captain called his gun — got her powers exercised.
The Captain at his death left this little hoiise to his old and
faithful housekeeper, and it is still known by elderly people as
" Tigh-nic-Mhuirich." It is told of her that when she placed
venison before a guest she apologised for placing before them any-
thing so insipid as a bit of a he-goat they had killed. " Cha 'n
'eil so ach tioram. Cha 'n eil aim ach mir de 'n bhoc a bh'air
na gobhrabh." — " This is but dry, just a bit of the he-goat we had,"
was always her saying, but her guests knew how to interpret her
words.
Captain Campbell died in Fort- William, and is buried in the
Craigs burying-ground. The following is part of the epitaph : —
Sacred to the memory of
CAPTAIN PATRICK CAMPBELL,
late of the 42nd Regiment.
He died on the 13th December 1816.
A true Highlander, a sincere friend, and the best
deer-stalker in his day.
I believe the following song of his has been already in print, but
I give my version of it notwithstanding, as it may probably differ
220 Gaelic Society of /nuerness.
from the other, or it may contain verses not found in the other.
Glen Maillie was his favourite resort, where he could stalk the
deer and poach the salmon, no man making him afraid.
A ho-rb gur tu mo run ;
Thug mi gaol 's cha b' aithreach learn ;
Mo cheist nionag a' chuil duinn ;
'S toigh learn fhin mo Mhairi og.
Gur e mise tha gu tinn,
An cois na mara learn fhin,
Gun mheagad goibhre no minn
'S mor an t-ioghnadh mi bhi beo,
A ho ro, &c.
Gur e mise tha fo mhulad
'S an tigh bhan an cois na tuinne ;
'S mor gu 'm b'fhearr mar bha mi 'n uiridh
'S a' ghleann mhullaich 'sam bi 'n ceo.
A ho rb, &c.
A bhean-na-bainnse* duisg gu luath,
'S fhada learn a tha thu 'd shuain.
Thoir ort Gleann-a-Mailidh suas
'S bheir thu fuaim air damh na crbic.
A ho rb, &c.
Gleann na sithne, glean an fheidh,
Gleann nan uaislean 's nam fear tr6un
'S 'n uair theid iad xiile do'n bheinn
Cb ni feum ach Para mbr.
A ho rb, &c.
'S e mo laochan fhein an cuiridh,
Giomanach air cul a' ghunna,
lasgair a' bhric air a' bhoinne,
'S gum faigh Nic-Mhuiricht a lebir.
A ho rb, &c.
'N uair ruigeas tu gualla' Mhaim
'S a sheallas tu bhos 'us thall,
Bheir thu sgriob do Bhraigh-nan-Allt,
'S bidh an call air Donull bg.
A ho rb, &c.
"The Gun.
t His housekeeper.
Unknown Lochaber Bards. 221
'N uair a dhireas mi 's a' mhaduinn
Gu Gleann-na-cama-garraidb bharraich
Bi mo ghunna caol na m' achlais,
'S bi damh nan cabar fo lebn,
A ho ro, &c.
'S ged a gheibhinnse le buaidh
Nigheau Impireadh 'n Taobh tuath
'S mbr gu'm b' fhearr 'bhi taobh a' chuaiu
Sinte suas ri Mairi 6g.
A ho ro, <fcc.
Dh' fhalbh do mhathair 's chaochail d'athair,
'S cha'n eil do bhraithrean aig baile ;
'S " ged tha thu gun chrodh gun aighean,"
Mo rim fhathasd Mairi og.
A ho rb, <fec.
Cha 'n 'eil duin'-uasal a th' ann
Eadar Nis 'us Loch-nan-ceall
Nach bi maoidheadh air mo cheann
'Chionn bhi 'n geall air Mairi bg.
A ho r& &c.,
Cha 'n 'eil uasal no fear fearainn
Eadar Muideart 'us Loch Carunn
Nach' eil an deigh air mo leannan —
Suil a' mheallaidh Mairi bg.
A ho re, &c.
Ged a gheibhinnse 'n nigh'n bhan
Le 'buaile cruidh 'us an cuid ail
'S mbr gum b' annsadh bhi le m' ghradh,
Beul a' mhanrainn, Mairi bg.
A ho rb, &c.
'S an uair a theid mi air mo sgriob
'S coingeis learn muir agus tir,
'S coma learn co 'bhios 'am dhi,
Ach mo ribhinn Mairi bg.
A ho rb, &c.
Mar bhi dhomh bhaintighearna bhan,
Nighean oighre fir mo ghraidh,
Bheirinn fhin mo sgriob gun dail
Do Gleann-a-Mailidh a' cheb.
A ho rb, &c.
222 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Tt is of the same beautiful glen he also sung as follows : —
Fagaidh mi' m baile 's an t-samhradh
'S theid mi do'n ghleann againn fhein
'S tillidh sinn dachaidh 'sa' gheamhradh
'Chumail nain Frangach bho thir.
'S ann againn tha 'n gleannan tha uaigneach,
Cha'n eil cho neo-luaineach's an tir,
Cha'n fhaicear duin' ann ach buachaill,
'Us brogaich a' cuartach na fridh.
Ni sinn ann cur agus cliathadh,
'S cha treabh sinn am bliadhna le crann ;
Ni sinn 's a' mhaduinn an t-iasgach,
'S am feasgar a fiadhach nam beann.
Gheibh sinn ami cnothaii 'us caorann
'Us gheibh sinn ann braonain gu leoir,
Dearcan-fithich air fraoch ann,
'S cha teid sinn 'an traigh mhaoraich ri 'r beo.
Lochiel appears at this time to have forbidden his tenants to keep
goats, and Captain Campbell seems to have had a dispute with the
parties in authority on the estate about the matter. The follow-
ing is a fragment of a song composed on that occasion: —
Ged thug sibh na gobhair gun taing uainn
Cha bhi curain oirnn mu annlan
Fhad 's a mhaireas Bean-na-bainnse *
'S a bhios mang aig Dbnull.t
Gur trie a bha mise na m' chruban
Air chul an fheldh anns a' Ghiubhsaich £
'S cha bhiodh eagal orm no curam,
Ach romh shuilean Dhbnuill.
'S ioma gealladh thug thu riamh dhomh
Ged is beag a chuir thu 'n gniomh dhiu ;
Dh' aithnich mi gur beag a b' fhiach thu,
'S duine fiadhaich Dbnull.
'S olc a chairich iad mise,
Eadar Dbnull 'og 's a chinneadh ;
Bha mi 'n laimh aig fear-a-ghlinne
'S bha 'n seanalair seblta.
* The Gun. t Lochiel
± Lochiel's Deer Forest.
Unknown Lochaber Bards. 223
Dh eirich Scotach beag a sgriobhaidh,
'S dhannsadh e air ioghnan direacb,
Coltach ri coileach a' chirein,
A' sgriobadh an otraich.
The next I will mention is Duncan Cameron, generally known
in Lochaber as Donnacha Ban Bard. He was teacher at Lochy-
side about the year 1832 and some years afterwards; and he
sailed to Australia with some of the first emigrant.1} who went
there from Lochaber. He was quite a young man when he emi-
grated, and for aught I know he may be yet in life in the country
of his adoption. The following is one of his songs : —
Ho ro mo run gur cannach thu,
Ho ro mo run gur meallach thu
'S tu 'n og-bhean bhoidheach chuimir shuairc
A fhuair mo luaidh 's cha'n aithreach learn.
'S tu'n tuairneag shuaicheant shar-mhaiseach
Le d' chuailean cuachach fainneagach,
Mu chill do chinn na laidhe sliom,
'S gur math thig cir an caradh ann.
Ho ro mo run, &c.
Mar eala 'snamh nan linneachan,
Mar uainean ban 's an fhireach thu,
Do mhuineal min mar chanach sleibh,
Gu fonnar gle ghlan innealta.
Ho ro mo rim, &c.
Mar thorman binn nan alltan thu,
Mar cheol nan cno-choill calltainn thu,
Mar uiseag chiiiin bhinneach nan speur,
'S mar fhuaim nan teud tha m' annsachd-sa.
Ho ro mo run, &c.
Mar thorman do bhrat neonain thu,
Mar lili ban nam mbr bheann thu,
Mar osag chiuin thar aghaidh fliiir
Tha anail chiibhraidh m' bg-bheansa.
Ho ro mo run, &c.
Mar shoills nan reul do thlath-shuilean
• Mar dhaoimean ann an sgathan iad
A' sealltuinn caomh le 'n Ian do ghaol
'S gu'rn bheil gach aon fo thaire leo.
Ho ro mo run, &c.
224 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
When Duncan sailed from Corpach on board steamer, along
with many others to join the emigrant ship in the Clyde, the
following pathetic and sorrowful song was composed by his
brother Alexander. It sounds like the wail of the coronach of
the heart-broken mourners for the beloved dead : —
"Bidh mi cuimhneachadh 's gach aimsir,
Air na dh' aom Dir-daoin o Bhanabhi,
Dilsesn gaoil a bhi a' falbh uainn,
'S goirt an tearbadh 'fhuair sinn.
Bha na h-ighneagan oga,
'Caoidh nam fear a gheall am pbsadh,
Dh' fhaoidt' an an-shocair a chbmhdach,
Thaom na debir bho 'n gruaidhean.
Parantan 's an arnain bruite,
'S beag nach d' aom an aois gu uir iad ;
Chluinnt' an glaodhaich 's cha be an t-ioghnadh
'N am bhi tionndadh uapa.
Bha mi fh6in mar fhear a chach aim
'N urn bhi dealachadh bho 'm bhrathair,
'S diomhain fharraid mar a bha mi
An deigh do 'n bhata gluasad.
'S beag an t-ioghnadh mi 'bhi craiteach
An d&gh dhomh dealachadh bho 'n arrnunn
'S mi gun duraichdeadh 'bhi laimh riut
Ged be'n saile a b' uaigh dhuinn.
Ohaidh fear eile null 's an t-samhradh
Ged nach robh mi dluth 's an am dha
Cha do lughdaich sud mo champar,
'S dh' fhag e fann mo ghuallainn.
Na fir ghasda, dhreachmhor, cheb-gheal
A chaidh arach air Srath-Lbchaidh
Nach bu tair am feachd na cbnspreidh
Dol an tbir, no cruaidh-chas.
Fir ga'm math ga 'n thig an t-eideadh
'S bbidhche sheallas ri la feille
Breacan ballach nam bas reidhe
Cruinn an seud na guaille.
Unknown Lochaber Bards.
'8 ioma fleasgach 6g 'us maighdean
Chaidh a null an am na faighreach
'S mor an ionndrainn iad o 'n oighreachd
Air an Staoilear Cluanai.
A' dol thairis uainn do rioghachd
Anns am b' aineolach ar sinnsir
Bidh na caileagan fo mhi-ghean —
Co ni 'n cirean f huasgladh ?
'S ann Dir-daoin a rinn sibh sebladh
As an tir 's an robh sibh eblach
Righ nan Dul a bhi 'g 'ur comhiiadh
'S biodh 'ur dbchas buan ami.
There were many other bards in Lochaber that time would
fail me to speak of. Donull Ban Bard — the grandfather of the
famous Ewen Maclachlan — composed an elegy on Sir Ewen
Cameron of Lochiel, which is full of historic interest, and of the
most intelligent appreciation of the high and noble qualities of
that distinguished chief. It was a Macinnes from Fort- William
that composed that sea-song " Leis an Lurgainn o hi." He had
a smack called the " Lurgainn," and he composed the song after
a stormy voyage they had coming from Ireland. Donald Cameron,
of Kenlochiel —the great-grandfather of the late J. A. Cameron,
of the Standard — composed a very beautiful song known as
" Ho gum bheil mo run ort a Mhairi laghach,
Ged chuir thu do chul rium gur tu mo roghainn."
His bride was carried off to Sleat where they tried to force her
into a marriage with another, and Donald was made to believe
that she had eloped with his rival. She stood firm, however, and
was after a few days rescued by Mr Cameron and a number of
friends, and she immediately thereafter became his wife.
The cultivation of the gift of poesy is not so common now in
Lochaber as it was in the days of my girlhood, when almost every
one seemed to be ambitious for either composing a few verses or im-
provising. One neighbour in Corrybeg asked another whose name
was Cameron to ferry him to Ardgour, a request with which
he most readily complied, and the result was a few verses com-
posed in praise of himself and his boat as follows : —
Ho mo bhata laghach 's tu mo bhata grinn
Hu ho ho mo bhata 's tu mo bhata grinn, /_a(
Ho uio bhata laghach 's tu mo bhata grinn,
Am bata boidheach lurach cha chuir muir ort strith.
15
226 Gaelic Society of Inverness,
Gu ma fada bata aig an arrnunn fhial,
A thug dhonih an t-aiseag mu'n ro-phailt a dh'iarr ;
Cha bu leisg a shaothair 'n aghaidh gaoithe 'n iar,
'S chuir e mi gu sabhailt anns an ait 'm bu mhiann.
Ho mo bhata, &c.
'S trie a dh' fhalbh thu leatha air do tharsuinn siar,
A' buannachd an astair a mach a' Lochiall
'S tu air bbrd a fuaraidh air 'm bu shuarach triall.
A ghearradh nan cuainteaii cho luath ris an fhiadh,
Ho mo bhata, &c.
'S Camshronach do shloinneadh, cha cheillinn sin uat,
Do shliochd Iain 'ic Mhartuinn, bho 'n. Bhraighe ud shuas.
'S ann a Doch-an-fhasaidh a thainig a chuain,
'S bu mhath air chul bat iad 'n am sgailceadh nan cnuachd,
Ho mo bhata, &c.
Every little occasion called forth a few verses either in praise,
or with the more dangerous power of satire. These verses might
not be heard of beyond the township in which they were com-
posed. And they were a pure and simple pleasure, and an
innocent pastime. Now the songs are frowned upon, and gossipry
take their place. Prosaic influences are penetrating the glens
— the newspaper, the English sportsman, the Cockney tourist,
the daily steamer, and looming in the distance, the railway —
declare that the spirit of poesy has all but fled from Lochaber,
and ere she takes her departure let us kiss the hem of her
shining garments, and bless her for the riches she had so freely
lavished to gladden the hearts of the children of our people
through all the days of the years that are gone, and let us prove
our gratitude in redeeming from the moth and the rust the
precious gifts she had bestowed, and which are about to be lost
for ever.
Mr Alexander Macdonald thereafter read his paper, which
was as follows : —
ARCHIBALD GRANT THE GLENMORISTON BARD.
Perhaps there is not a small glen in Inverness-shire — perhaps
not even in any part of the Highlands of Scotland — that has pro-
duced so many singers as that little, narrow one that lies in a
south-westerly direction between the western shores of Loch-Ness,
and the borders of Kintail, namely, Glenmoriston. To account
T/te Glenmoriston Bard. 227
for this would be undoubtedly a difficult matter, and would be con-
siderably foreign to the object of this paper i but the fact remains
none the less true, and at this time there are few families in that
Glen who cannot trace themselves directly or indirectly back to
local poets as their ancestors. In referring to those, I do not
certainly mean to insinuate that they were composers of the first
magnitude, but merely sweet, homely warblers, who gave ex-
pression to their inward feelings and their impressions from without,
in strains peculiarly captivating to those among whom they moved
and had their being. For there are poets for each stage of culture.
Some of them we find addressing themselves to poets and novelists
particularly ; others to thinkers and scholars ; and a third class to
the common, more or less uneducated, members of the human
family.
It is to this last class of poets that Archibald Grant, the
subject of this paper, belongs ; and it would be doing him and
his works a most serious injustice to advocate for him a place
even among the leading poets of Celtic Scotland. His station is
with another class — that class that do not grasp the history and
national traditions of the country of the Gael sufficiently to de-
mand any other than a limited hearing. The productions of all
those are to be considered as being more locally interesting than
otherwise so ; and it is as such that they are at all times to be
judged. Grant's poems' are particularly addressed to the inhabit-
ants of Glenmoriston, and to the people of some of the neighbour-
ing districts, upon the minds of whom only the Bard desired to
impress his sentiments, and to whom, accordingly, he exclusively
expressed his ideas. His mission was to those, and consequently
many portions of it must be essentially unintelligible to outsiders.
I purpose to deal with the life of Archibald Grant in a two-
fold aspect : firstly, his life as an ordinary individual ; and
secondly, his life as a poet. To understand to any extent my
treatment of him as a poet, it appears to me absolutely necessary
that I should give you as many facts i-elative to his life as I
have been able to collect, and as will serve to be an index to his
poetical nature and character.
Archibald Grant, the Glenmoriston Bard, was born in
1785 at Aonach, Glenmoriston, in a small country cottage, the
ruins of which can still be pointed out. He was undoubtedly
descended from noble and distinguished families. He was in
direct relationship with the Grants of Glenmoriston. who are
themselves from the same stock as the well-known Grants of
Strathspey. The celebrated Archibald Grant of Glenmoriston was
228 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
our poet's great grandfather, while it can be certainly proved
that strong ties of kinship existed between himself and the famous
family of Glengarry, his grandfather, also called Archibald Grant,
having been married to one of the daughters of Ardabiodh, a
sister to Julia Macranald, the poetess of Keppoch, who was
directly connected with the Glengarry family. Thus, it is clear
that nobility and the elements of poetry were combined in the
stock from which our Bard sprung.
Grant's grandfather was a man of no ordinary distinction in
his day. He resided at a place known by the name of Tom-
bealluidh, where he occupied a holding of considerable extent. In
accordance with a custom then indulged in extensively by High-
land proprietors, Glengarry placed his first born son, Aonghas Og,
under the care of Grant during a certain period of his minority, in
order that Grant should bring up the young gentleman, and give
him the instruction then required. Grant felt proud cf having
such honour as this conferred upon him by Glengarry, and from
the feelings of intense admiration that he entertained, to wards that
gentleman and all that was his, he loved Aonghas Og most dearly,
and never took him up in his arms without composing some lines
in his honour. From the fragments of those come down to our-
selves we can observe that Grant himself possessed the poetic
faculty in no small degree ; but I am not aware that he ever com-
posed except when inspired by the enthusiasm of his affection
towards his portege. Now we fancy that we almost hear the good
old Highlander breathing his strains anxiously and earnestly into
the ears of the boy and saying —
Bobadh 'us m'annsachd,
Gaol beag agus m'annsachd ;
Bobadh 'us m'annsachd
Moch an diugh, ho !
Bheir Aonghas a' Ghlinne
Air a chinneadh comannda,
Bobadh 'us m' annsachd
Moch an diugh, ho !
Bheir sinn greis a's Tombealluidh
Air aran 'us arnhlan,
Bobadh 'us m' annsachd
Moch an diugh, ho !
And again, how affectionately interested in the child the
old man was, when he said : —
The Glenmoriston Bard. 229
Ho fearan, hi fearan,
Ho fearan, 's tu 'th'ann ;
Aonghas og Ghlinnegaraidh,
'S rioghail fearail an dream.
Gu'ni bheil fraoch ort mar shuaineas —
'Sann duit bu dual 'chur ri crann,
Ho etc.
'S leat islean, 's leat uaislean ;
'S leat Cuaich gu 'da cheann,
Ho, etc.
'S leat sid 'san Dail-Ohaoruinn,
'S Coire-fraoich nan damh seang.
Ho, etc.
'S leat Cnoideart mhor mheabhrach,
Agus Gleabhrach nam meang, Ho etc.
Should we conclude that it was when describing to the young
man the pleasures of the chase that Grant sang- —
Mo ghaol, mo ghaol, mo ghaol an giullan,
Mo ghaol, mo luaidh fear ruadh nan duine.
Cas a dhireadh nan stnc, o d' ghlun gu d' uilinn,
Lamh thaghadh nan arm 'dol a shealg, na mhonadh.
'O Chhianie 'n fheoir gu sroin Glaic-chuilean,
'Mhaol-chinn dearg thall gu ceann na Sgurra.
'Nuair theid thu do'n fhrith le stri do chuilean
Bithidh damh a' chinn aird gu lar 'us full air.
And it may have been, perhaps, when presenting Aonghas Og
with his first kilt that Grant addressed the following lines to
him : —
Theid an t-eideadh, theid an t-eideadh,
Theid an t-eideadh air a' ghille ;
Theid an t-eideadh, crios 'us feileadh,
Theid an t-eideadh air a' ghille,
Adding, in proof of his ever-increasing affection for the boy, the
words : —
Cha cheil mi o dhuin' tha beo
Gur toil learn Aonghas Og a' Ghlinne.
This Angus Macdonald of Glengarry was in course of some
time returned to his father, accompanied by 21 head of cattle,
230 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
which Grant parted with as a last demonstration of his affection for
the young man. Memories of Grant's generosity continued to ex-
ist in the Glengarry family for generations after. On one occasion
when the last chief that graced the halls of Caisteal-an-Fhithich
was passing through Glenmoriston, Archibald Grant, the Bard,
was pointed out to him. He frankly and warmly shook the Bai'd's
hand, promising him some favours in recognition of the kindness
which the Bard's grandfather showed long before to one of his pre-
decessors. Angus Og was killed after the battle of Falkirk (1745),
by the accidental discharge of a gun.
Archibald Grant's father, in more respects than one, deserves
a passing notice. His name was John Grant. He passed a con-
siderable portion of his life in the army, having been present in
the capacity of serjeant at the memorable siege of Gibraltar, in
which action he greatly distinguished himself by his bravery and
courage. John Grant was a bard of no ordinary power. Many
of his productions have been lost and cannot now be recovered ;
but some of his pieces that are yet to be found in the memories
of the oldest persons in the Glen, are highly meritorious. In
one of these he refers to his son Archie, the future bard, in a
manner from which it can be understood that Archie's sarcastic
effusions, addressed to his father when backsliding about the
change-house, were taking some effect. Probably the father
occasionally forgot to go home at the proper time, rendering it
necessary by such conduct to have a visit from his wife and
Archie, while enjoying himself with his cronies. This is what he
says on the subject —
Iseabail 's Archie 'n drasda bruidhinn rium
'S fheudar dhomh 'radha gur saighte 'n dithis iad,
Iseabail 's Archie 'n drasda bruidhinn lium.
Ma theid mi 'n tigh-osd 's gun glac mi ann stop,
Mu'n dean mi 'leth ol bithidh 'n toir a' tighinn orm.
Iseabail 's Archie 'n drasda bruidhinn rium.
But by far the best song that John Grant ever composed was
when the big sheep were introduced to Glenmoriston — an innova-
tion in land management, to which he evidently was averse. On
this occasion he said, apparently referring in the opening lines to
one of the Grants of Glenmoriston, then deceased : —
Deoch slainte 'Choirneil nach maireann,
'Se 'chumadh seol air a ghabhail ;
Na'm biodh esan os ur cionn
Cha bhiodh na cruinn air na sparran.
The Glenmoriston Bard. 231
Bhiodh an tuath air an giullachd,
'8 cha bhiodh gluasad air duine ;
'S cha bhiodh ardan gun uaisle
'Faotuinn buaidh air a chumand'.
Tha gach uachdaran fearainn
'S an Taobh-Tuath s' air a' mhealladh,
'Bhi 'cur cul ri 'n cuid daoin'
Aii-son caoraich na tearra.
Bha sinn uair a bha sinn miobhail,
'Nuair bha Frangach cho lionmhor,
Ach ged a thigeadh e 'n raoir,
Cha do thoill sibh 'dhol sios leibh.
Ach na'in biodh aon rud ri thavruinn,
Bhiodh mo dhuil ri 'dhol thairis ;
O'n dh' fhalbh muinntir mo dhuthch'
'S beag mo shunnd ris a' ghabhail.
Bidh mi 'falbh 's cha teid stad orm,
'S bidh mi 'triusadh mo bhagaist';
'S bidli mi comhla ri each
Nach dean m' fhagail air cladach.
Ach a Righ air a' chathair,
'Tha 'nad bhuachaill 's 'na d' Athair ;
Bi do gheard air an treud
'Chaidh air reubadh na mara.
'S ach a Chriosd anns na Flaitheas,
Glac a stiuir 'na do lamhan ;
Agus reitich an cuan
Gus a sluagh leigeil thairis.
John Grant, however, did not emigrate as many others then
did, though he seems to have fostered a lingering desire to leave
the Glen at that time, seeing that the management of landed pro-
perty was anything but promising to men in his station. He re-
conciled himself to the altered circumstances as best he could. A
hymn composed by him on his death-bed, is to be found at page
159 of Archibald Grant's collection of songs. Its matter as a
spiritual song is excellent.
Besides Archibald, John Grant had by his wife, Isabella
Ferguson, one son and two daughters ; but none of them is known
to have possessed the least development of the poetical faculty,
except the one. In him was concentrated the whole of that
232 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
peculiar characteristic which the family inherited. His mother
was quite an ordinary woman, though, as a rule, we find remark-
able men having more or less remarkable mothers. There are
several of her relations still in the Glen.
From the date of his birth till he attained to manhood,
Archibald Grant passed his time in Glenmoriston, but not at
school getting his mind informed ; for in that benighted age the
education of the young was little or nothing better in the High-
lands of Scotland than many centuries previously. In his early
manhood, Grant, entertaining a fond desire to become a soldier,
joined the Glengarry Fencibles, at that time a body of quasi -volun-
teers raised by Macdonell, the then chief of Glengarry. The en-
thusiasm with which Grant entered into the exercises of this regi-
ment was extraordinary. Doubtless his mind was early and
forcibly impressed with the glowing tales of war and renowned
achievements then current in the Highlands. These, along with
the vivid descriptions of continental battles, which he would have
listened to from the lips of his father, and the numerous songs
sung from mouth to mouth in honour of heroes who flourished in
the clan feuds of past times, displayed a tempting imagery of war
and its glories, transcendentally attractive to one, apparently
naturally of a romantic and adventurous disposition. Nothing
was so enjoyable to our Bard as the memory and occasional repro-
duction of the military manoeuvres through which he was led in
Glengarry ; and after the dispersion of the Fencibles, Grant fre-
quently recreated himself by initiating the young men of his
acquaintance in Glenmoriston, on his return thither, in the
mysteries of discipline, causing no small merriment at times by
his rather unpolished use of martial language.
Grant's stay in Glengarry was but short. His connection
with the Fencibles having terminated, he returned to his native
country, where he betook himself to tailoring for a means of sub-
sistence. We can hardly conceive that he could have selected any
occupation that would be more unpropitious to the exercise and
development of poetical talent, than that of which he made a choice;
and perhaps the barrenness of his poetry, so far as observations
on natural scenery are concerned, can, in no small degree, be
attributed to the comparative confinement which his work ne-
cessitated, though certain it is that at that time tailors were en-
tirely different from what they are now in the Highlands. Their
system of work then was to go from house to house, attending
here and there, as their customers required their services. We
believe our Bard never became a very good tailor. His know-
The Glenmoriston Bard. 233
ledge of the then existing fashions did not extend much beyond
the making of trousers, arid even in that he was rather deficient
as an artist. But when supplied with soft, broad home-made
cloth, and common stocking-worsted, he could perform his duty
more or less to the satisfaction of his customers. There were two
reasons on account of which he was employed, when others in his
line were perhaps overlooked — first, that in that age people were
not so refined in regard to dress as they now are ; second. Grant,
on account of the delights experienced from his inexhaustible store
of Highland legends, folk-lore, and traditional tales, would have
had a double claim upon the patronage of the people. In his
days that institution, which has in the past done so much towards
the moulding of Highland character, and towards the growth of
Highland aspirations — the Ceilidh — was in full swing, and Grant's
society was doubtless extensively courted by all lovers of High-
land manners and Highland history. Yet, with all these advan-
tages, he does not appear to have hoped for much profit from
the tailoring, and, to ensure a more substantial means of earning
a livelihood, he commenced to deal a little in the selling and buy-
ing of cattle. He frequently i-efers in his songs to some of his
experiences of the markets. From his speculations in this line he
might have derived much gain, for, as a rule, he never spent money
on the " keep " of his cattle. His policy in regard to this was to
leave with the tenants all over the Glen sheep and other animals
to feed for him, and I am not aware that they ever questioned his
self-created right.
Thus, from market to market, and from house to house, Grant
passed year after year of his life. His home was at Aonach where
his sister, Catherine, kept house for him, he having never been
married. While there his pastime probably was composing lines
of poetry on all such subjects as every day's experience brought
under his consideration. It is much to be regretted that many of
those songs have been entirely lost, but a few fragments, not
among his published works, are still heard sung by the older
natives of the Glen. If at all able to rise and move about Grant
never was known to be absent on the day of collecting the rents.
Though he might not have any important business to transact at
those meetings, yet he always liked to be present, as he says him-
self—
A chionn 's gu faighinn fhaotainn
Seasamh 'n taobh an rum ac' —
'S toil le trio bhais bhi measg aodaich —
'S cha 'n e gaol na druthaig ;
234 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Ach dibhearsari agus sgialachd,
'O 'n is miannach learn e —
'S dheanainn coir dhe 'n lack a dhioladh
Gar a fiachainn sugh dhi.
Another motive from which he attended those gatherings
was his desire at all times to see and converse with the justly
beloved Macphadruig,* whom Grant loved and adored as the in-
carnation of all that was to him good and beautiful. More than
one-half of his poems were composed to the name of this gentle-
man, who, in return, faithfully reciprocated the feelings enter-
tained towards him by his family chronicler and bard. It may
now, indeed, be said that Grant's passion for the esteemed pro-
prietor of Glenmoriston amounted to a considerable weakness ;
but for this several extenuating excuses could be brought for-
ward. Upon a time, when the rents were being collected at Tor-
goil, our Bard came the way, and finding that Macphadruig had
left for Invermoriston, he exchanged a few words with the factor,
who, seemingly did not show the same indulgence towards the
Bard as he was wont to get. The following sarcastic lines in re-
taliation were extemporaneously produced : —
Ni mi cleas amadan Mhicleoid —
Cha teid mi gu mod gu brath ;
Gun Mhacphadruig a bhi romham,
Cha b'e ceann mo ghnothach each :
'S ann air a bha beannachadh Dhia,
'S cha b'ann air an riabhach 'bha 'na aite :
Chuir esan 'n teaghlach dhe'n lian
Mu'n robh e sios air Culnancarn.
These verses roused the ire of the factor, and the Bard, in
alarm, apologised in verses to be found at page 1 20 of his Songs.
Towards the latter end of his life, Grant was attacked by
rheumatic pains in his legs, and his sister having died, and he
being left alone, removed from Glenmoriston to Stratherrick,
where he resided in the house of a niece of his. His departure
from his own beloved Glen, to a place in which he was necessarily
a comparative stranger, must have cost him many a deep sigl>.
Glenmoriston was the cradle of his youth, and the world of his
maturity ; and can we doubt that sweet memories of his ex-
istence there entwined themselves around his aged soul as the ivy-
* Mac-Phadruig is the name by which every Chief of the Grants of
Glenmoriston is locally known.
The Glenmoriston Bard. 235
branches around a tree 1 But at that time Glenmoiiston, much as
he loved it, was partially losing its interest to him. The benevo-
lent and kind-hearted Macphadruig had left it some time pre-
viously, and an advancing wave of what we now call civilisation was
converting the people somewhat from what they used to be in
their relation to poets and poetry.
In Stratherrick Grant lived for some years after his removal
there. During that time he composed several songs, but they are
all lost. Two years before the time of his own death he heard of
the decease of Grant of Glenmoriston at Inverness. It is well
known that the Bard composed a lament for his dead patron,
which was never even heard in Glenmoriston. Soon thereafter
Grant became subject to great confusion of mind. His powers of
memory became perfectly useless to him, and, altogether, he was
rapidly dissolving. He died in July of 1870, in his eighty-fifth
year. When tidings of his death reached Glenmoriston all were
struck with grief, as if they had lost a near and dear friend. In
due time his remains were brought from Stratherrick and interred
in the grave-yard of Clachan-Meircheai'd, Glenmoriston, whore
not so much as a stone marks his resting-place.
An trom shuaimhneas
Fo fhailean uaine,
Tha corp an uasail
Gun uaill an tamh ;
A cheann gun smuaintean,
'S a bheul gun fhuaim ann ;
A chridhe gun ghluasad,
'S gun bhuaidh na' lainh.
With reference to Grant's death, the Inverness Courier of
21st July 1870, says: — u Last week the mortal remains of Archi-
bald Grant, the Glenmoriston bard, commonly called Archie
Taillear, were consigned to the grave. He was nearly a century
old. The Bard, though totally uneducated, was full of traditional
story, could compose very spirited verses of poetry; and his wit,
humour, and fun were the delight of hia countrymen at all meet-
ings, such as weddings, funerals, christening banquets, and rent
gatherings. He was a particular favourite of the late lamented
J. M. Grant of GlenmorisUm and Moy; and was so well liked in
the Glen that he was allowed to graze so many sheep gratia on
every farm. There is a general tuiteadh for old Archie —
' Acli thriall e a chadal gu brath
Gu talla nara bard nach beo.' "
236 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Grant was not a big man ; but was known far and wide for
his activity. At athletic sports held in different districts around
in his time, he was known to have invariably carried off the first
prizes for the long and high jumps. When young and agile, he
could at any time jump his own height. His person was alto-
gether ordinarily well formed. His head was proverbially
small, but high, somewhat pyramidal in shape. His features
were good. He was rather eccentric with regard to his dress.
He, as a rule, wore tartan suits, with a large white collar ex-
tending down to his shoulders, almost the size of our present
cloth tippets. He was exceedingly fond of cleanliness, and
possessed a very high estimation of himself; though far from
being in the least ignorantly conceited. Though he was never
at school, he learned somehow to write his own name. He never
ceased deploring the total want of education from which he
suffered. His memory was extraordinarily capable, and his ac-
quaintance with old traditions and general folk-lore embraced
the most of the leading families in the Highlands. He knew
the local history of every district arul village around for many
generations back.
At home, Grant was usually cheerful, evincing a tendency
towards a harmless display of homely wit. This is evidenced by the
following lines, which he composed al a time when his sister and
a neighbouring old maid were discussing the advisability of their
attending a ball that was to take place in the vicinity, it having
been in those days rather customary with elderly persons to appear
at such entertainments. He, overhearing their remarks, said : —
Tha cailleachan liath a' bhaile so
A' sior ruith gu ballachan ;
Tha cailleachan liath a' bhaile so.
A' stri ri fearaibh oga.
'Nuair 'bhios each 's na rumaichean,
Ag ol air fion nan tunnaichean,
'S ann bhios mo chuidsa chruinneagan
Gun fhuran ann 'sa' chlosaid.
•
'Nuair 'bhios each gu surdail
A' stracail feadh nan urlar,
'Sann 'bhios mo chuidsa 's sgug orra
'Nan suidhe 'n cuil na moine.
At another time while at home Grant was called upon by a
The Glenmoriston Bard. 237
young man who required him to tailor a pair of trousers. His re-
quest was stated as follows : —
Gu ma fada maireann beo thu
'Dhuine choir agus a thaillear,
'Sann a thainig mi do d' ionnsiudh
'S mi le m' thriusair air dhroch caradh ;
'Chuid di air a bheil na cludan
'N deigh rusgadh air mo mhasan ;
Cha 'neil math dhuit m1 fhaicinn ruisgte;
'S bheir mi ionnsuidh air do phaigheadh.
To this the poetical tailor replied : —
Tha thu ihein 'do ghille tapaidh
'S tha mi 'faiciiin gur a bard thu,
'S ma bhios mi na's fhearr de'n chnatan
Ni mi a' gearradh a maireach.
In society Grant was a commonly pleasant individual ; but
not, T understand, so liberal with his purse as poets are known
everywhere to be. When treated well by others the only duty
that he considered incumbent upon him to perform in return was
the composition of some lines in praise of them, and in recognition
of their kindness. He was at all times, it must be confessed,
grateful for the slightest favour shown to him ; and almost any-
thing was sufficient to form the subject of a song for him. At a
time when he was passing along from the Glen to Invermoriston
he fell in with a wood contractor, Mr Elder by name, with whom
and his workmen he spent some time rather jollily. These gentle-
men must have made a favourable impression upon the Bard, for
we find him say of them : —
Daoine nach bu bheag oirnn,
'Siorramh Dubh 's a Masonach,
Nam biodh coinneamh eil' againn
Air coille Mhaighstir Eildear.
But he apparently had a word of remonstrance given him by
some old women, and his retort was •: —
Bha na cailleachan a bha lamh rium
Lan creidirah agus crabhaidh ;
Ach dh' fhaoduinns' a bhi ann am Parras
'Cheart cho sabhailte ri te dhiubh.
It was probably about the same time that he composed the
following lines to the wood-cutters in the Glen, who were making
a most unusual noise as he was taking the road : —
238 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
'Dol sios no 'dol suas dhomh
'Sann a bhobhar iad mo chluasan ;
'Mar bha 'n airce dha 'bualadh
'Sann tha'n fhuaim tha'n Craig Bhlairi.
Tha na h-eich air am pianadh
" 'S paighidh 'feamain am narach •"
'Chuid nach marbhar le gniomh dhiubh
Ni Eas-Iarruraidh am bathadh.
A verse is amissing here, in which the Bard introduces a
goblin, whom he supposes to have got so terribly frightened at
the great noise as to have made up his mind to remove to another
part of the country, where he would be entirely free, from its
influence —
Ach thubhairt am bochdan 's e 'tionndadh
Gheibh mi ceartas 'san duthaich ;
Tha fear Phortlar air mo chulthaobh
'N duine duthchasach gradhach.
His readiness in repartee and brilliancy in conversation
were of a very high order. He chanced one day to fall into a dis-
cussion with the Rev. Mr Macbean, of Fort-Augustus, concerning
Highland weddings. Grant upheld that dancing and music were
absolute necessities for the general success of a wedding, quoting
in support of his contention from Scripture that there was a
wedding in Cana of Galilee, at which the Redeemer of mankind
was present. To this, however, the preacher objected : " Cha
'n eil an Scriobtar a radha gu'n robh ceol agus danns' air a' bhainis
a bha 'sin gu ta," to which the Bard quickly replied : "Cha'n eil e
'radha nach robh."
At another time, on a certain Sunday morning, he happened
to meet a Glenmoriston "character" known by the name of
" Padruig Taillear." Padruig was just then making his way home
from the public-house, considerably the worse of drink ; but being
ready-witted, and a child of the muse in a small way, he saluted
Grant with the following lines : —
Failt us furan ort 'Illeasbuig,
'S duine cleasail thu co dhiu ;
Ach na'in biodh tu air seisean
'S mi gu'n seasadh air do chul."
These words took well with Grant apparently, for the reply shows
decided good humour. It runs —
The Glenmoriston Bard- 239
" Moran taing dliuit a Phadruig,
'S duine gradhach thu codhiu ;
Ach a mheud 's a chum thu an t-Sabaid,
Ghabh thu sacramaid do'n lionn."
Another of his sayings deserves notice. He was one day coming
down the road between the Glen and Invermoriston when he saw
a man on horseback riding towards him. For some reason or
another he crossed from one side of the road to the other just as
the man was passing him. Somewhat displeased at the Bard's
conduct, the man asked him why did he not walk along the side of
the road on which he was at first, to which tho Bard quickly
retorted — " Saoil nach fhaod mise 'n rathad a ghabhail air a thars-
uinn, agus thusa do 'ghabhail air fhad."
I now come to his poetical work. A special characteristic of
his works is that the most of his songs were inspired by the indi-
vidual character and actions of men whom he himself admired.
We can trace this feature in many more of our bards than one ;
and must look upon it as having had its beginning with the family
chroniclers of ancient times. Our poets could be divided into a
few classes ; among which would be numbered pre-eminently that
class, from times immemorial, employed as family historians to our
chiefs.
A perusal of Grant's works proves that his forte was in
praising and describing the virtues and deeds of such men and
women as appeared to him great and worthy of his notice. We
must not, however, suppose that the virtues of individuals were
understood by him as by a Shakespeare or a Pope. A poem
revealing the peculiar traits of the human mind, or one even
moralising upon the uncertainties of life and the destiny of man-
kind on earth, would have no audience in the Highlands of Scot-
land some years ago ; whereas a production tracing a man back
ancestrally for generations, linking him with a Goll, a Cuchullin,
or a Diarmad, and extolling him for the part that his ancestors
and he played on the stage of war, would have met with a most
cordial reception from all. This was the criterion by which poetry
was judged by our forefathers ; and a poet, to meet the require-
ments and taste of his age, would have to understand his surround-
ings, and reconcile himself thereto. Grant naturally composed
in the strain which his place and age called forth. Were he
living now, probably his book would contain very different
matter from what is now to be found within its covers. His
book, however, is both entertaining and instructive. No minor
240 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.
bard can be mentioned whose works show such a thorough
knowledge of general Highland history as Grant's. From the
mythologies of the Feinn to the legendary and traditional tales of
recent dates, he knew almost all, adding thereto a considerable
sprinkling of actual Scottish history.
His descriptive faculty is comparatively high, but to a certain
extent misapplied. Had he produced a greater number of poems
and songs upon the subjects generally embraced in what is classi-
cally known as pastoral poetry, I make bold to say that he would
have been astonishingly successful. From the efforts that he did
make in this direction it is easy to obserre that natural scenery,
with its many beautiful and glorious manifestations, breathed and
spoke to him in that peculiar, heaven-born language only to be
interpreted by the gifted poet. Let the following lines, in which
the Bard addresses his beloved, and discourses on the magnificence
of the hills, woods, and glens of his native country, speak for
themselves : —
'Sa ghleannan uaine sluagh gu'n chas,
An t-uisge dluth a' sputadh blath ;
'Sam barr ga bhuain cho luaith air fas —
Cho nadurrach 's bu choir dha.
!San crodh air airidh-samhradh reidh
'S na laoigh 'sa' chro fo sgeod nan geug ;
Gach maduinn driuchd a' bruchdadh feur,
Boimh shleibhtichean nam Mor-eas.
A' bhanachaig og is coire fiamh
'Sa fait mu cluais le guaillean sios ;
Gu lubach fainneach, bharr air sniomh
'S gach ciabh air dhreach an oir dheth.
Na h-eoin a' leum bho mhiar gu miar,
'Sa ribheid fhein a'm beul gach ian ;
'San doire gheugach spreidh ga'n dian,
Is sian cha d' thig na'n coir ann.
Oubhag dhubh-gborm feadh nan gleann
'Seinn gugiig air stuc nam beann ;
'Sa mhan le muirn gu lub nan allt
'S gu abhiiaichean nam Mor-eas.
The Glenmoriston Bard. 241
'S ni 'n coileach turraraich moch 'sa' Mhart
'Sa burrachdail air gach torman ard ;
'San liath-chearc 's i na fiamh da 'gheard
Air fairidhean nam Mor eas.
Smudan 's e ri turs 'sa' choill —
'Sann 'shaoil le each gu'n d' fhas e tinn ;
'Sa smeorach 's i ri ceol d' a chaoidh,
'Si 'n duil nach beir i beo air.
'S chit" aig anamoichead nan trath
Grian a boisgeadh thair gach mam ;
'S na minn 's ua h-uain air spuaic nan earn
'Sa gar leas mu'n nam Mor-eas.
Yet, even in these verses, it will plainly be seen that more
attention is given to animate than to inanimate nature. But this
must not be considered a great fault, for a poem touching upon
the beauties of tKe earth, like a landscape painting, is never com-
plete without the introduction of animation into its details.
The love element of Grant's poetry is particularly interesting.
He must have been, in common with other poets, extremely sus-
ceptible to the influence of feminine beauty; and I have reason to
believe that no earthly sight could aifect his inmost soul more than
a beautiful, fascinating woman. She appeared to him on his own
confession —
Mar a' ghrian a bhiodh air sleibhtean,
'Nuair bhiodh na speuran gun smal orr'
Beagan mu'n d'thig an oidhche,
'Us i 'toir boisgeadh air gach bealach.
Numerous quotations could be added, each interesting as throwing
light upon the Bard's manner of passing time in the society of the
fair sex. They ai-e still living in Glenmoriston whose names are
associated with some of the Bard's love adventures.
There remains one conspicuous feature of his poetry still to be
referred to, namely, sarcasm. Sarcasm, of itself, is no part of true
poetry. Yet, in the mouth of a poet, sai'casm has often been
found to prove a powerful weapon for the suppression of corruption
and crime. Grant, happily, had no cause to exercise his sarcastic
wit particularly for this object, but he always thought it his duty
to treat any incident of local interest with that saturation of
sarcasm that never fails to take effect where the whole matter
is to be understood. From a number of songs composed
16
242 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.
from this impulse, I quote a few verses to show his success
in this respect. The composition from which they are repro-
duced concerned an accident which befell three men of his own
acquaintance on their return from Falkirk, where they had been
attending a cattle market. The accident with which they met was
that they lost the steamer in Glasgow, which was to take them
home, and this, of course, inconvenienced them much in those days
of limited travelling facilities. When the tidings came to the ears
of Grant, he was in no way disposed to sympathise with the unlucky
trio. He rather took occasion to make the whole country laugh
at them, when he said : —
'S ghabh sibh gu port an Glaschu
'Chumail coinneamh ri luchd chasag ;
'^uair nach d' rug sibh air a' Phacaid
Bha sibh airsnealach gu leor.
'S truagh a dh' eirich do na chaiptean
'Bh' air a " Ghlen-Albinn" nach fhac iad ;
'S gun deanadh iad a dh-or a sgapadh
Na dheanadh beairteach e ri 'bheo.
Rachadh iad timchioll na Maoile,
Sud am beachd a bh' aig na daoine,
Gus a faiceadh iad gach ioghnadh
A bha'n taobhsa dhe'n Roinn-Eorp'.
Bha iad a g' inns' ann an tighean
Gu'm bu chloinn iad do Dhiuchd Athol,
'S gun robh iad 'sa' h-uile rathad
'Gabhail aighear agus spors.
'S thainig iad do dh' Inbhiraora,
'S chur Mac Cailean orra faoilte ;
Gun robh carpatan d'a sgaoileadh
Agus aodach air gach bord.
Ach labhair a waiter gu h-iargalt' —
" 'Sann agaibh tha na coin chriona ;
Gar iongantach nach e mial-choin
'Th'aig cloinn iarlaichean air rop."
'S fhreagair iadsa gu briagha,
" Gur e th' againne coin ianaich
Thainig a talmhainnean liadliaicli,
'S cha'n fhac' thu h-aon riabh dhe'n t-seors."
The Glenmoriston Bard. 243
Ach gur e waiter bu ghlice
'S labhair e re each gun fhios doibh —
" Cha chreid mi nach fhaca mis 'iad
Anns an Eaglais Bhric le drobh."
Thainig naigheachd 'an taobh-tuath so
Le cho fad 'sa' bha iad uatha
Gu'n canadh gach neach a chual' e
Nach robh na daoine uaisle beo.
It would be unnecessary for me to expatiate further upon the
several other elements constituting Grant's poetry. His patriot-
ism pervades all his works so fully that a paper could be written
upon that alone. I now feel that I have said quite enough re-
garding himself and his songs. Perhaps I should state, however,
before concluding, that some useless repetitions and cripple verses
apparent in his book are traceable to his utter want of education.
His songs were published under great disadvantages. Among
other things, an extraordinary feeling of religious belief was taking
hold in Glenmoriston just as they were being collected, which
proved directly against the success of the undertaking. The book,
undoubtedly, contains many grammatical mistakes and printer's
errors which could have been avoided. But if we were not
possessed of the songs of Archibald Grant, as they are, it is most
probable that we should be without them altogether.
SRD MARCH 1886.
On this date Mr Angus Fraser Macrae, 172 St Vincent Street,
Glasgow, was elected an ordinary member. Thereafter Mr P. H.
Smart, Art Master, Inverness, read the first part of a paper on " Celtic
Art." As Mr Smart is to take up the subject on a future date,
we do not give the introductory part in this volume.
10TH MARCH 1886.
On this date Mr William Maccord, Collector of Customs,
Inverness, was elected an ordinary member, while Mr Colin
Chisholm, factor's office, Highland Railway, was elected an appren-
tice member.
Thereafter Mr William Mackay, solicitor, Inverness, read a
paper entitled —
244 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
A FAMOUS MINISTER OF DAVIOT, 1672-1726.
In Roman Catholic times the parishes of Daviot and Dun-
lichity, which were united in 1618, were separate charges, Daviot
being what was called a, common or inensal church, and Dun-
lichity a parsonage. After the Reformation the parishes were for
a time served by readers, but in 1579 Hugh Gregory was parson
of Dunlichity, and since his time the parishes have not, except
for an occasional short period at the death or removal of a minister,
been without an ordained clergyman.
The Strathnairn lairds early ranged themselves on the side of
Protestantism, and the people followed the lairds ; but notwith-
standing this, old customs died hard, and for a long time dark-
ness and superstition prevailed. Even as late as 23rd November
1643, it was reported to the Presbytery of Inverness "that there
was in the Paroch of Dunlichitie ane Idolatrous Image called St
Finane, keepit in a private house obscurely," and the brethren of
the Presbytery appointed Mr Alexander Thomson, minister of the
parish ; Mr Lauchlan Grant, minister of Moy ; and Mr Patrick
Dunbar, minister of Dores, " to try iff possible to bring the said
Image the next Presbitrie day." These gentlemen were successful
in their search, and on 7th December Mr Thomson "presentit the
Idolatrous Image to the Presbitrie, and it was delyverit to the
ministers of Inverness with ordinance that it should be burnt at
their merkat corse, the next Tuysday, after sermone." It is not
clear from this minute, whether Tuesday was a day ordinarily
set apart for preaching, or whether the " sermone " was specially
ordained to be preached in connection with the discovery and
destruction of the image ; but in any case poor St Finane was
doomed, and at a meeting of Presbytery held in Inverness on 21st
December " the ministers of Inverness declairit that according to
the ordinance of the Presbitrie the last day, they caused burne
the Idolatrous Image at the Merkat Corse, after sermone, upon
Tuysday immediately following the last Presbitrie day." How
unfortunate it is that it was not preserved for a place of honour
in one of our museums !
Mr Thomson, who was the means of the removal of St Finane
from his obscure temple, was himself deposed three years later.
He was succeeded by the Rev. Alexander Rose, who was succeeded
by the Rev. Alexander Fraser, who in his turn gave place, in the
year 1672, to the Rev. Michael Fraser, the subject of this paper.
For years previous to Mr Fraser's induction, Episcopacy was
A Famous Minister of Dauiot, 1672-1726. 245
the creed by law established. The people of Daviot and Dun-
lichity were strongly attached to it, but their minister, Mr Alex.
Fraser, who was never an admirer of bishops, latterly openly
advocated Presby terianism, with the result that he got into trouble
with the ecclesiastical authorities, and lost his influence over his
rough parishioners, among whom he found it difficult to exercise
the somewhat strict Church discipline of the time. John Mack-
intosh, a brother of the Laird of Aberarder, was especially a sore
thorn in the minister's flesh. Mackintosh, having incurred the
censure of the Church, Mr Alexander was in the year 1671 ordained
by the Presbytery to give him three public admonitions from the
pulpit, and the first admonition was administered with such good
will that — to quote the minister's own words — " immediately after
divyn woi'shipe ye said John Mcintoshe in presence of ye whole
congregatione cam and said to him at ye church dore, you base
raskall ! how durst yee bee so pert as to abuse me yis day1? Yee
wes too bold to doe it. Yee might have used your own equalls so,
and not me." The minister took the gentlemen present to witness;
but Mackintosh's Highland piide had been sorely wounded, and
instead of apologising, he again addressed the parson — " You base
raskall ! Think you will I eat my words ? Were not for little to
mee I wold bruiss your bones !" For these insults and threats the
offender was subsequently fined ; but no peace came to the
minister. His objections to Episcopacy weighed more and more
heavily on his conscience, and in May 1672 he resolved to qiiit his
charge. The Presbytery took him in hand, and dealt tenderly
with him ; but he refused to serve under a bishop, and by Septem-
ber his church was declared vacant. Next month, 011 20th October,
a letter from the Bishop was read before the Presbytery, proposing
Mr Michael Fraser as minister of the united parish. Mr Michael
had not at the time gone through the " trials" which were neces-
sary before he could be ordained, but the Bishop desired the
Presbytery to accelerate these—" that is to say, that Mr Michael
have his common head Wednesday immediate after his addition,
and his populare sermon and the tryell of the languages, with
his questionarie tryalls, the Presbyterie meeting yreafter. Mr
Michael is appointed to have his theses in readiness against the
next day, the subject of his commone head being De peccato
oriyinali."
The young divine speedily passed through these trials to the
satisfaction of the Presbytery, and in December Mr Roderick
Mackenzie, minister of Moy, was appointed to preach him into the
united parishes of Daviot and Dunlichity.
^46 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
But the Bishop, in presenting him to the incumbency, en-
croached on the rights of Sir Hugh Campbell of Cawdor, ancestor
of the present Earl of Cawdor, and on 26th February 1673, that
gentleman appeared personally before the Presbytery at Inverness,
and " produced three several charters each of them containing his
right of patronage to the Parochin of Dunlechitie, and in respect
the saids kirks of Dunlechitie and Daviot are united in ane
parochin, alledged this to be his vice of the patronage, and right
to present a minister to these united parishes now vacand through
the depositione of Mr Alexr. Fraser, late minister yrof , who was
presented by the Bishope of Morray, and protested against the
admissione, collatione, and institution of Mr Michael ffraser to the
saidis united kirks or cure." Campbell offered to present the Rev.
Donald Macpherson, minister of Cawdor, to the vacant charge ;
but the moderator declared that Mr Michael would be admitted
minister of the parish on 4th March 1673, and accordingly on that
date he was so admitted in presence of a considerable number of
the brethren, who were ordered to attend " to bear witness to his
admissione."
The Thane of Cawdor, however, was not prepared to submit
to these high-handed proceedings ; and in the end the Bishop
yielded, and on 4th June the following letter was read at a meet-
ing of the Presbytery : —
" ELGINE, 25th April 1673.
" Reverend Breyrn,
"If I hade seen the Laird of Calders right sooner to the
patronage of Dunlechitie, it might possiblie have prevented some
of our differs anent the planting of that kirk. But now having
seen the Laird of Calder's forsd right (and out of our desyre to
settle things amicablie), I thought fitt to show you that I have
resolved and promised to remove Mr Michael Fraser, betwixt and
the fifteenth day of October next, that the Laird of Calder may
present ane other the next vice to the united kirks of Dunlechitie
and Daviot, and this is not to derogate from Mr Michael, or to
inferr any blame on him, who is found to be sufficientlie qualified.
— Your affectionat broyr in Christ,
MURDO, Bp. of Morray.
But Mr Michael acted his part so well that before October
he made a place for himself in the affection of the people, and
Cawdor, having gained his point, presented him anew to the charge.
The Presbytery visited Daviot on 9th September, when the gentle
A Famous Minister of Dauiot, 1672-1726. 247
men and elders of the parish reported of him that they were very
well satisfied with him in doctrine, discipline, life, and conversation.
Mr Michael returned the compliment to the elders, and "they
were exhorted to continue in well-doing, in hopes to receive the
crown of righteousness." These notices reveal pleasant relations
between the clergyman and his people, and these relations con-
tinued during his long and troubled incumbency of fifty-four
years.
No sooner was Fraser safely settled than he left the parish
on a visit to his brother Robert, who was an Advocate in Edin-
burgh, and so long did he remain away that he was called before
the Bishop and sub-Synod at Elgin in November 1674, and
ordered to be publicly rebuked before his congregation on 27th
December. But the congregation was not so exacting as congre-
gations are now-a-days, and the rebuke had very little effect. The
minister left them very much to the freedom of their own will —
frequently absenting himself from the parish, and devoting his
time more to his favourite study of painting than to the teaching
of his flock. Evil rumours reached the Presbytery of the sad state
of the parish, and a visitation was ordered to be made on llth
May 1675 ; but the parishioners were perfectly satisfied with the
freedom which they were enjoying, and when the Brethren met at
Daviot " ther cam no elders or people present from neither of
the paroches except Donald Macbain, of Faily." This slight was
reported to the Bishop, by whose order the Presbytery again visited
the parish on 9th November. But this trip was not more success-
ful than the last, for the only parishioners present were Angus
Mackintosh of Daviot, Lachlan Mackintosh of Aberarder, Duncan
Macphail of Inverarnie, and the faithful Donald Macbain of Failie.
These gentlemen " declared that the visitatione was intimated be
their minister two severale Lord's Days, but in respect of the
shortness of the day, and this day being the terme day of Martini es,
that they could get none of the people to keep this diet, and so
intreated the Presbytrie to prorogate their visitation to summer,
when the day is at the lenth, and that all the people will be most
willing to keep any diet then, and especially if they meet in the
parish of Dunlechitie."
" The brethren taking this slighting of their meeting to con-
sideration," ordered such of their number as were to attend the
ensuing meeting of the Synod on 24th November, to report the
matter. This they did, and it being suspected that the minister's
love of art was in some way accountable for the sad state of
affairs in the parish, he was enjoined by the Synod, in time coining
248 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
to "abstaine from all limning and painting, quhich hitherto has
diverted him from his ministerial employments." It is to be
hoped, however, that the parson did not obey this injunction too
implicitly, and that, without neglecting his ministerial duties, he
found time to limn such pictures as were a source of pleasure to
himself and his parishioners.
In January 1676 Mr Michael informed the Presbytery that
the Bishop had left it to the brethren to decide when to attempt
another visitation of the parish. The brethren, however, had
had too much experience to again appoint a day without consult-
ing the people, and on 21st June the Moderator war, instructed
" to wryt to the heretors of Daviott and Dunlechety to know what
tyme they may conveniently keep the appoynted visitation at
Dunlechety, and to return ther answer to the next Presbytery,
lest the brethren as formerly travell there in vayne.". The reply,
which was read at the next meeting — 19th July — is striking : —
" Seeing they are necessitat to abyd in the glens to shelter and
keep ther bestiall and goods ffrom the Lochaber and Glencoa
robbers, yt it is impossible for either the gentlemen, elders, or
people to keip the said visitation untill att least yr harvest be
done, and then they will unanimous meit at Dunlechety any dyett
the Presbytery appoynts, and in the mean tyme before the said
visitation meitt, yt the heritors are willing to meitt with a select
number from ye Presbytery, that a forsable way may be taken
for a manse to ther minister qreby hee may bee incourraged to
reside still amongst them."
The manse question was an urgent one, for there was no
place of rest for the minister in the parish. At a previous meet-
ing, the Presbytery ordered him "to reside in his parish of
Daviot, and to build a chamber for himselfe to that effect ;" but
the order was not obeyed. The Presbytery now, as suggested by
the heritors, appointed a committee, consisting of the Rev. James
Fraser, Kirkhill (the author of the Wardlaw Manuscript), and
several others to meet the heritors at Gask, and confer with them
as to the immediate erection of a manse ; but the heritors would
not appoint a day, alleging that they were " busie about ther
harvest," and at last the Presbytery themselves appointed the
first Tiiesday in October. This meeting, however, does not
appear to have been held ; but on 7th November the long delayed
visitation took place at Dunlichity. A somewhat sad state of
matters was disclosed. The minister had' not celebrated the
Lord's Supper since his entry to the parish, and he did not reside
in the parish for the reason that " he had not a manse to lodge
A Famous Minister of Dauiot, 1672-1726. 249
in." The heritors, however, intimated that they had resolved to
build a manse at Daviot, and " that they are content to stent
themselves for building of a sufficient manse in the sowme of three
hundred inerks [about £1 6. 6s. sterling] in hand befor the work
be begun, as also to furnish upon their own expenses men and
horses to lead all the timber to Daviot from Strathspey or Inver-
ness, beside the hewen work yt is requisit to be in the house.
This condescendence satisfied the minister, who was to build the
manse himself f upon the recept of the money," and "thebretheren
exhorts both minister and heritors to fulfill their engagements,
herein that the minister may dwell and reside among his people."
Whether the heritors contributed the three hundred merks, or
whether the minister received the money and found some other
use for it, I am unable to say ; but in any case the arrangement
was not carried into effect, and, as we shall see, the manse was
not erected till 1681, when the Presbytery went about it them-
selves in the usual manner.
In the year 1678 Mr Michael got into trouble with the Bishop,
who suspended him for a time, but he was restored to his parish,
and on 10th May 1681, the Presbytery met at Daviot, for the
purpose of " appretiating " a manse. As it may interest some of
you to know how this was gone about in the olden time I shall
quote the niin«ute. " Having met with such heretors as were there
present, [the brethren] all went to the parish church of Daviot,
qr after invocation of ye Lord's name, the Moderator enquired the
minister of the place if he had given timeous intimation and adver-
tisement to the parishioners of the said meeting ; answered affir-
mative ; as also the heritors, elders, and deacons present confirmed
the same. The Moderator enquired further if he had brought
with him massons, carpenters, smiths, glasiers, and oyr workmen
usually called for ap reflation of manses ; answered affirmatively ;
the which workmen being all present were deeply sworne one by
one with uplifted hands to deale uprightlie and honestlie in ye said
appretiation according to their skill and knowledge, all this being
done with consent of the herietors present nemine contradicente.
The Moderator tooke instrument in Hector Fraser Notar Publick's
hand, and ye said workmen were immediately thereafter directed
to the said manse with the said notar as clerk, to appretiat the
samen." And the workmen having thus estimated the cost of the
manse, the amount was allocated on the heritors, and the work
proceeded with.
Early in 1682 the Bishop started on a tour of inspection
through his extensive diocese, and on 16th May he and the
250 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.
brethren of the Presbytery of Inverness visited Daviot. The list
of the office-bearers of the united parishes, as given up to his lord-
ship, is interesting. The elders were — Lachlan Mackintosh of
Aberarder ; Fergus Mckillvray of Dounmaglash ; Alexr. Mck-
iutoshie of Fair; Eun Mckpherson of Flichity; Robert Shaw of
Tordarroch ; John Mckintosh in Elrig; Angus Mckphail in Inver-
arny ; William Mckilvray in Lergs ; Donald Mckbean of Falzie j
Donald Mckbean, younger of Falzie; and six others; while the
deacons numbered six, including an Alexander Mackay. The
result of the Bishop's enquiries as to the state of the parish was
not satisfactory. The minister had still an itch for wandering
away from the parish ; the church was ruinous " wanting thack in
some places, the windows not glassed ;" there were no " necessaries
for the Lord's supper ;" there was no schoolmaster " because there
was no incurragement for one, nor no mediat centricale place qr
they could fix a schoole to the satisfaction of all concerned ;" and
the only really hopeful feature in the report is that the church
officers " caried soberly and Christianly as they ought, and faithful
in their duty."
As soon as the Bishop departed, Mr Michael thought he
would take another holiday, and on this occasion he travelled
into England, where he remained for a considerable time. After
his return he apparently remained quiet until the troublous
times which immediately preceded the Revolution of 1688.
Mr Angus Macbean, one of the ministers of Inverness, and son
of Macbean of Kinchyle in our vicinity, began in the year
1687 to have some doubts as to the scriptural authority of
Episcopacy ; and after he had absented himself from several
meetings of Presbytery it is minuted on 3rd August that he
" did disown the Government of the Church of Scotland as it is
now established by law, by Archbishops, Bishops, and Presbyters."
The Rev. Mr Marshall, Inverness, and Mr Michael were appointed
to confer with Mr Macbean, and endeavour to make him return to
his Episcopalian ways ; but Mr Macbean was obdurate, and,
accused of beginning a schism in Inverness, which is described as
" one of the most loyall, orderly, and regular cities in the nation,"
proceedings were taken against him under the special direction of
Mr Michael, who was sent to Edinburgh in February 1688 to lay
the matter before the Archbishop of St Andrews. At a Pres-
bytery meeting on 7th March a letter is read from Fraser " show-
ing him to be actively going about the affair entrusted to him,"
and on the 27th of the same month, another letter from him
is submitted enclosing an Act deposing Mr Macbean as a minister
A Famous Minister of Dauiot, 1672-1726. 251
of the Gospel. The Act, which is given at length in the Pres-
bytery Records, is a very interesting document, but it is beyond
the scope of my paper to enter into it. Mr Michael worked
zealously for his church, but its fall was near. The last meeting
of the Inverness Presbytery of the Episcopal Church of Scot-
land, as by law established, was held on 19th September 1688,
when our minister preached a sermon on the text " Therefore,
brethren, we were comforted over you in all our affliction
and distress, by your faith." But the comfort was shortlived.
In a few weeks the Prince of Orange landed in England, and
before the end of December established Episcopacy in Scotland,
and the ancient Stuart dynasty came to a common end.
Immediately after the Revolution, Presbyterianism was re-
established, and Mr Alexander Eraser, the old minister of Daviot,
claimed the incumbency. Mr Michael, however, firmly refused
to remove. In 1694 the parish was declared vacant by the Com-
mittee of Assembly; but Mr Michael cared little for such declara-
tions, and he adhered to his people, who, in their turn, loyally
stood by him ; and in spite of all opposition he continued the de
facto minister of the united parishes till his death in 1726. A
strong Jacobite and a keen Episcopalian, he never ceased to hope
for the return of the old kings, and the restoration of his beloved
Church. In 1715 it appeared as if his dreams were to be realised.
Early in September of that year the Earl of Mar had his famous
hunting, at which James, son of the now deceased King James
the Second, was proclaimed King ; and in a few weeks the Earl
had a considerable army ready to fight for the old line. Among
the first to rise were the Mackintoshes, who, under their Chief, and
the famous Brigadier Mackintosh of Borlum, seized Inverness on
the 13th September, and took possession of such public money and
arms as they could find. Next day The Mackintosh, who claimed
the services of the tenants on the estate of Culloden, wrote to Mrs
Forbes of Culloden in the following terms : — " You cannot be a
stranger to the circumstances I have put myself in at the tyme,
and the great need I have of my own men and followers where-
ever they may be found, wherefor I thought fitt, seeing Culloden
is not att home, by this line to entreat you to put no stopp in the
way of these men that are, and have been, my followers upon your
ground. Madame, your compliance in this will very much oblige
your most humble servant, L. Mackintosh." And then, he signi-
ficantly adds, by way of postscript — " If what I demand will not be
granted, I hope I'll be excused to be in my duty." But such threats
had no effect on the lady of Culloden, and she refused The Mack
252 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.
intosh's demand, and on the 17th he and his forces appeared before
her house and laid siege to it. They were here joined by Mr
Michael Fraser, who, though sixty- five or seventy years of age,
could not sit by his fire-side while such good work was being done
for the cause which he had so much at heart. I cannot tell you
of the part he took in the struggle better than by quoting the
account contained in the records of Presbytery meetings held after
the war came to an end.
On 13th November 1716 "several ministers of the Presby-
tery represented that they were informed by good hands that Mi-
Michael Fraser, incumbent at Daviot, not only was openly dis-
affected to his Majesty King George, but that ever since the late
happy Revolution he avowed his enmity at our happy Constitu-
tion ; that he neglected in the publick worship to pray for our
former sovereigns King William and Queen Mary, and Queen
Anne, when these sovereigns were upon the throne, and that he
never prays for King George in publick, nor his Royal family,
though required by law. Yea, to let all the world know his
enmity at our Constitution, he joined the rebells at the house of
Culloden, upon the seventeen and eighteen days of September 1715
years, whom he aided and comforted with his presence and advice,
in giving them most wicked, savage, inhuman, and barbarous coun-
cill, and that he was the bearer of a most insolent and treasonable
message to the Lady Culloden, threatening the said Lady, if she
did not surrender and give up the house of Culloden to Mackin-
tosh, who commanded the rebels that invested the house the
saids days, that Mackintosh would certainly take it by storm,
that all her people would be plundered, their houses would be
burnt, their c^rns destroyed, and cattle driven, and that many of
the best of her men might be taken or killed in the storming of
the house ; that the lands of Culloden ought to pay homage to
the Laird of Mackintosh, being sold by his predecessors to Cul-
loden's predecessors with that express burden : that all the
fencible men should be the followers of Mackintosh when he had
use for them, and now Mackintosh had use for them to serve the
King ; and reckoned that prudence and compassion on the poor
people which he thought the Lady did not want, should oblidge
her to surrender and send out her men with arms and provisions
with the said Mackintosh, otherwise ruine was unavoidable,
seeing she had not a sufficient force to hold out against the
beseigers, with a great many other things too long here to be
inserted."
The Presbytery ordered Mr Michael to be served with a libel,
A Famous Minister of Dauiot, 1672-1726. 253
and summoned before them at next meeting ; and also ordered
witnesses to be cited. And on 4th December the trial of " Michael
Eraser, Intruder at Daviot," proceeded. The accused objected to
the proposed witnesses, on the ground that they were servants and
tenants of the Laird of Culloden, who vowed " that he would do
what in him lay to be alike with him ;" but after a long discussion
the Presbytery resolved to admit their evidence, whereupon Mr
Fraser left the meeting. The evidence of the witnesses was, how-
ever, taken. William Forbes, cousin german to the Laird of Cul-
loden, after being " sworn and purged of malice and partial coun-
cil, deponed that he saw the said Mr Michael Fraser coming
from Mackintosh to the gates of Culloden upon the seven-
teen day of September 1715, in company with young Caloichie
(Kyllachy), and that knocking at the gate, he demanded
access, which was denied him by the deponent and others ;
upon which he desired to speak with my lady, who being in-
formed, came accordingly to the gate ; and the deponent declares
that the said Mr Michael spoak to the lady through one of the
gun holes, in manner following, to wit, that he was sent by Mack-
intosh to desire her ladyship to send out of the house these that
were of Mackintosh clan, with fifty stand of arms and twenty
bolls of meal, and that she should send out immediately a barrel
of ale, and bread conform, to supply Mackintosh men who were
standing before the house in arms — all which the lady absolutely
refused."
This evidence was corroborated by other witnesses, one Logic
Gumming deponing that he heard Mr Michael say " that the Laird
of Mackintosh insisted on three demands, namely, four men out of
each Daugh (Davoch) of the Lands of Culloden, conform to use and
wont ; and having noticed that there was a great many arms in the
Castell of Culloden, desired fifty guns ; and being likewise in-
formed that there was abundance of victuall in the said house, de-
manded some meal to be provision for his men for some days" —
thus showing not only that The Mackintosh claimed the services of
his clansmen, according to clan customs, no matter on whose lands
they resided, but also that, as superior of the lands of Culloden, he
in terms of the ancient feudal law of military tenure, insisted on
the services of a certain number of men for a certain measure of
land.
Mr Michael evidently saw that the decision of the Presby-
tery was to be against him, and he therefore thought it expedient
to make a show of submission ; and he promised to resign on the
condition " that when the Presbytery should be in readiness to
254 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
settle the said parish with a man agreeable to the Presbytery, he
should give way without trouble or disturbance." With this the
Presbytery was satisfied, and the proceedings came to an end. He
was apparently left unmolested until February 1721, when certain
complaints were made against him, and against the ministers of
Dores and Glen-Urquhart, who were also Episcopalians. Again
the matter was brought up on 5th September 1721, when it was
resolved to make a Presbyterial visitation of Daviot on 3rd Oc-
tober— Mr James Leslie, minister, of Moy, being appointed to
preach at Daviot on 17th September, and intimate the visitation ;
and Mr Farquhar Beaton, Croy, to perform the same duties at
Dunlichity on 1st October. These gentlemen met with a warm re-
ception. Mr Leslie reports : —
" Upon the 17th of September 1721, I came to the church of
Daviot prepared to preach there, according to appointment, at the
ordinary time. I began worship, having but a very few hearers,
the body of the congregation sitting at a hill-side near the church.
As I proceeded in worship I was interrupted, and the hearers
disturbed, by the throwing of stones in at the door, windows, and
through the open roof of the church. Whereupon, being obliged
for our safety to remove, I continued the rest of the divine worship
in a corner of the church-yard, with no small disturbance and
hazard, both to myself and hearers."
" Upon the first day of October," reports Mr Beaton, " I re-
paired to the Church of Dunlichity, prepared to preach there
according to appointment ; and considering what maltreatment
Mr Leslie met with at Daviot, and suspecting that few of the
parishioners of Dunlichity would attend worship, some of my own
parishioners followed me to that place. With some difficulty I
gott access to the church, and had no sooner begun worships than
by stones thrown in, the pulpit was broke about me, and some of
my parishioners wounded. Being obliged to remove for our safety,
we were assaulted by a multitude of men and women, with swords,
staves, and stones, some of our number wounded, and others bar-
barously beaten."
This was something to daunt the bravest spirit ; but the
members of Presbytery still ventured within the bounds of the
troublesome parish, and met at Daviot on 3rd October, where
they were met by the heritors, wadsetters, and other parishioners,
including the Laird of Mackintosh, William Mackintosh of Aber-
arder, Farquhar Macgillivray of Dunmaglass, Angus Shaw of
Tordarroch, Donald Macbean of Faillie, Angus Macintosh of Cul-
clachie, the Laird of Flichity (whose name is not given), and
A Famous Minister of Dauiot, 1672-1726. 255
" great numbers of the parishioners." The Presbytery explained
to the people that they had come " to confer with them anent the
expeditious and comfortable settlement of a gospel minister in
these united parishes, which they must look upon as legally
vacant •" and referred to the act of the Committee of Assembly in
1694, and Mr Michael's demission in 1717. Dunmaglass, on behalf
of the parishioners, answered that Mr Michael had been their
minister "without having aught to say against him since
his incumbency," and craved that he should be left with them ;
and the minister himself gave in a paper arguing that the
parish had never been properly declared vacant, and that
he was no intruder. The Presbytery, looking to the treat-
ment which Messrs Leslie and Beaton had received, and probably
dreading violence themselves, adjourned to meet next day at Inver-
ness ; and at this second meeting Mr Michael presented a petition,
in which, after a discussion of the questions at issue, he "intreats
the reverend brethern to take his age and great family and mean
circumstances in the world, and the law troubles he met with from
Provost Clarke and as yet by his representatives, so to heart as to
give him some time in his foresaid charge, which, by the course of
nature, cannot be long."
The meeting, after long deliberation, appointed the ministers
of Inverness to lay the whole circumstances before Mr Duncan
Forbes, advocate, (afterwards the well-known Lord President),
who was then at Culloden, and to obtain his opinion and advice,
and for that purpose to lay before him an extract of the Com-
mittee's Act of 1694, which found Daviot vacant. But the fates
were evidently on the side of the poor old minister. The
Moderator wrote to Edinburgh for an extract of the Act of 1694,
but the reply received was that no such extract could be given, as
the minutes of the Committee were destroyed by fire in 1701.
At meeting after meeting, the case was brought up without any pro-
gress being made ; while on 6th February 1722 a letter was read
from The Mackintosh and sundry other gentlemen of the parish,
" earnestly intreating the Presbyteries forbearance with Maister
Michael Fraser, and obliging themselves to an active concurrence
with the Presbytery in the event of his death, which, now in the
course of nature, cannot be long." The Presbytery resolved to
report the matter to the next Synod " and in the meantime they
appoint Mr Macbean and Mr Shaw in name of the Presbytery to
write to the Laird of Mackintosh a return to the said letter,
and remonstrate to him the usuage and rude treatment " given to
the minister in the previous harvest.
256 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
This is the last reference I find to the case in the records of
the Presbytery. The poor old minister stuck to his charge till
April 1726, when, after a stormy career of fifty -four years in the
parish, death gave the summons against which there is no appeal.
Let us hope that the last four yeai-s of his life, during which the
records are quiet regarding him, were really a period of peace and
comfort to him. His death, however, did not bring about the
anticipated peace in the parish ; for, when the Rev. Lachlan Shaw
of Cawdor (the historian of the Province of Moray), went to declare
the church vacant on 22nd May 1726, he had tof report to the
Presbytery " that he found great numbers, some in the churchyard,
others in the open fields, with the kirk door locked, the key
carried off, and could not be found ; while the people behaved so
rudely that he could not worship in the churchyard without being
disturbed by them ; and so returned home." Long after his death
the memory of kind Mr Michael remained green in the parish ; and
it is only by his enthusiasm in the cause of Episcopacy, and his
great influence over his people, that we can account for the fact
that, contrary to the rule in other parts of the Highlands, from
his time until now Strathnairn has not been without a consider-
able number of native Gaelic-speaking Episcopalians within its
bounds.
Mr Eraser not only " limned and painted," but he also made
a small venture in literature, by publishing a sermon on " Christ's
Kingdom." Of his six sons and five daughters, one son — Robert
— took to the sea, and on board the war ship " Pearle " fought
for that King for whom his father refused to pray.
17TH MARCH 1886.
On this date Dr Ogilvie Grant, Inverness, was elected an or-
dinary member of the Society ; and after transacting some routine
business, Mr John Macdonald, supervisor, Dingwall, read the fol-
lowing paper on
SMUGGLING IN THE HIGHLANDS.
The origin of distillation is surrounded by doubt and un-
certainty, like the origin of many other important inventions and
discoveries. Tradition ascribes it to Osiris, the great god, and,
perhaps, the first King of Egypt, who is said to have reclaimed
the Egyptians from barbarism, and to have taught them agriculture
and various arts and sciences. Whether the tradition be true or
Smuggling in the Highlands 257
not, all will admit the beauty and fitness of the conception which
ascribed to the gods the glory of having first revealed to poor
humanity the secret of distilling the water of life, as aqua vitce or
uisge-beatha, whose virtues, as a source of solace, of comfort, of
cheer, and of courage, have been so universally recognised and
appreciated. Truly, such a gift was worthy of the gods.
But however beautiful the tradition of Osiris, and however
much in accord with the eternal fitness of things the idea that
the gods first taught man the art of distillation, a rival claim has
been set up for the origin of the invention. It does not require
a very lively imagination to picture some of the gods disrelishing
their mild nectar, seeking more ardent and stimulating drink,
visiting the haunts of men after the golden barley had been garnered,
and engaging in a little smuggling on their own account. But
even this reasonable view will not be accepted without challenge.
The Britannica Encyclopedia, in its article on alcohol — not
written by Professor Robertson Smith — states that the art
of separating alcohol from fermented liquors, which appears to
have been known in the far East, from the most remote antiquity,
is supposed to have been first known to and practised by the
Chinese, whence the knowledge of the art travelled westward.
Thus we find the merit of the invention disputed between the gods
and the Chinese. I am myself half inclined in favour of the
" Heathen Chinee." That ingenious people who, in the hoariest
antiquity, invented the manufacture of silk and porcelain, the
mariner's compass, the art of block-printing and the composition
of gunpowder, may well be allowed the merit of having invented
the art of distilling alcohol. Osiris was intimately connected with
the agriculture of Egypt, and among the Chinese, agriculture has
been honoured and encouraged beyond every other species of in-
dustry. So that if the Egyptian grew his barley, the Chinaman
grew his rice, from which the Japanese at the present day distil
their sake. Instead of being an inestimable blessing bestowed by
the gods, it is just possible that the art of distilling alcohol, like
the invention of gunpowder, may be traced to the heathen Chinese,
and may be regarded as one of the greatest curses ever inflicted
on mankind. Where doctors differ, it would be vain to dogmatise,
and on such a point every one must be fully persuaded in his own
mind. Whether we can agree as to alcohol being a blessing or a
curse, we can agree that the origin of distillation is at least
doubtful, and that, perhaps, no record of it exists.
Early mention is made in the Bible of strong drink as dis-
tinguished from wine. Aaron was prohibited from drinking wine
17
258 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
or strong drink when going into the Tabernacle. David complains
that he was the song of the drinkers of strong drink. Lemuel's
mother warns her son against the use of strong drink, and advises
him to " Give strong drink unto him that is ready to perish, and
wine unto him that is heavy of heart. Let him drink and forget
his poverty, and remember his misery no more" -words which,
with characteristic tact and unerring good taste, our own National
Bard used as motto for " Scotch Drink," and paraphrased so ex-
quisitely : —
" Gie him strong drink until he wink,
That's sinking in despair ;
An' liquor guid to fire his bluid,
That's prest wi' grief an' care ;
There let him bouse and deep carouse,
Wi' bumpers flowing o'er,
Till he forgets his loves and debts,
An' minds his griefs no more "
But the strong drink of the Bible was not obtained by distillation.
The Hebrew word " Yayin " means the wine of the grape, and is in-
variably rendered " wine," which was generally diluted before use.
The word "Shechar," which is rendered "strong drink," is used to
denote date wine and barley wine, which were fermented liquors
sufficiently potent to cause intoxication, and were made by the
Egyptians from the earliest times. The early Hebrews were
evidently unacquainted with the art of distillation.
Muspratt states that there is no evidence of the ancients
having been acquainted with alcohol or ardent spirits, that, in fact,
there is every reason to believe the contrary, and that distillation
was unknown to them. He quotes the case of Dioscorides, a
physician of the time of Nero (A.D., 54-68) who in extracting
quicksilver from cinnabar, luted a close cover of stoneware to the
top of his pot, thus showing that he was unacquainted with the
method of attaching a receiver. Muspratt further states that
neither poets, historians, naturalists, nor medical men make the
slightest allusion to ardent spirits. This is more significant as the
earliest poets and historians make constant references to wine
and ale, dilate on their virtues, and describe the mode of their
manufacture.
The Egyptians, however, are said to have practised the art of
distillation in the time of Dioclesian (A.D. 204-305), and are sup-
posed to have communicated it to the Babylonians and Hebrews,
who transmitted it westward to the Thracians, and Celtae of
Smuggling in the Highlands. 259
Spain and Gaul ; but it was unknown to the ancient Greeks and
Romans. The distillation of aromatic waters is said to have been
known from very remote times to the Arabians. The word
"alcohol" is Arabic, meaning originally "fine powder," and be-
coming gradually to mean " essence," " pure spirit," the " very
heart's blood." as Burns says of John Barleycorn. You remember
the exclamation of poor Cassio when he sobered down after his
drunken row — " O thou invisible spirit of wine, if thou hast no
name to be known by, let us call thee devil !" We have now got
a name for the intoxicating element of fermented liquors, and call
it alcohol, which may go some way to prove that the Arabians
were early acquainted with the art of distillation. A rude kind
of still, which is yet employed, has been used for distilling spirits
in Ceylon from time immemorial, and Captain Cook found among
the inhabitants of the Pacific Islands a knowledge of the art of
distilling spirits from alcoholic infusions.
It is said the art was first introduced into Europe by the
Moors of Spain about 1150. Abucasis, who lived about that
time, is spoken of as the first western philosopher who taught the
art of distillation, as applied to the preparation of spirits. In the
following century Arnoldus do Villa Nova, a chemist and physician,
describes distilled spirit, and states that it was called by some the
" water of life :" and about the same time Raymond Lully, a
chemist, noticed a mode of producing intoxicating spirit by dis-
tillation. Bq||fefcmy purpose the most interesting fact is that
shortly after the i^|,sion of Ireland by Henry II. in 1170, the
English found the 1 ri.^h in the habit of making and drinking aqua
vitce. MSiether the Irish Celts claim to have brought the know-
ledge of dro art from their original seat in the far East, or to have
more recently received it from Spain I do not know, but, without
havinff' access to purely Irish sources of information, this is the
earli^rc record I find of distilled spirits having been manufactured
or used in the British Islands. Whether Highlanders will allow
the Irish claim to Ossian or not, I fear it must be allowed they
have a prior claim to the use of whisky.* Uisge-beatlia is no doubt a
literal translation of the Latin aqua vitce (water of life), supposed to
be a corruption of acqua vite (water of the vine). "The monasteries
being the archives of science, and the original dispensaries of medi-
cine, it is a natural surmise that the term acqua vite was there cor-
rupted into the Latin and universal appellation, aqua vitce (water of
* My attention has been called to the fact that in Mr Skene's "Four
Ancient Books of Wales," the Gael are in some of the 6th or 7th century
poems called "distillers," "furnace distillers," "kiln-distillers."
260 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
life) from its salutary and beneficial effects as a medicine ; and
from the Latin tongue being the general conveyancer of scientific dis-
covery, as well a» of familiar correspondence, the term aqua, vitce
may have crept into common use to signify an indefinite distilled
spirit, in contradistinction to acqua vite, the mere extract of the
grape." — (Muspratt.) Whisky is simply a corruption of the Gaelic
tiisge or itisge-beatha. The virtues of Irish whisky, and directions
for making it, both simple and compound, are fully recorded in the
Red Book of Ossory, compiled about 500 years ago. Uisge-beatha
was first used in Ireland as medicine, and was considered a panacea
for all disorders. The physicians recommended it to patients in-
discriminately, for preserving health, dissipating humours, strength-
ening the heart, curing colic, dropsy, palsy, &c., and even for pro-
longing existence itself beyond the common limit. It appears to
have been used at one time to inspire heroism, as opium has been
used among the Turks. An Irish knight, named Savage, about
1350, previously to engaging in battle ordered to each soldier a
large draught of aqua-vitae. Four hundred years later we find
Burns claiming a similar virtue for Highland whisky : —
" But bring a Scotsman frae his hill,
Clap in his cheek a Highland gill,
Say, such is royal George's will,
An there's the foe,
He has nae thought but how to kill
Twa at a blow."
And again in that " tale of truth," "Tarn o' Shanter "—
" Wi' tippenny we fear nae evil ;
Wi' usquebae we'll face the devil."
A similar idea is expressed in Strath-mathaisidh's Gaelic
Song, "Comunn an Uisge-bheatha :" —
" Bidh iad Ian misnich 'us cruadail,
Gu h-aigiontach brisg gu tuasaid,
Chuireadh aon fhichead 'san uair sin
Tearlach Ruadh fo'n chrun duinn."
By this time you are wondering what has become of the
smugglers and Highland whisky. Although I did not expect to
find that Adam, who, of course, spoke Gaelic and was no doubt a
thorough Highlander, had engaged in smuggling outside the walls
of Eden, or that the plucky Maclean, who sailed a boat of his own
at the Flood, had an anchor of good old Highland whisky on
Smuggling in the Highlands. 261
board, yet, when I innocently undertook to write this paper, I
must admit that I was under the impression that there was some
notice of Highland whisky long before the 12th century. I had
in view Ossian, sometime in the third or fourth century, spreading
the feast and sending round the " shell of joy " brimming with real
Highland uisge-beatha, "yellowed with peat reek and mellowed
with age." After some investigation, I am forced to the conclusion
that the Fingalians regaled themselves with ale or mead, not with
whisky. There is nothing to show that they had whisky. The
"shell of joy" went round in stormy Lochlin as well as in
streamy Morven, and we know that ale was the favourite drink
of the Scandinavians before and after death. " In the halls
of our father, Balder, we shall be drinking ale out of the
hollow skulls of our enemies," sang fierce Lodbrog. The scallop-
shell may seem small for mighty draughts of ale, but our ances-
tors knew how to brew their ale strong and, as to the size of
the shell, we learn from Juvenal that in his time shells were used
by the Romans for drinking wine. Egyptian ale was nearly
equal to wine in strength and flavour, and the Spaniards manu-
factured ale of such strength and quality that it would keep for a
considerable time. However anxious to believe the contrary, I
am of opinion that Ossian's shell was never filled with real uisge-
beatha. But surely, I thought, Lady Macbeth must have given an
extra glass or two of strong whisky to Duncan's grooms at Inver-
ness, when they slept so soundly on the night of that terrible
murder. I find that she only "drugged their possets," which
were composed of hot milk poured on ale or sack, and mixed
with honey, eggs, and other ingredients. At dinner the day after
the murder Macbeth calls for wine, — "give me some wine, fill
full :" so that wine, not whisky, was drunk at dinner in Inverness
800 years ago. There is no mention of whisky in Macbeth, or for
centuries after, but we may safely conclude that a knowledge of
the process of distillation must have been obtained very early from
Ireland, where whisky was distilled and drunk in the twelfth
century.
At a very remote period Highlanders made incisions in birch
trees in spring, and collected the juice, which fermented and became
a gentle stimulant. Most of us, when boys, have had our favourite
birch tree, and enjoyed the^on. The Highlanders also prepared
a liquor from the mountain heath. Lightfoot, in his Flora Scotica,
(1777) says — " Formerly the young tops of the heather are said to
have been used alone to brew a kind of ale, and even now
I was informed that the inhabitants of Islay and Jura still continue
262 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
to brew a very potable liquor by mixing two- thirds of the tops of
heather to one-third of malt. It is a matter of history that Britain
was once celebrated for honey, and it is quite probable that, when
in full bloom and laden with honey, a fermentable infusion could be
obtained from heather tops. Alcohol cannot, however, be obtained
except from a saccharine basis, and I fear that any beverage
which could have been extracted from heather itself must have
been of a very teetotal character. Mixed with malt something
might be got out of it. Now heather is only used by smugglers
in the bottom of their mash-tun for draining purposes. I have
often wondered whether Nature intended that our extensive heaths
should be next to useless. The eai-liest mention of the drinking
and manufacture of whisky in the Highlands is found in the
famous " Statutes of Icolm-Kill " which were agreed to by the
Island Chiefs in 1 609. The Statutes, as summarised in Gregory's
Western Highlands and Islands, are quoted in Mackenzie's History
of the Macdonalds. "The fifth Statute proceeded upon the nar-
rative, that one of the chief causes of the great poverty of the
Isles, and of the cruelty and inhuman barbarity practised in
their feuds, was their inordinate love of strong wines and aqua-
vitse, which they purchased partly from dealers among themselves,
partly from merchants belonging to the mainland. Power was,
therefore, given to any person whatever to seize, without pay-
ment, any wine or aqua-vitae imported for sale by a native
merchant ; and if any Islander should buy any of the prohibited
articles from a mainland trader, he was to incur the penalty of
forty pounds for the first offence, one hundred for the second,
and for the third the loss of his whole possessions and moveable
goods. It was, however, declared to be lawful for an individual
to brew as much aqua-vitae as his own family might require ; and
the barons and wealthy gentlemen were permitted to purchase in
the Lowlands the wine and other liquors required for their private
consumption."
For some time after this, claret appears to have been the
favourite drink. The author of Scotland Social and Domestic,
states that notwithstanding the prohibition of 1609 against the
importation and consumption of wine, the consumption of claret
continued, and the Privy Council in 1616 passed an " Act agans
the drinking of Wynes in the Yllis," as follows : —
" Forsamekle as the grite and extraordinar excesse in drink-
ing of wyne commonlie vsit amangis the commonis and tenentis of
the yllis is not onlie ane occasioun of the beastlie and barbarous
cruelties and inhumaniteis that fallis oute amongis thame to the
Smuggling in the Highlands. 263
offens and displesour of God and contempt of law and justice, bot
with that it drawis nvmberis of thame to miserable necessite and
powertie sua that they ar constraynit quhen they want of thair
nichtbouris. For remeid quhairof the Lords of Secret Counsell
statvtis and ordains, that nane of the tenentis and commonis of
the Yllis sail at ony tyme heirefter buy or drink ony wynes in the
Yllis or continent nixt adiacent, vnder the pane of twenty poundis
to be incurrit be every contra venare toties quoties. The ane
half of the said pane to the King's Maiestie and the vther half
to their maisteris and landislordis and chiftanes. Commanding
heirby the maisteris landislordis and chiftanes to the sadis ten-
entis and commonis euery ane of thame within thair awine boundis
to sie thir present act preceislie and inviolablie kept, and the
contravenaris to be accordinglie pvnist and to vplift the panis of
the contravenaries to mak rekning and payment of the ane halff
of the said panes in Maiesteis exchequir yierlie and to apply the
vther halfF of the saidis panes to thair awne vse."
In 1622 a more stringent measure was passed, termed an " Act
that nane send wynes to the His," as follows : —
" Forsamekle as it is vnderstand to the Lordis of secreit coun-
sell that one of the cheiff caussis whilk procuris the continewance
of the inhabitants of the His in their barbarous and inciuile form
of leeving is the grite quantitie of wynes yeirlie caryed to the His
wit h the vnsatiable desire quhair of the saidis inhabitants are so
far possesst, that quhen their arry vis ony ship or other veshell thair
with wynes they spend bothe dayis and nightis in thair excesse of
drinking, and seldome do they leave thair drinking so lang a~, thair
is ony of the wyne rest and sua that being overcome with drink
thair fallis out money inconvenientis amaugis thame to the brek of
his Maiesteis peace. And quihairas the cheftanes and principallis of
the clannis in the yllis ar actit to take suche ordour with thair
tenentis as nane of thame be sufferit to drink wynes, yitt
so long as thair is ony wynes caryed to the His thay will
hardlie be withdrane from thair evil custome of drinking,
bot will follow the same and continew thairin whensoeuir thay may
find the occasioun. For remeid quhairof in tyme comeing the
Lordis of secreit Gounsell ordanis lettres to be direct to command
charge and inhibite all and sindrie marsheantis, skipparis and
awnaris of shippis and veshells, be oppin proclamation at all
places neidful, that nane of them presoume nor tak vpon hand
to carye and transporte :my wynes to the His, nor to sell the
same to the inhabitantis of the His, except se mekle as is allowed
to the principall chiftanes and gentlemen of the His, vnder the
264 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
pane of confiscatioun of the whole wynes so to be caryed and
saulcl in the His aganis the tenour of this proclamatioun, or els
of the availl and pryceis of the same to his Maiesties vse."
" These repressive measures," the author continues, " deprived
the Hebrideans of the wines of Bordeaux, but did not render
them more temperate. They had recourse to more potent bever-
ages. Their ancestors extracted a spirit from the mountain heath ;
they now distilled usque-beatha or whisky. Whisky became a
greater favourite than claret, and was drunk copiously, not only
in the Hebrides, but throughout the Highlands. It did not be-
come common in the Lowlands until the latter part of the last
century. The Lowland baron or yeoman who relished a liqour
more powerful than claret formerly used rum or brandy."
Whisky was little used among the better classes for upwards
of a hundred years after this. "Till 1780," says the same author,
" claret was imported free of duty, and was much used among the
middle and upper classes, the price being about fivepence the bottle.
Noblemen stored hogsheads of claret in their halls, making them
patent to all visitors, guests received a cup of wine when they
entered, and another on their departure. The potations of those
who frequented dinner-parties were enormous ; persons who could
not drink remained at home. A landlord was considered inhospit-
able who permitted any of his guests to retire without their requir-
ing the assistance of his servants. Those who tarried for the night,
found in their bedrooms a copious supply of ale, wine, and brandy
to allay the thirst superinduced by their previous potations. Those
who insisted on returning home were rendered still more incapable
of prosecuting their journeys by being compelled, according to the
inexorable usage, to swallow a deoch-an-doruis, or stirrup-cup,
which was commonly a vessel of very formidable dimensions."
That claret was the favourite drink among the better classes
to the end of last century is remarkably corroborated by Burns's
song of " The Whistle "—
" The dinner being over the claret they ply,
And every new cork is a new spring of joy."
The competitors having drunk six bottles of claret each, Glen-
riddle, "a high-ruling elder, left the foul business to folks less
divine." Maxwelton and Craigdarroch continued the congest and
drank one or two bottles more, Craigdarroch winning the whistle.
Burns is said to have drank a bottle of rum and one of brandy
during the contest. There is a Highland story which would make
a good companion to the foregoing Lowland picture. The time is
Smuggling in the Highlands. 265
much later, perhaps sixty years ago, and the beverage whisky.
The laird of Milnair, near Alness, visited his neighbour the laird
of Nonikiln. Time wore on, and the visit was prolonged until
late at night. At last the sugar got done, and toddy is not very
palatable without sugar. In those days no shop was nearer than
Tain or Dingwall, and it was too late to send anywhere for a sup-
ply. Convivialities were threatened with an abrupt termination,
when a happy thought found its way into Nonikiln's befogged
brain. He had bee-hives in the garden, and honey was an ex-
cellent substitute for sugar. A skep was fetched in, the bees were
robbed, and the toddy bowl was replenished. The operation was re-
peated until the bees, revived by the warmth of the room, showed
signs of activity, and stung their spoilers into sobriety. Dr Aird,
Creich, I understand, relates this story with great gusto.
There can be no doubt that till the latter part of last century,
wine, ale, rum, and brandy were more used than whisky. Ian
Lorn, who died about 1710, in his song " Moch 's mi 'g eiridh 'sa
Mhaduinn " mentions " gucagan fion," but makes no reference to
whisky. Lord Lovat having occasion to entertain 24 guests at
Beaufort in 1739, writes — "I have ordered John Forbes to send
in horses for all Lachlan Macintosh's wine, and for six dozen of the
Spanish wine." — (Transactions, Vol. XII). Colonel Stewart of
Garth writing about 1820, says — " Till within the last 30 years,
whisky was less vised in the Highlands than rum and brandy, which
were smuggled from the West Coast. It was not till the beginning,
or rather towards the middle of last century that spirits of any kind
were so much drank as ale, which was then the universal beverage.
Every account and tradition go to prove that ale was the principal
drink among the country people, and French wines and brandy
among the gentry. Mr Stewart of Crossmount, who lived till his
104th year, informed me that in his youth strong frothing ale from
the cask was the common beverage. It was drunk from a circular
shallow cup with two handles. Those of the gentry were of silver,
and those used by the common people were of variegated woods.
Small cups were used for spirits. Whisky house is a term un-
known in Gaelic. A public-house is called Tigh-Leanne, i.e., ale
house. In addition to the authority of Mr Stewart, I have that
of men of perfect veracity and great intelligence regarding every-
thing connected with their native country. In the early part of
their recollections, and in the time of their fathers, the whisky
drank in the Highlands of Perthshire was brought principally
from the Lowlands. A ballad composed on an ancestor of mine
in the reign of Charles I., describes the laird's jovial and hospit-
266 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
able manner, and along with other feats, his drinking a brewing of
ale at one sitting. In this song whisky is never mentioned, nor
is it in any case, except in the modem ballads and songs."
Here is a verse of it : —
Fear Druim-a'-charaidh,
Gur toigh leis an leann ;
'S dh'oladh e 'n togail
M' an togadh e 'cheann.
All the evidence that can be gathered goes to show that the
manufacture and use of whisky must have been very limited until the
latter part of last century. This is clearly shown by the small
quantities charged with Excise duty. On Christmas day 1660,
Excise duty was first laid on whisky in this country, the duty in
in Scotland being 2d., 3d., and 4d., per gallon according co the
materials from which the spirits were made. No record exists of
the amount of duty paid until 1707, when it amounted only to
£1810 15s. lid., representing about 100,000 gallons, the popula-
tion being 990,000. No record of the quantity charged exists
until 1724, when duty was 3d. and 6d. In that year 145,602
gallons were charged, the duty amounting to £3504. 12s. 10d.,
the population being little over one million. Last year the
population was 3,866,521, the gallons of whisky charged 6, $29,306,
and the duty £3,314,680. 10s. Since 1724, 160 years ago, the
population of Scotland has increased nearly four times, the quantity
of spirits charged for home consumption forty-five times, and the
amount of duty over nine hundred and forty-seven times. In pro-
portion to population, the people of Scotland are now drinking
eleven times as much whisky as they did 160 years ago, so that
our forefathers must have been much more temperate than we are,
must have drunk more foreign wines and spirits or ale, or must
have very extensively evaded the Excise duty.
Although much of the whisky manufactured at this time
must have been distilled on a small scale within the homes in
which it was consumed, there is early mention of public dis-
tilleries. In 1690 reference is made to the " Ancient Brewary
of Aquavity," on the land of Ferintosh, and there is no reason
to doubt that Ferintosh was the seat of a distillery before the
levying of the Excise duty in 1660. The yearly Excise of the
lands of Ferintosh was farmed to Forbes of Oulloden in 1690, for
400 merks, about £22, and the history of the privilege is interesting.
As in later times, Forbes of Culloden sided with the Revolution
party, and was of considerable service in the struggle which led to
Smuggling in the Highlands. 267
the deposition of James II., he was consequently unpopular with
the " Highland Rebels," as the Jacobites were termed by the
loyalists, and during his absence in Holland, his estate of Ferin-
tosh, with its " Ancient Brewary of Aquavity " was laid waste,
in October 1689, by a body of 700 or 800 men, sent by the Earl
of Buchan and General Cannon, whereby he and his tenants
suffered much loss. In compensation for the losses thus sustained,
an Act of Parliament farming to him and his successors the yearly
Excise of the lands of Ferintosh, was passed as follows : —
At Edinburgh, 22nd July 1690.
Our Sovereign Lord and Ladye, the King and Queen's
Majesties and the three Estates of Parliament : — Considering that
the lands of Ferintosh were an Ancient Brewary of Aquavity ; and
were still in use to pay a considerable Excise to the Thesaury,
while of late that they were laid waste of the King's enemies ; and
it being just to give such as have suffered all possible encourage-
ment, and also necessary to use all lawful endeavours for uphold-
ing of the King's Revenue ; Therefore their Majesties and the
Estates of Parliament for encouragement to the possessors of the
said Lands to set up again and prosecute their former Trade of
Brewing and pay a duty of Excyse as formerly ; Do hereby
Ferm for the time to come the Yearly Excyse of the said lands of
Ferintosh to the present Heritor Duncan Forbes of Culloden, and
his successors Heritors of same for the sum of 400 merks Scots,
which sum is declared to be the yearly proportion of that annuity
of .£4:0,000 sterling payable for the Excyse to his Majestie's Ex-
chequer. The brewing to commence at the term of Lam has next
to come, and payment to be made to the ordinary Collector of Ex-
cyse for the Shyre of Inverness." Another Act was passed in
1695 continuing and confirming the privilege, after the Excyse was
" raised off of the Liquor and not of the Boll?"
The arable lands of Ferintosh extended to about 1800 acres,
and calculating 5 bolls of barley to the acre, and a profit of £2 per
boll, the gain must have been considerable. Mr Arnot states
that more whisky was distilled in Ferintosh than in all the rest of
Scotland, and estimates the annual profit at about .£18,000.
Such a distinguished mark of favour, and so valuable a pri-
vilege were sure to raise envy against a man who was ah-eady un-
popular, and we find the Master of Tarbat complaining to Parlia-
ment, inter alia : —
" That Culloden's tack of Excyse wrongs the Queen's Revenue
ip 3600 merks per annum.
268 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
" That his tack of Excyse wrongs his neighbours, in so far as
he can undersell them, and monopolise the brewing trade.
"That his loss was not above a year's rent."
In answer Culloden states : —
" That he understands the meaning of the Act to be for what
grows on his own lands.
" That whatever grain shall be carried from any place into
his land (except it be to eat or sow), shall be lyable to Excyse.
"That the amount of the loss sustained by himself and
tenants was .£54,000 Scotch, as ascertained by regular proof."
After the establishment of a Board of Excise in 1707, fre-
quent representations were made to the Treasury to buy this
right, in consideration of the great dissatisfaction it created
among the distillers, who did not complain without cause, as in
1782 the duty paid was £22, while according to the current rate
of duty £20,000 should have been paid. (Owens.) These re-
presentations prevailed, and the Act 26, G. III., cap. 73, sec. 75.
provided for the purchase as follows : —
" Whereas Arthur Forbes of Culloden, Esq., in the county of
Inverness, is possessed of an exemption from the duties of Excise,
within the lands of Ferintosh under a certain lease allowed by
several Acts of Parliament of Scotland, which exemption has been
found detrimental to the Revenue and prejudicial to the dis-
tillery in other parts of Scotland, enacted That the Treasury
shall agree with the said Arthur Forbes upon a compensation to
be made to him in lieu of the exemption, and if they shall not
agree, the barons of Exchequer may settle the compensation by
a jury, and after payment thereof, the said exemption shall cease."
In 1784 the Government paid £21,000 to Culloden, and the
exemption ceased after having been enjoyed by the family for
nearly a century. Burns thus refers to the transaction in "Scotch
Drink," which was written in the following year —
"Thou Ferintosh! O sadly lost!
Scotland laments frae coast to coast!
Now colic grips and barking hoast
May kill us a' ;
For loyal Forbes' chartered boast
Is ta'en awa !"
The minister of Dingwall, in his account of the parish, writ-
ten a few years after the abolition of the exemption, tells that
during the continuance of the privilege, quarrels and breaches of
Smuggling in the Highlands. 269
the peace were abundant among the inhabitants, yielding a good
harvest of business to the procurators of Dingwall. When the
exemption ceased, the people became more peaceable, and the
prosperity of attorneyism in Dingwall received a marked abate-
ment. (Dom. An. of Scot., Vol. III.)
Colonel Warrand, who kindly permitted me to peruse the
Culloden Acts, stated that the sites of four distilleries can be still
traced in Ferintosh. An offer of £3000 recently made for per-
mission to erect a distillery in the locality was refused by Culloden,
who feared that such a manufactory might be detrimental to the
best interests of the people. Although there is no distillery, nor,
so far as I am aware, even a smuggler in the locality, an enter-
prising London spirit-dealer still supplies real "Ferintosh," at
least he has a notice in his window to that effect. This alone is
sufficient to show how highly prized Ferintosh whisky must have
been, and we have further proof in Uilleam Ross' " Moladh
an Uisge-Bheatha" (1762-90) :—
"Stuth glan na Toiseachd gun truailleadh,
Gur ioc-shlaint choir am beil buaidh e;
' S tu thogadh m' inntinn gu suairceas,
'S cha b'e druaip na Frainge."
And again in his " Mac-na-Bracha " —
Stuth glan na Toiseachd gun truailleadh,
An ioc-shlaint is uaisle t'ann ;
'S fearr do leigheas na gach lighich,
Bha no bhitheas a measg Ghall.
'Stoigh leinn drama, lion a' ghlaine,
Cuir an t-searrag sin a nail,
Mac-na-brach' an gille gasda,
Cha bu rapairean a chlann.
The duty had been 3d. and 6d. per gallon from 1709 to 1742.
It had been raised gradually until in 1784, when the Ferintosh ex-
emption ceased, it was 3s. ll|d. and 15 per cent., the gallons
charged in that year being 239,350, and the duty paid £65,497. 15s.
4d.,the population being 1,441,808. Owing to the difficulty and cost
of collection in the thinly populated portions of Scotland, the duties,
while low, had been farmed out for periods not exceeding three
years. Mr Campbell of Islay farmed the Excise Revenue of that
island fora small sum as late as 1795, and even so late as 1804
the Commissioners were wont to receive lists of the names of per-
sons recommended by the heritors of the Highland parishes, from
270
Gaelic Society of Inverness,
which they elected two persons for each parish, to sxipply the
parochial consumption from spirits distilled from corn grown
in the vicinity. But prior to these dates the general farming of
the duties had ceased, the Commissioners took the management
in their own hands, and, as the duty was gradually increased, it
was levied and collected by their own officers, much to the incon-
venience and discontent of the people. A graphic picture of the
state of matters caused by the high duties and stringent regulations
is given by Burns, in his " Earnest Cry and Prayer," written in
1785, a year after " Forbes' chartered boast was taen awa"—
" Tell them wha hae the chief direction,
Scotland an' me's in great affliction,
EVr sin' they laid that curst restriction
On Aqua-vitae,
An' rouse them up to strong conviction,
An' move their pity.
" Paint Scotland greeting owre her thissle ;
Her mutchkin stoup as toora's a whistle,
An' Excisemen in a bussle,
Seizin' a still,
Triumphant crushin't like a mussle
Or lampit shell.
" Then on the fcither hand present her,
A blackguard Smuggler* right behint her,
An' cheek-for-chow, a chuffie Vintner,
Colleagung join,
Picking her pouch as bare as winter
Of a' kind coin.
" Tell yon guid bluid o' auld Boconnock's,
I'll be his debt twa mashlum bannocks,
An' drink his health in auld Nanse Tinnock's
Nine times a week,
If he some scheme like tea and winnocks,
Wad kindly seek."
No doubt the poet's strong appeal helped the agitation, and
before the end of the year the duty was reduced to 2s. 7|d., at
which it remained for two years. Matters, however, were still
* " Smuggler " is here used in its proper sense — one who clandestinely
introduces prohibited goods, or who illicitly introduces goods which have
evaded the legal duties. Although popularly used, the term "Smuggler
is not correctly applicable to an illicit distiller.
Smuggling in the Highlands. 271
unsatisfactory as regards the Revenue. The provisions of the law
were not only inadequate, but the enactments were so imperfectly
carried out that the duty was evaded to a considerable extent.
With the view of facilitating and improving collection, Scotland
was divided in 1787 into Lowland and Highland districts, and
duty charged according to the capacity of the still instead of on the
gallon. When we are again about to divide Scotland for legisla-
tive purposes into Lowland and Highland districts, it is interesting
to trace the old boundary line which was defined by the Act 37,
G. III., cap. 102, sec. 6, as follows : —
" A certain line or boundary beginning at the east point of
Loch-Orinan, and proceeding from thence to Loch-Gilpin ; from
thence along the great road on the west side of Lochfine, to
Inverary and to the head of Lochfine ; from thence along the
high road to Arrochar, in county of Dumbarton, and from thence
to Tarbet ; from Tarbet in a supposed straight line eastward on
the north side of the mountain called Ben-Lomond, to the village
of Callendar of Monteith, in the county of Perth ; from thence
north-eastward to Crieff ; from thence northward along the road
by Ambleree, and Inver to Dunkeld ; from thence along the foot
and south side of the Grampian Hills to Fettercairn, in the county
of Kincardine ; and from thence northward along the road to
Cutties Hillock, Kincardine O'Neil, Clatt, Huntly and Keith to
Fochabers ; and from thence westward by Elgin and Forres, to
the boat on the River Findhorn, and from thence down the said
river to the sea at Findhorn, and any place in or part of the
county of Elgin, which lies southward of the said line from
Fochabers to the sea at Findhorn."
Within this district a duty of £1. 4s. per annum was im-
posed upon each gallon of the still's content. It was assumed
that a still at work would yield a certain annual produce for each
gallon of its capacity. It was calculated that so much time would
be required to work off a charge, and the officers took no further
trouble than to visit the distilleries occasionally, to observe if any
other stills were in operation, or if larger ones were substituted
for those which had been already gauged. The distillers soon
outwitted the Excise authorities by making improvements in
the construction of their stills, so that instead of taking a
week to work off a charge, it could be worked off in twenty-
four hours, afterwards in a few hours, and latterly in eight
minutes. These improvements were carried so far that a still of
80 gallons capacity could be worked off, emptied, and ready for
272 Gaelic Society of Inverness-
another operation in three and a-half minutes, sometimes in three
minutes. A still of 40 gallons could be drawn off in 2| minutes,
until the amount of fuel consumed and consequent wear and tear,
left it a matter of doubt whether the distiller was a gainer (Mus-
pratt.) To meet those sharp practices on the part of distillers, the
duty was increased year after year until in 1814 it amounted to £7.
16s. O^d. per gallon of the still's content and 6s. 7|d., two-thirds
additional on every gallon made. This mode of charging duty
made it so much the interest of the distiller to increase the quan-
tity of spirits by every means possible, that the quality was en-
tirely disregarded, the effect being a large increase of illicit dis-
tillation consequent upon the better flavour and quality of the
spirits produced by the illicit distiller. In sheer desperation the
Government in 1814 (54, G. TIL, cap. 173, sac. 7), prohibited the use
of stills of less capacity than 500 gallons, a restriction which in-
creased the evil of illicit distillation. Colonel Stewart of Garth
clearly shows how the Act operated. —
" By Act of Parliament, the Highland district was marked
out by a definite line, extending along the southern base of the
Grampians, within which all distillation of spirits was prohibited
from stills of less than 500 gallons. It is evident that this law
was a complete interdict, as a still of this magnitude would con-
sume more than the disposable grain in the most extensive county
within this newly drawn boundary ; nor could fuel be obtained
for such an establishment without an expense which the com-
modity could not possibly bear. The sale, too, of the spirits pro-
duced was circumscribed within the same line, and thus the mar-
ket which alone could have supported the manufacture was
entirely cut off. Although the quantity of grain raised in many
districts, in consequence of recent agricultural improvements,
greatly exceeds the consumption, the inferior quality of this
grain, and the great expense of carrying it to the Lowland dis-
tillers, who by a ready market, and the command of fuel,
can more easily accommodate themselves to this law, renders
it impracticable for the farmers to dispose of their grain in
any manner adequate to pay rents equal to the real value
of their farms, subject as they are to the many drawbacks of un-
certain climate, uneven surface, distance from market, and scarcity
of fuel. Thus hardly any alternative remained but that of having
recourse to illicit distillation, or resignation of their farms and
breach of their engagements with their landlords. These are
difficulties of which the Highlanders complain heavily, asserting
Smuggling in the Highlands. 273
that nature and the distillery laws present unsurmountable ob-
stacles to the carrying on of a legal traffic. The surplus produce
of their agricultural labour will therefore remain on their hands,
unless they incur an expense beyond what the article will bear, in
conveying to the Lowland market so bulky a commodity as the
raw material, and by the drawback of prices on their inferior grain.
In this manner, their produce must be disposed of at a great loss,
as it cannot be legally manufactured in the country. Hence they
resort to smuggling as their only resource. If it be indeed true
that this illegal traffic has made such deplorable breaches in the
honesty and morals of the people, the revenue drawn from the
large distilleries, to which the Highlanders have been made the
sacrifice, has been procured at too high a price for the country."
Matters became so gi-ave, that in 1814 and 1815 meetings of
the county authorities were held in the Highlands, and representa-
tions made to the Government pointing out the evil effects of the
high duties on spirits, and the injudicious regulations and restric-
tions imposed. Among other things it was pointed out that the
Excise restrictions were highly prejudicial to the agricultural
interests of the Highlands. In face of so many difficulties the
Government gave way, and in 1815 the distinction between High-
lands and Lowlands, and the still duty were discontinued, but the
high duty of 9s. 4|d. per gallon was imposed. In 1816 stills of
not less than 40 gallons were allowed to be used with the view of
encouraging small distillers, and next year the duty had to be
reduced to 6s. 2d., but illicit distillation was carried on to such
extent, that it was considered necessary, as the only effective means
of its suppression, to further reduce the duty to 2s. 4d. in 1823.
In that year there were 14.000 prosecutions in Scotland for illicit
distillation and malting ; the military had to be employed for its
suppression, and revenue cutters had to be used on the West
Coast. Later on, riding officers were appointed.
It is difficult to conceive the terrible amount of lawlessness,
of turbulence, of loss and injury connected with such a state of
matters, and cases are known where not only individuals but
communities never recovered temporal prosperity after successful
raids by the militaiy, cutters and gangers. But matters had for-
tunately reached their worst, and illicit distillation has since
gradually .decreased until very recently. The reduction of the
spirit duty, the permission to use smaller stills, and the improve-
ment in the Excise laws and regulations removed the principal
causes which led to illicit distillation. The high duty operated as
a bounty to the illicit distiller, and its reduction reduced his
18
274
Gaelic Society of Inuerness.
profits. The permission to use smaller stills encouraged farmers
and others with limited capital, who could not erect large dis-
tilleries, to engage in a legitimate trade on a small scale, which
afforded a ready market for barley of local growth, and provided
whisky for local consumption. The relaxation of the Excise
regulations led to an improvement in the quality of the whisky
made by the licensed distiller, and the quality was further im-
proved by the permission in 1824 to warehouse duty free, which
allowed the whisky to mature prior to being sent into consump-
tion. These and minor changes led to the decrease in smuggling
in the Highlands shown in the following list of detections : —
In 1823 there were 1 4,000 detections Duty 6s 2d to 2s 4d
In 1834
In 1844
In 1854
In 1864
In 1874
In 1884
692
177
73
19
6
22
duty 3s 4d
3s 8d
4s 8d
10s Od
10s Od
10s Od
The decrease in illicit distillation since 1823, concurrent with
the large increase in the spirit duties, is a remarkable proof of the
great improvement which has taken place in the morals of the
Highland people. The change has been due to various causes,
but mainly to the spread of education, and the influence of en-
lightened public opinion. In some cases the landlords and clergy
used their influence direct, the former embodying stringent
clauses in the estate leases against illicit distillation, and the latter
refusing church privileges to those engaged in smuggling, as in the
Aultbea district of Gairloch parish by the Rev. Mr Macrae and
the Rev. Mr Noble. In a few localities the smuggler's means were
exhausted by the frequent seizures made by energetic officers.
As might have been expected, there has gathered round the
mass of lawlessness represented by the foregoing list of detections a
cluster of stories of cunning and daring, and wonderful escapes,
which casts a ray of interest over the otherwise dismal picture.
From a large number that are floating about, I can only give a
few representative stories, but I see pi'esent several gentlemen who
can easily supply the deficiency from well-stocked repertories.
After a School Board meeting held last summer, in a well-
known parish on the West Coast, the conversation turned on
smuggling, and one of the lay members asked one of the clerical
members " Did not good, pious men engage in these practices in
times gone by 1 " " You are right, sir, far better men than we
Smuggling in the Highlands. 275
have now," replied the Free Kirk minister. This is unfortunately
true as the following story will prove. Alasdair Hutcheson, of Kil-
tarlity, was worthily regarded as one of the Men of the North. He
was not only a pious, godly man, but was meek in spirit and sweet in
temper — characteristics not possessed by all men claiming godliness.
He had objections to general smuggling, but argued that he was quite
justified in converting the barley grown by himself into whisky to
help him to pay the rent of his croft. This he did year after year, mak-
ing the operation a subject of prayer that he might be protected from
the gauge rs. One time he sold the whisky to the landlord of the
Star Inn, down near the wooden bridge, and arranged to deliver
the spirits on a certain night. The innkeeper for some reason in-
formed the local officer, who watched at Clachnaharry until Alas-
dair arrived about midnight with the whisky carefully concealed
in a cart load of peats. " This is mine," said the officer, seizing the
the horse's head. " 0 Thighearna ! bhrath thu mi mu dheireadh,"
ejaculated poor Alasdair, in such an impressive tone that the
officer, who was struck by his manner, entered into conversation
with him. Alasdair told the simple, honest truth. " Go," said the
officer, "deliver the whisky as if nothing had happened, get
your money, and quit the house at once." No sooner had Alasdair
left the Inn than the officer entered, and seized the whisky,
before being removed to the cellar. I would recommend this story
to the officers of the present day. While they ought not to let the
smuggler escape, they should make sure of the purchaser and
the whisky. There can be no doubt that " good, pious " men
engaged in smuggling, and there is less doubt that equally good,
pious men -.-ministers and priests — were grateful recipients of a
large share of the smuggler's produce. I have heard that the
Sabbath work in connection with malting and fermenting weighed
heavily upon the consciences of these men. A remarkable instance
of straining at the gnat and swallowing the camel.
John Dearg was a man of different type, without any pre-
tension to piety, and fairly represents the clever, unscrupulous
class of smugglers who frequently succeeded in outwitting the
gangers. John was very successful, being one of the few known
to have really acquired wealth by smuggling. He acted as a sort
of spirit dealer, buying from other smugglers, as well as distilling
himself. Once he had a large quantity of spirits in his house
ready for conveyance to Invergordon to be shipped. Word came
that the officers were searching in the locality, and John knew
his premises would receive marked attention. A tailor who
was in the habit of working from house to house happened
276 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
to be working with John at the time. Full of resource
as usual, John said to the tailor, " I will give you a boll of malt
if you will allow us to lay you out as a corpse on the table."
"Agreed," said the plucky tailor, who was stretched on the table,
his head tied with a napkin, a snow-white linen sheet carefully
laid over him, and a plate containing salt laid on his stomach.
The women began a coronach, and John, seizing the big Bible,
was reading an appropriate Psalm, when a knock was heard at the
door. " I will call out," said the stretched tailor, " unless you
will give me two bolls," and John Dearg was done, perhaps, for
the first time in his life. John went to the door with the Bible
and a long face. "Come in, come in," he said to the officers,
" this is a house of mourning — my only brother stretched on the
board !" The officers apologised for their untimely visit, and
hurried away. " When did John Dearg's brother -die1?" enquired
the officer at the next house he called at. " John Dearg's brother.
Why, John Dearg had no brother living," was the reply. Sus-
pecting that he had been outwitted, the officer hurried back, to
find the tailor at work, and all the whisky removed and carefully
concealed.
A good story is told of an Abriachan woman who was
carrying a jar of smuggled whisky into Inverness. The officer
met her near the town and relieved her of her burden. " Oh, I am
nearly fainting " groaned the poor woman, " give me just one
mouthful out of the jar." The unsuspecting officer allowed her
the desired mouthful, which she cleverly squirted into his eyes, and
she escaped with the jar before the officer recovered his sight and
presence of mind.
The following story told me by the late Rev. John Fraser,
Kiltarlity, shows the persistence which characterised the smugglers,
and the leniency with which illicit distillation was regarded by the
better classes. While the "Rev. Mr Fraser was stationed at Erch-
less shortly before the Disruption, a London artist, named Maclain,
came North to take sketches for illustrating a history of the High-
lands then in preparation. He was very anxious to see a smug-
gling bothy at work, and applied to Mr Robertson, factor for The
Chisholm, " If Sandy M'Gruar is out of jail," said the factor, " we
shall have no difficulty in seeing a bothy." Enquiries were made,
Sandy was at large, and, as usual, busy smuggling. A day was
fixed for visiting the bothy, and Maclain, accompanied by Mi-
Robertson, the factor, and Dr Fraser of Kerrow, both Justices of
the Peace, and by the Rev. John Fraser, was admitted into Sandy's
sanctuary. The sketch having been finished, the factor said,
Smuggling in the Highlands. 277
" Nach eil dad agad Alasdair 1 " Sandy having removed some
heather produced a small keg. As the four worthies were quaffing
the real mountain dew, the Rev. Mr Fraser remarked. ''This would
be a fine haul for the gangers — the sooner we go the better." It
was the same Sandy who, on seeing a body of Excise officers defile
round the shoulder of a hill, began counting them — aon, dha, tri,
but on counting seven his patience became exhausted, and he ex-
claimed, " A Tighearna, cuir sgrios orra / " A Tain woman
is said to have had the malt and utensils ready for a fresh
start the very evening her husband returned home from prison.
Smugglers were treated with greater consideration than ordinary
prisoners. Their offence was not considered a heinous one, and
they were not regarded as criminals. It is said that smugglers
were several times allowed home from Dingwall jail for Sunday,
and for some special occasions, and that they honourably returned
to durance vile. Imprisonment for illicit distillation was regarded
neither as a disgrace, nor as much of a punishment. One West
Coast smuggler is said to have, not many years since, suggested
to the Governor of the Dingwall jail, the starting of smuggling oper-
ations in prison, he undertaking to carry on distillation should the
utensils and materials be found. Very frequently smugglers raised
the wind to pay their fines, and began work at once to refund the
money. Some of the old lairds not only winked at the practice, but
actually encouraged it. Within the last thirty, if not twenty years,
a tenant ou the Brahan estate had his rent account credited with
the price of an anchor of smuggled whisky, and there can be no
doubt that rents were frequently paid directly and indirectly by
the produce of smuggling. One of the old Glenglass smugglers
recently told Novar that they could not pay their rents since the
black pots had been taken from them.
Various were the ways of doing the unpopular gangers. A
cask of spirits was once seized and conveyed by the officers to a
neighbouring inn. For safety they took the cask with them into
the room they occupied on the second floor. The smugglers came
to the inn and requested the maid who attended upon the officers
to note where the cask was standing. The girl took her bearings
so accurately, that by boring through the flooring and bottom of
the cask, the spirits were quickly transferred to a suitable vessel
placed underneath, and the officers were left guarding the empty
cask. An augur hole was shown to me some years ago in the
flooring at Bogroy Inn, where the feat was said to have been per-
formed, but I find that the story is also claimed for Mull.
Numerous clever stories are claimed for several localities.
278 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
An incident of a less agreeable nature ended fatally at Bogroy
Inn. The officers made a raid on the upper end of Strathglass,
where they discovered a large quantity of malt concealed in a
barn, which the smugglers were determined to defend. They
crowded behind the door, which was of wicker-work — dorus-
caoil— to prevent its being forced open by the gangers. Unable
to force the door, one of the officers ran his cutlass through the
wicker work, and stabbed one of the smugglers, John Chisholm,
afterwards called Ian Mor na Garvaiq, in the chest. Fearing that
serious injury had been done, the officers hastened away, but, in
the hurry, one of the men fell over a bank, and was so severely
trampled upon and kicked by the smugglers, that he had to be
conveyed to Bogroy Inn, where he died next day. Ian Mor, who
only died a few months ago, showed me the scar of the wound on
his chest. He was another man who had gained nothing by smug-
gling.
Time would fail to tell how spirits, not bodies, have been
carried past officers in coffins and hearses, and even in bee-hives.
How bothies have been built underground, and the smoke sent up
the house lum, or how an ordinary pot has been placed in the ori-
fice of an underground bothy, so as to make it appear that the tire
and smoke were aye for washing purposes. At the Falls of the
Orrin the bothy smoke was made to blend judiciously with the
spray of the Falls so as to escape notice. Some good tricks were
played upon my predecessors on the West Coast. The Melvaig
smugglers openly diverted from a burn a small stream of water
right over the face of a high cliff underneath which there was a
cave inaccessible by land, and very seldom accessible by water.
This was done to mislead the officers, the cave being sea- washed,
and unsuitable for distillation. While the officers were breaking
their hearts, and nearly their necks, to get into this cave, the
smugglers were quietly at work at a considerable distance. On
another occasion the Loch-Druing and Camustrolvaig smugglers
were at work in a cave near the latter place, when word reached
them that the officers were coming. Taking advantage of the
notoriety of the Melvaig smugglers, a man was sent immediately
in front of th» officers, running at his hardest, without coat or
bonnet in the direction of Melvaig. The ruse took, and the
officers were decoyed past the bothy towards Melvaig, the
smugglers meanwhile finishing off and removing their goods and
utensils into safe hiding.
After dinner, Tom Sheridan said in a confidential undertone
to his guests, " Now let us understand each other ; are we to drink
Smuggling in the Highlands 279
like gentlemen or like brutes 1 " " Like gentlemen, of course,"
was the indignant reply. " Then," rejoined Tom, " we shall all get
jolly drunk, brutes never do." A Glen-Urquhart bull once broke
through this rule. There was a bothy above Gartalie, where the
cattle used to be treated to draff and burnt ale. The bull happened
to visit the bothy in the absence of the smuggler, shortly after a
brewing had been completed, and drank copiously of the fermenting
worts. The poor brute could never be induced to go near the
bothy again. Tom Sheridan was not far wrong.
I am surprised to find so little reference to whisky and
smuggling in our modern Gaelic poetry and literature. There is
no reference in earlier writings. In fact, both are more indebted
to Burns for their popularity than to any of our Highland writers.
Dugald Buchanan (1716-1768) has a reference to drinking in his
celebrated " Claigeann." Rob Donn (1724-1812) has " Oran a
Bhotuil," and "Oran a Bhranndaidh." Allan Ball (1750-1829)
has "Oran do'n Mhisg," Uilleam Ross (1762-1790) has "Moladh an
Uisge-Bheatha," and Mac-na-Bracha, and Fear Strath-mhathasaidh
has " Comunn an uisge-Bheatha." But their songs are not very
brilliant, and cannot be compared with Bums' poems on the
same subject. Highland whisky and smuggling do not appear to
hold a befitting place in Highland song and literature.
We have seen that the manufacture and consumption of
whisky on an extensive scale in the Highlands is comparatively
recent. So far as can be ascertained, the quantity was not large
even 100 years ago. Since the beginning of the 17th century the
Highland people were in the habit of distilling in their homes for
their own private use, and no doubt to this practice is due to a
great extent the prevalence of illicit distillation among them at
one time. As late as 1859 every household was allowed to have
a bushel of malt for making ale, and cottagers are to be again
exempted from the brewing licence recently imposed upon them.
Such a privilege as the Ferintosh exemption must have exercised
an evil influence among the people. They must have looked
upon illicit distillation as a very venial offence when Government
would grant permission to manufacture whisky practically duty
free. As a rule spirits were distilled from the produce of their
own lands, and the people being simple and illiterate, ignorant
alike of the necessity for a national Exchequer, and of the
ways and means taken by Parliament to raise revenue,
they could not readily and clearly see the justice of levy-
ing a tax upon their whisky. They drew a sharp distinction
between offences created by English statute and violations
280 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
of the laws of God. The law which made distillation illegal
came to them in a foreign garb. Highlanders had no great love
or respect for the English Government. If the Scottish Parlia-
ment could pass an Act to destroy all pewits' eggs, because the
birds migrated South, where they arrived plump and fat, and
afforded sport and food for the English, it need not cause surprise
if Highlanders had not forgotten Glencoe, Culloden, Butcher
Cumberland, the tyrannical laws to suppress the clans, and the
" outlandish race that filled the Stuart's throne."
While a highly sentimental people, like the Highlanders,
were in some degree influenced by these and similar considerations,
the extent of illicit distillation depended in a great measure on
the amount of duty, and the nature of the Excise regulations.
The smuggler's gain was in direct proportion to the amount of the
spirit duty ; the higher the duty the greater the gain and the
stronger the temptation. We have seen how the authorities of
the time, regardless of the feelings and the habits of the people,
and of the nature and capabilities of the Highlands, imposed re-
strictions which were injudicious, vexatious, and injurious ; which
not only rendered it impracticable for the legal distiller to engage
profitably in honest business, but actually encouraged the illicit
distiller. We have seen how particularly under the operation of
the still licence, the legal distiller, in his endeavours to increase pro-
duction, sacrificed the quality of his spirits, until the illicit distiller
commanded the market by supplying whisky superior in quality
and flavour. To this fact, more than to anything else, is due the
popular prejudice which has existed, and still exists in some
quarters, in favour of smuggled whisky. There can be no doubt
that while the still licence was in force from 1787 to 1814, and per-
haps for some years later, the smugglers whisky was superior in
quality and flavour to that produced by the licensed distiller.
But this holds true no longer ; indeed, the circumstances are
actually reversed. The Highland distiller has now the best
appliances, uses the best materials, employs skill and experi-
ence, exercises the greatest possible care, and further, matures
his spirit in bond — whisky being highly deleterious unless it
is matured by age. On the other hand the smuggler uses
rude imperfect utensils, very often inferior materials, works by
rule of thumb, under every disadvantage and inconvenience,
and is always in a state of terror and hurry which is incom-
patible with good work and the best results. He begins by
purchasing inferior barley, which, as a rule, is imperfectly malted.
He brews without more idea of proper heats than dipping his
Smuggling in the Highlands. 281
finger or seeing his face in the water, and the quantity of water
used is regulated by the size and number of his vessels. His setting
heat is decided by another dip of the finger, and supposing he has
yeast of good quality, and may by accident add the proper
quantity, the fermentation of his worts depends on the weather,
as he cannot regulate the temperature in his temporary bothy
although he often uses sacks and blankets, and may during the
night kindle a fire. But the most fatal defect in the smuggler's
appliances is the construction of his still. Ordinary stills have
head elevation from 12 to 18 feet, which serves for purposes of
rectification, as the fusel oil and other essential oils and acids fall
back into the still while the alcoholic vapour, which is more
volatile, passes over to the worm, where it becomes condensed.
The smuggler's still has no head elevation, the still head being
as flat as an old blue bonnet, and consequently the essential
oils and acids pass over with the alcohol into the worm, however
carefully distillation may be carried on. These essential oils and
acids can only be eliminated, neutralised, or destroyed "by storing
the spirits some time in wood, but the smuggler, as a rule, sends
his spirits out new in jars and bottles, so that smuggled whisky, if
taken in considerable quantities, is actually poisonous. Ask any
one who has had a good spree on new smuggled whisky, how he
felt next morning. Again ordinary stills have rousers to prevent
the wash sticking to the bottom of the pot and burning. The
smuggler has no such appliance in connection with his still, the
consequence being that his spirits frequently have a singed,
smoky flavour. The evils of a defective construction are increased
a hundred-fold, when, as is frequently the case, the still is made
of tin, and the worm of tin or lead. When spirits and acids come
in contact with such surfaces, a portion of the metal is dissolved,
and poisonous metallic salts are produced, which *nust be injurious
to the drinker. Paraffin casks are frequently used in brewing,
and it will be readily understood that however carefully cleaned,
their use cannot improve the quality of our much-praised smuggled
whisky. Again the rule of thumb is applied to the purity and
strength of smuggled spirits. At ordinary distilleries there are
scientific appliances for testing these, but the smuggler must guess
the former, and must rely for the latter on the blebs or bubbles
caused by shaking the whisky. On this unsatisfactory test, plus
the honesty of the smuggler, which is generally an unknown
quantity, the purchaser also must rely. This is certainly a happy-
go-lucky state of matters which it would be a pity to disturb by
proclaiming the truth. Very recently an order came from the
282 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
South to Inverness for two gallons of smuggled whisky. The
order being urgent, and no immediate prospect of securing the
genuine article, a dozen bottles of new raw grain spirit were sent
to a well-known smuggling locality, and were thence despatched
South as real mountain dew. No better proof could be given of
the coarseness and absolute inferiority of smuggled whisky.
But the physical injury caused by drinking an impure, im-
matui'e whisky, and the pecuniary loss sustained by purchasing
a whisky of inferior quality and unknown strength at the price of
good honest, spirit, are nothing compared to the moral aspect of
the case. Let me quote again from Stewart of Garth (1821), "I
must now advert to a cause which contributes to demoralise the
Highlanders in a manner equally rapid and lamentable. Smug-
gling has grown to an alarming extent, and if not checked will
undermine the best principles of the people. Let a man be
habituated to falsehood and fraud in one line of life, and he will
soon learn to extend it to all his actions. This traffic operates
like a secret poison on all their moral feelings. They are the
more rapidly betrayed into it, as, though acute and ingenious in
regard to all that comes within the scope of their observa-
tion, they do not comprehend the nature or purpose of imports
levied on the produce of the soil, nor have they any distinct idea
of the practice of smuggling being attended with disgrace or tur-
pitude. The open defiance of the laws, the progress of chicanery,
perjury, hatred, and mutual recrimination, with a constant dread
and suspicion of informers — men not being sure of nor confident
in their next neighbours — which results from smuggling, and the
habits which it engenders, are subjects highly important, and re-
garded with the most serious consideration and the deepest regret
by all who value the permanent welfare of their country, which
depends so materially upon the preservation of the morals of the
people."* This is a terrible picture, but I am in a position to
vouch that it is only too true. The degradation, recklessness, and
destitution which, as a rule, follow in the wake of illicit distilla-
tion are notorious to all. I know of three brothers on the West
'Dealing with the subject of smuggling, Buckle in his "History of Civil-
isation," says: — "The economical evils, g eat as they were, have been farsur-
passi;<t by the moral evils which this system produced. These men, desperate
from the fear of punishment, and accustome-1 to the commission of every
crime, contaminated the surrounding population, introduced into peaceful
villages vices formerly unknown, caused the ruin of entire familks, spread,
wherever they came drunkenness, theft, and dissoluteness, and familiarised
their associates with those coarse and swinish debaucheries which were the
natural h-ihits of S'» vagrant and S'1 lawless a life."
Smuggling in the Highlands. 283
Coast. Two of them settled down on crofts, became respectable
members of the community, and with care and thrift and hard
work even acquired some little means. The third took to
smuggling, and has never done anything else ; has been several
times in prison, has latterly lost all his smuggling utensils, and
is now an old broken-down man, without a farthing, without
sympathy, without friends, one of the most wretched objects in
the whole parish. Not one in a hundred has gained anything by
smuggling in the end. I know most of the smugglers in my own
district personally. With a few exceptions they are the poorest
among the people. How can they be otherwise 1 Their's is the
work of darkness, and they must sleep through the day. Their
crofts are not half tilled or manured ; their houses are never
repaired ; their very children are neglected, dirty, and ragged.
They cannot bear the strain of regular steady work even if they
feel disposed. Their moral and physical stamina have become
impaired, and they can do nothing except under the unhealthy
influence of excitement and stimulants. Gradually their manhood
becomes undermined, their sense of honour becomes deadened, and
they become violent law-breakers and shameless cheats. This is
invariably the latter end of the smuggler, and generally his sons
follow his footsteps in the downward path, or he finds disciples
among his neighbours' lads, so that the evil is spread and per-
petuated. Smuggling is, in short, a curse to the individual, and
to the community.
I admit that some are" driven to engage in smuggling by dire
poverty. Necessity has no law, and constant grinding poverty
leads a man to many things of which he cannot approve. " My
poverty, and not my will, consents," was the apology of the
poor apothecary of Mantua when he sold the poison to Romeo.
" These movin' things ca'd wives and weans
v Wad move the very heart of stanes,"
pleaded Burns when forced to allow " clarty barm to stain
his laurels." Agur prayed to be delivered from poverty, "lest
I be poor and steal, and take the name of my God in vain."
The hardships and temptations of the abject poor are terrible,
and God forbid we should at any time become so inhuman
in our dealings with them as to shut up the bowels of our com-
passion, or forget to temper justice with mercy. I tell you frankly
that the highest sense of duty would hardly sustain me in suppress-
ing the smugglers of the West Coast, unless I had also a strong
and deep conviction that if I could dissuade or prevent them from
284 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
engaging in smuggling, I would be doing them the greatest pos-
sible service. When arguing with one of these smugglers, as
to the evil and dishonesty of his ways, he replied, " The village
merchant has kept my family and self alive for the last twelve
months, and would you blame me if I made an effort to pay
him something 1 There is no fishing and no work, and what am I
to do T Here was an appeal to the common feeling of manhood
which no fellow could answer. This year another smuggler whose
wife is physically and mentally weak, and whose children are
quite young, said to me in touching tones, " If we are to be hunted
like this, either get something for me to do or cuir an gunna rium
— shoot me." This was bad enough, but I can tell you something
that affected me even more. The officers were passing by a certain
township just as a brewing was in operation. They noticed
movements which aroused their suspicions, but as the evening
was gi'owing dark they made no search for the bothy, and walked
on as if they had observed nothing. On passing by an old woman
with a creel, sitting on a stone, they heard sounds, half sighs,
half groans, which were doubtless inarticulate expressions of grati-
tude and thankfulness that the gangers had not observed the bothy.
Poor, old, deluded woman ! Little did she know that the gangers
had quietly taken their bearings and laid their plans. Having
given the smugglers time to get into full working order, they re-
turned and destroyed the bothy with its full compliment of brew-
ing utensils and materials. These things grieve me much. How-
ever deluded and wrong a man may be, we cannot help respect-
ing a determined effort to make the best of things, if they can-
not be altered ; and the circumstances of the poor people 011 the
West Coast are not easily changed for the better. Their abject
poverty, their enforced idleness during a long inclement winter,
the wildness and remoteness of the localities where they reside
are all temptations to engage in anything that may be profitable
and exciting. There can be no doubt that smuggling, when suc-
cessful, is profitable in a pecuniary sense. Barley can be this
year bought for 23s. a quarter, from which can be obtained some
14 or 16 gallons of whisky, which can be sold at 18s. or 20s. a
gallon. Allowing for all contingencies, payment of carriage, liberal
consumption during manufacture, and generous treating of
friends and neighbours, some £8 or .£10 can be netted from
an outlay of 23s. This is no doubt a great temptation. In ad-
dition to the very poor, two other classes engage in smug-
gling, with whom there can be no sympathy whatever.
The ne'er-do-well professional smuggler who is entirely re-
Smuggling in the Highlands. 285
gardless as to the right or wrong of the illegal traffic, and well-to-
do people, who engage in the traffic through sheer wantonness, just
for the romance of the thing, on the principle that " stolen waters
are sweet." I know a few of both classes. Their conduct is highly
reprehensible, and their example most pernicious to their poorer
neighbours.
With the smuggler I class the purchaser of the wretched
stuff. He aids and abets, becomes a partner in guilt, and is
equally tainted. Without a ready market the smuggler's occupa-
tion would be gone, and no small share of the dishonesty attaches
to the purchaser. Whoever buys for gain, or to gratify a debased
sentiment, is encouraging the smuggler in his lawless ways at the
risk of loss and penalty. David would not drink the water
brought from the Well of Bethlehem at the risk of his three
mighty men's lives, but the drinkers of smuggled whisky are actually
draining the moral and physical life-blood of the poor smuggler.
Both the legitimate trader and the Revenue suffer by this illegal
traffic. The trader has no remedy, but the taxpayer must make
up every penny of which the Revenue is defrauded. If the general
community would engage in frauds of this kind, the whole country
would become demoralised. Integrity and honesty, the very found-
ation of society would be sapped, and the whole would collapse into
chaos. Something like this on a small scale actually occurs in
some of the townships on the West Coast. A few successful runs
cause envy and jealousy, and whenever a detection is made some
one is blamed for giving information. Mutual confidence and
friendliness disappear, and every one distrusts and suspects his
neighbour until the little township becomes a sort of pandemon-
ium. Even families are victims of dissensions. I know a case
where father and mother are opposed to a son who engages in
smuggling, and two cases where wives disapprove of their husbands
engaging in smuggling, but entreaties and warnings are disre-
garded.
Some six years ago we were hoping such a deplorable state
of things was fast passing away, but since the abolition of the
Malt Tax in 1880, there has been a marked revival of smuggling
in the Highlands. Prior to 1880 the manufacture of malt, which
occupied from 1 4 to 20 days, was illegal except by licensed traders,
and during the manufacture the smuggler was liable to detection.
Malt can now be made openly, or be bought from brewers, dis-
tillers, or malt dealers, so that the illicit distiller is liable to
detection only during the four, five, or six days he is engaged in
brewing and distilling. This very much facilitates illicit distilla-
286 Gaelic Society of Inverness,
tion, and increases the difficulty of making detections and arrests.
This has doubtlessly been the direct and principal cause of the revival,
but it has been indirectly helped by the injudicious and indiscriminate
reduction of the Preventive Force in the Highlands immediately
prior to J 880. During some years previously few detections had
been made, and, for economical reasons, the staff was reduced, so
that in 1880, on the abolition of the Malt Tax, those who engaged
in smuggling had it pretty much their own way. The reduction
of the Preventive Staff was not only a short-sighted policy, but a
serious blunder. The old smugglers were fast dying out, and if
the Preventive Force had been kept up, neither they nor younger
men would have attempted illicit distillation again. Since 1880
a fresh generation of smugglers has 'been trained, and time, hard
work, and money will be required to suppress the evil. Indeed,
in some places it will only die out with the men. The fear of
being removed from their holdings has had much influence in
limiting illicit distillation, and I very much dread a i-eaction when
security of tenure is obtained under the Crofters' Bill. I feel so
strongly on this point that, with all my objection to landlord re-
strictions, I would gladly see a stringent prohibition against smug-
gling embodied in the Bill. We need not look for complete cessation
until the material condition of the people is improved. It is to be
hoped the day of deliverance is now near at hand. But much can
be done in various ways. The hollowness and falsity of the mis-
chievous sentiment which has been fostered round about smuggled
whisky, can be exposed. Its necessarily inferior, if not deleterious
character, can be pointed out. All interested in the material,
physical, and moral elevation of the Highland people should
seriously consider that the habitual evasion of law, whether statute
or moral, has an influence so demoralising, so destructive to the
best and highest feelings of a man's nature, that smuggling must be
utterly ruinoiis to the character of those who engage in it or connive
at it. Teachers, clergymen, and indeed all can do much to pre-
sent illicit practices in their true light, and render them unpopular
and distasteful. Much can be done by educating the young and giv-
ing their thoughts a turn and taste for honest work, and when
chance offers, providing them with situations. We could almost
afford to let the old smugglers die in their sin, but the influence
of their example on the young is simply awful. I very much re-
gret having to state that the Highland clergy, with one exception,
are guilty of the grossest neglect and indifference in this matter.
Like Gallio, they care for none of those things. I understand
that smugglers are formally debarred from the Communion Table
The Gael— His Characteristics and Social History. 287
in one Highland parish, but this is the extent of clerical interfer-
ence, and the clergy cannot be held guiltless as regards smuggling.
Highlanders have many things laid to their charge which require
to be explained and justified. This Society has among its objects
the vindication of the character of the Gaelic people, and the
furtherance of their interests, and I make no apology for appealing
to you individually and collectively to use your influence and
efforts to free the Highland people from the stigma of lawlessness
and dishonesty, and from the inevitable demoralisation which are
inseparable from illicit distillation alias smuggling.
24TH MARCH 1886.
On this date the following were elected ordinary members of
the Society — Dr Duncan Mackay, Inverness ; Mr J. J. Carter,
Inland Revenue Collector, do.; Mr Arthur Medlock, jeweller, do.;
and Mr Macdonald, Attova, Pensylvannia.
Thereafter the Rev. Alex. Bisset, Stratherrick, read a second
paper on " The Gael — His Characteristics and Social History."
Mr Bisset's paper was as follows : —
THE GAEL— HIS CHARACTERISTICS AND SOCIAL
HISTORY.
PART I I. *
When I had the honour and the great pleasure of address-
ing you last, the subject I took was " The Gael." Having on
that occasion examined the origin of the Gael, and the settlement
of the same in Caledonia., I propose this evening to cull out
some of the leading features in his character as these strike us, as
being more particularly illustrated in the history of this most in-
teresting people. Now, the first point which occurs to me in
looking into the character of the Gael is his deep sense of
religion. When we remember that man was created by God to
know, love, and serve Him, it is assuredly highly creditable to the
Gael to find in him, throughout the whole course of his history, a
lively and keen appreciation of the homage and duty be owes
his Creator.
From the earliest traces we have of the Gael we find him
deeply imbued with religious sentiment, and from the exhaustive
treatment of the subject of Celtic Mythology by Mr Macbain, in
his articles in the " Celtic Magazine," we see how widespread and
* For Part I. vide Transactions, vol. xi., p. 288.
288 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
lasting, however much distorted and mistaken, was the idea of
rendering homage to the Supernatural. When the light of
Christianity dawned upon the Celts, we find the labom-s of the
early missionaries blessed with extraordinary fruits, notwithstand-
ing the selfish and interested opposition of the Druidical Priest-
hood. The career of St Columba, the apostle of the Scottish Gael,
is indeed wonderful ; and the rapid spread of Christianity even in
his own life-time is attested by the number of churches dedicated
to God under his patronage. A compiler of a history of the
Catholic Church in Scotland, specifies no fewer than twenty-four
churches dedicated to St Columba in former ages, besides many
more in modern times, dedicated to his memory, both by Catholics
and Protestants.
The veneration in which St Patrick is held by the Irish Celt,
wherever he is found, strongly indicates the deep religious instinct
of the Celtic race : whilst the numerous churches, the noble
abbeys, and the majestic cathedrals which once filled and adorned
this country throughout its length and breadth, and which even
in their ruins are pointed out with pride, testify to the zeal,
generosity, and religious enthusiasm of our forefathers.
And in passing, I cannot but express the intense feelings of
regret which all lovers of whatever is great, and beautiful in art,
must feel when they read in the dark pages of the history of our
country, the blind fanaticism and reckless fury, which, under the
cloak of religion, brought about the ruthless spoliation and the
shameful demolition of these national monuments.
Coming to later times, we find amid all the vicissitudes of
fortune which have checkered the career of the Gael, amidst broils
and dissensions, domestic and civil, amidst strifes and rivalries,
religious as well as political, that the religious character of the
Gael never disappears. But never, perhaps, before was the deep
religious feeling of the Gael more prominently and more loudly
asserted than it has been in our own day, when the almost unani-
mous voice of the people is raised to insist on the maintenance of a
national recognition of religion, nor must we overlook the laud-
able efforts that are being put forth to remove those causes of
religious differences and dissensions which are unhappily so rife
amongst us, and so opposed alike to the spirit and the letter of
the Christian Religion. As, when united, the Gaels have proved
themselves victorious on every battle-field, and have made their
very name a terror to their enemies, so it is a healthy sign and a
source of consolation to find them uniting and stirring them-
selves to oppose the lurking foe that seeks to sap the very
The Gael— His Characteristics and Social History. 289
foundations of revealed religion. Next to his sense of duty
to God, deference to authority forms the most striking feature
in the character of the Gael, whether we consider that authority
as vested in the head of a family, in the person of a
chief, or in that of the Sovereign. The traits of filial attach-
ment, of self-sacrifice and generosity on the part of children
towards their parents and their family cannot be over estimated.
The warm home, however humble, is never forgotten, and the
filial reverence due to parental authority far from waning with
the advancing years of the parents only becomes stronger. The
pecuniary assistance to their parents afforded by devoted sons and
daughters out of their small and hard earned wages to supplement
the scanty returns from the croft, or the meagre support drawn
from a handicraft has been a subject of admiration and a theme
of praise to many. Colonel Stewart, in his military annals, makes
frequent allusions to the disinterestedness and generosity of High-
laud soldiers in saving out of their small pay considerable sums
to be remitted to their homes. Nor was the generosity of the
Highlander confined to the parental home: the chief likewise was
nobly and dutifully supported with all the pecuniary assistance at
the disposal of his devoted followers. And here we have the
second, and perhaps the greatest object of the staunch fidelity of
the Gael, viz., his Chief.
Fidelity to Chief. — Strong as was the tie which united the
Scottish Highlander to his family, it is doubtful if it equalled
with him in sacredness and constancy, that which bound him to
hia chief. His attachment to his family sprang from the natural
affection inherent in human nature, common to us all, which binds
parents to their children, and children to their parents, but to his
chief he adhered with a chivalrous, manly, inviolable fidelity which
braved in his cause every difficulty, and made light of every
sacrifice, even of life itself ; rather than endanger the honour or
be wanting in that fealty and devotedness which he owed to the
head and leader of his family. That particular individuality by
which he was distinguished from any other of his neighbouring
clans, and made of that clan to which he happened to belong a
distinct and independent state, as it were, in the midst of a host
of other petty states whose aims and interests seldom harmonised
— all this sense of self-importance and family distinction he derived
from his Chief. He (the chief) was the revered scion and lineal
representative of that ancient stock to which each separate clan
traces its origin ; whilst he was regarded at the same time as the
loving father and faithful guardian of his clan ; whose every
19
290 Gaelic Society of Inverness,
interest he made his own, to receive in turn from each member,
young and old, a subjection and obedience of the most devoted
kind. We need only glance at the history of the clans to see how
faithfully and heroically they served their chiefs in every ciisis
and emergency, whilst there are not wanting examples of High-
landers, providing at the sacrifice of their own lives, for the safety
of their chiefs. How sad it is to think how little had been done
on the part of many of those same chiefs to repay such devoted
fidelity. With regret must it be said that many of them from
selfish and sordid motives sacrificed that position of trust and
severed those ties of affection which mutually bound the body to
the head, the children to the father, the clansman to his chief.
Fidelity to the Sovereign. — As the natural outcome of loyal
devotion to home and chief, we have the most attached loyalty on
the part of the Gael to his Sovereign. The undying attachment
of the Scottish Gael to the Stuart Dynasty, while there remained
a ray of hope of the restoi'ation of that family, has emphasised
the loyalty of the Gael, and has stored it in records of imperish-
able fame. In the ballads and songs relating to the Jacobite
rising, we meet the outpourings of sentiments of the most loyal
and loving attachment of the subject to his Sovereign ever perhaps
expressed. Future generations will point to these episodes as the
period in his history which marks out most prominently the char-
acteristic fidelity of the Gael. In a doleful effusion of the time,
we read —
'Thearlaich big, a mhic High Seumas,
Chunna mi 'n tbir mhbr an de" ort ;
ladsa sughach 's mise deurach
Le uisge mo chinn tighinn teann gum' leursainn.
Mharbh iad m' athair, mharbh iad mo bhrathair,
Mhill iad mo chinneadh, a's sgrios iad mo chairdean,
Loisg iad mo dhuthaich, a's ruisg iad mo mhathair,
Ach cha chluinnte mo ghearan na'n tigeadh tu 'Thearlaich.
And our present much-loved Sovereign has no more devoted
and lovingly loyal subjects than the Highlanders of Scotland.
Although at the present day there may be an appearance of a
want of submission to constituted authority in some parts of the
Highlands, and especially in Skye, the respect shown to her
Majesty's Marines during their recent stay in that Island proves
that the opposition arises from an impression on the part of the
people that the Police Force is employed exclusively in the interest
of landlords to enforce what is in these hard times felt to be oppres-
The Gael— His Characteristics and Social History. 291
sive exactions. We may, however, confidently expect a speedy
solution of this difficulty from the legislative enactments about to
be passed in Parliament, where so much interest is excited in the
subject of the land question.
Honour. — Next to the noble fidelity of the Gael I will place
his high sense of honour. This distinguishing and beautiful trait
of character in the Gael we sometimes hear stigmatised as High-
land pi'ide. A sense of pleasure derived from the remembrance
and rehearsal of deeds of bravery, of examples of generosity and
of noble actions, may indeed be termed laudable pride, and in this
sense of the term we may take honour and Highland pride to be
synonymous. As the honour of parents reflects OP their children,
so in the wider sense the honour belonging to the clan, whether
derived from its chief or from the noble deeds of its individual
members, reflects on the whole body. Here we have strong
motives to urge individuals to perserve in tact, and hand down
unsullied the good name and character of their family, whether in
its limited or in its wider sense. Here, also, we find the reason
of what appears to our southern neighbours to be the silly family
connection, and the long line of ancestry in which the Celt takes
so much pride. From this source likewise springs that stimulus
to individual effort on the part of each member of the clan to
emulate the good deeds of his ancestors, aud to eschew in his own
person whatever might tend to bring disgrace on his family name.
Female honour and virtue were held as specially sacred, and the
utter sense of degradation of shame and isolation of the unfortun-
ate and unhappy female who had lost her virtue is strongly
painted in the pitiful wail of her who said —
Bithidh mi tuilleadh gu tuirseach deurach,
Mar eala bhan 's i an deigh 'reubadh,
Guileag bais aic' air lochan feurach,
A's each gu leur 's iad an deigh 'treigsinn.
Hospitality. — Highland hospitality is proverbial, and among
our ancestors it must have appeared in the light of a sacred duty.
Whether this duty is any other than that which is imposed by our
duties as Christians, and rendered stronger by the necessities of
circumstances may be a question, but certain it is that to a genuine
Gael the pleasure of dispensing his hospitality, equals, if it does
not surpass, that of the recipient of his favours. So imperative
was the duty of hospitality that feuds and bitter dissensions were
frequently suppressed in order to discharge with becoming honour
and dignity the paramount duty of host.
292 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Love of Country. — The attachment of the Celt to his native
land is indeed a strong point in his character, and the Scottish
Gael in this respect vies with his brother Celts, and dearly loves
" The land of brown heath and shaggy wood — the land of the
mountain and the flood." The author of " Six months in Italy,"
remarks that among all the nationalities he met with in the Col-
lege of Propaganda, and students are found in it from every clime,
he found the love of home strongest among the youths from
Switzerland, the Mountains of Lebanon, and from Scotland, thus
showing the love of home strongest amongst the inhabitants of
mountainous districts. It is sad to think how many pangs, and
how much real grief have resulted from this tender attachment of
the Gael to his native land.
Military Prowess. — Perhaps the widest reputation the High-
lander enjoys, is that which he has made for himself by his Mil-
litary prowess, and undaunted courage. How much this vast
Empire is indebted for its power abroad, and its stability at home
to these two qualities of the Gael the military annals of our
country bear ample testimony. This subject needs only to be
mentioned, for wherever the name of the Gael is heard his quali-
ties as a patriot and soldier are well known.
Many other interesting qualities in the character of the Gael
suggest themselves, but those I have ventured to mention are
certainly conspicuous. It may be said that this picture of the Gael
is purely imaginary, and that at least in these days no such type
of character exists. The more is the pity. It must be owned
that in the process of becoming Saxonised, the Gael has lost many
of the noble and distinct qualities which distinguished his fore-
fathers. It must not, however, be forgotten that gifted with a
knowledge of the language, not of the Saxon as such, but of that
commercial life and enterprise which his own native gifts and
talents have helped so much to extend and develop in this king-
dom, and throughout the whole British Empire, the Gael is to be
found in the very foremost ranks of success, honour, and distinc-
tion. How many Gaels could be mentioned who have distin-
guished themselves in every walk in life! I have dwelt, perhaps, too
long on the characteristics of the Gael, but I will not detain you
with his social history further than to say that, as this subject
has been so ably and comprehensively treated before by Mr John
Macdonald,* I do not feel justified in trespassing any further on
your time and patience.
* See Transactions, vols. x. and xi.
Changes in the Ownership of Land in Ross-shire. 293
31sT MARCH 1886.
On this date Bailie Chas. Mackay, Inverness, read an introduc-
tory paper on " Stratherrick — its People and Traditions." Bailie
Mackay having agreed to resume the subject next session, the pub-
lication of the first part is postponed, in order that the paper may
appear in the next volume in its completed form. On the same
date the Secretary, on behalf of Sir Kenneth S. Mackenzie of Gair-
loch, Bart., read a paper on changes in the ownership of land in
Ross-shire between 1756 and 1853. Sir Kenneth's paper was as
follows : —
CHANGES IN THE OWNERSHIP OF LAND IN
ROSS-SHIRE— 1756-1853.
The history of land-tenure in the Highlands is a subject on
which there seems to be very material disagreement. Mr Cham-
berlain, speaking at Inverness in September 1885, said that until
comparatively recent times the chief held the land in trust for
his clan, and " the arbitrary claim to absolute possession and dis-
position of the soil has only sprung up within the last hundred
years." On the other hand, Novar, in a lecture which he lately
gave in Edinburgh, said that all available evidence went to show
that private property in land was very generally established
before the tribal system was broken up and the clans had been
called into existence ; and he indicated that a chiefs power as the
head of a clan, and his rights as a lord of the soil, were not
necessarily co-extensive — instancing the case where Fraser of
Fraserdale's tenantry deserted him at Perth to join their chief,
Lovat, at Inverness, and that of Maclean of Coll who retained his
power as chief after losing his lands. Lately, when looking over
the rental of the Lordship of Huntly (A.D. 1600-1607), which is
printed in the fourth volume of the Spalding Miscellany, my
attention was attracted by an entry where Lochiel (Allane Came-
rone M'Ouildouy) is set down as a rentaller of the Gordons
paying eighty rnerks for the forty-merk land of Mamore, to
which entry this curious note is appended : " Memorand, Thair ar
fyve merk land moir nor the fourtie merk land in Mamoir for the
quhilk Allane hes payit nothinge, thairfoir to be tryitt."
That the possession of his land by the Chief of the Camerons
was somewhat precarious is a conclusion difficult to avoid. From
the same rental we learn that Mackintosh in 1607 accepted from
Huntly a set of the " the Coigs," at the head of Strathdearn, for
294 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
three years. Here again the limitation of the term of set implies
that there was no perpetuity of tenure at a fixed rent. Nor is
Mackintosh's a solitary case of the sort. A John Mackintosh of
the same date got a three years' set of Dunachton, and other
instances of sets for limited periods will be found in this rental in
the parish of Kingussie. It is almost superfluous to remark that
if there were sub-tenants on these lands, their tenure could not
have been better than that of those from whom their right was
derived. Huntly's own right and that of his sub-feudatories
may, if you please, be held to have been usurped, but if so the
usurpation takes us back to the fifteenth century. The similar
right of the Earl of Ross takes us back to the twelfth century.
A friend has lent me a memorandum on the early tenure of
land in Ross-shire, from which I take the following extract : —
" Estates in Ross-shire may be classed with reference to the
origin of the feudal title into two divisions, viz., those which have
been derived from the Earls and from the Bishops of Ross respec-
tively.
" The Earldom of Ross was one of the earliest territorial Earl-
doms of Scotland. In its limits it was practically co-extensive
with the present Sheriffdom.
" The Earls, whose family name was Ross, were of Celtic
origin, and were probably chiefs of leading authority in the dis-
trict prior to the creation of the feudal Earldom in the middle of
the twelfth century. After that creation, in accordance with the
plan of the feudal system, the Earl held the whole district of the
Crown for service of ward and relief, the subordinate chiefs of the
clans, Mackenzies, Munroes, and others, holding in their turn of
the Earl for military service to him. That these rights were
made and transferred by Charters and Sasines in ordinary feu-
dal form is instructed by various old Charters preserved among
the muniments of the older Ross-shire families.
"The Earldom of I'oss was resigned by John, Lord of the
Isles, into the hand of the Crown, ad perpetuam remanentiam in
the year 1476. The mid-superiors being thus removed, the subor-
dinate chiefs came to hold their lands directly from the Crown.
The more important of them afterwards had their Estates erected
into Baronies, and in their turn gave out lands to vassals. The
lands which had belonged in property to the Earls of Ross, were
put under the charge of a Crown Chamberlain, who periodically
settled accounts of his intromissions in Exchequer.
" Various property-lands of the Earldom of Ross were feued
Changes in the Ownership of Land in Ros&-shire. 295
out by King James the VI. to Sir William Keith, Master of his
Wardrobe, and created in his favour into a Barony of Delny, about
the year 1588. William Keith, perhaps in virtue of an under-
standing to that effect, appears to have sub-feued the lands to the
old tenants, as occupiers, for the annual payment to him, or to the
Crown in his relief, of just the same feu-duties for which he was him-
self bound. The Barony of Delny, consisting of the reserved mid
superiorities, passed from Keith to the family of Innes, and from
them to the Mackenzies of Tarbat.
" TJie Sishoprick of Ross was founded or restored by King
David I. in the early part of the twelth century, and was richly en-
dowed with lands and teinds in every part of the county. Follow-
ing the universal practice of the old clergy at the time of the Re-
formation, John Leslie, last Roman Catholic Bishop of Ross
(1566-96) feued out nearly all the landed property of the See.
Some of these grants may have been given from favour — the
majority, more probably, were extorted by the influence of local
landowners. There is not as a rule the same preference for the
old occupier as in the case of the Crown or Delny feus.
" In the Exchequer Rolls, now being published, there is a
good deal of information to be derived as to the nature of the
rents received by the Crown for the property-lands of the Earldom
of Ross after 1476. The feu-duties payable to the Crown under the
Charters of the Barony of Delny are very similar to the old rental
duties.
"In the same way, by comparing the feu-duties in the
Charters granted by the Crown as coming in place of the Bishop,
with the rental of the Bishoprick of Ross given up at the Refor-
mation, 1561, it is seen that these duties are practically the same
as the rents paid by the old tenants of the Bishops of Ross. If,
therefore, there were crofters settled on any of these lands, they
must have held their crofts under the tenants or rentallers of the
Crown and the Bishop."
I have given this extract at greater length than to some may
seem necessary, because for those unacquainted with the subject it
conveys a succinct account of the early land-tenure of Ross-shire.
It can hardly be questioned, that if the vassals and tenants of
the Earls of Ross held the land in trust for anyone, it was for their
feudal lord and not for their sub-feudatories or sub-tenants. It is,
however, sometimes said that the ancient charters from which we
construct history were mere paper rights receiving little practical re-
cognition in the everyday life of the people, and it may be admitted
that in some cases it was so. When Dean Munro speaks, in 1 549, of
296 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Raasay "perteining to M'Gyllychallam of Raarsay be the sword and
to the bishope of the lies be heritage " we feel that, he may be
covertly intimating that in this particular case the Bishop found
some difficulty in getting his dues from his vassal ; and we have more
solid authority than this to go upon. In 1597 an Act was passed
by the Scots Parliament, evidently directed against the vassals
and rentallers of the annexed Earldom of Ross, calling on the
inhabitants of the Isles and Highlands to show their titles. The
preamble is in these terms : — " Considdering that the inhabitantes
of the Hielandes and lies of this Realme quhilkes ar for the
maist parte of his Hienesse annexed propertie, hes nocht onelie
frustrate his Majestic of the zeirlie payment of his proper rentes
and dew service properlie addebted be them to his Majestic,
foorth of the said Landes : Bot that they have likewise through
their barbarous inhumanitie maid, and presentlie maiks the saidis
Hielandes and lies (quhilkis ar maist commodious in themselves,
alsweill bee the fertilitie of the grounde as be rich fishinges bee sea)
altoquidder unprofitable baith to themselves and to all utheris his
Hienesse Lieges within this Realme :" &c. His Highness of course
knew well enough of the deficiency of his rents, and the barbarous
inhumanity of some of the Islanders had in the previous year been
brought under his notice in a petition presented to him by Kenneth
Mackenzie of Kintail against Torquil Dow of the Lews. Torquil
Dow appears besides to have been one of those who had "frustrate"
his Majesty of his rents, and who omitted to show his titles in con-
formity with the new Act, and in 1598 his lands were confiscated and
granted to a company since known as that of the "Fife Adventurers."
It is in everyone's knowledge that this company could not make
good the possession conferred on it by Royal Charter, though sub-
sequently Mackenzie of Kintail, to whom they assigned it, did so.
Non-observance of the law was therefore in this case abnormal
and temporary, for in the end, the law asserted itself, and it
is reasonable to suppose that as it was in this case so must it always
have been. Failure to recognise rights which the law conferred,
could only have been exceptional even in those tumultuous times.
Family traditions in the Highlands, as the members of the Gaelic
Society of Inverness must be well aware, lay constant stress on the
possession of titles, " coraichean" as they are called, a word which
does not mean equitable rights but written Charters, those very
paper-titles which we hear sneered at by persons who do not know
the important place they occupy in Highland legend. In the his-
tory of my own clan, written by the editor of the Celtic Magazine
from the gathered-up traditions of he past, one instance at least will
Changes in the Ownership of Land in Ross-shire. 297
be found where these titles occupy a prominent place. Very event-
ful scenes are described as having had their origin in the accidental
rescue of Lovat's Charter-chest from the flames by his nephew the
young Mackenzie of Kintail ; who had it then suggested to him
that he should try and recover his own. I have myself no doubt
that turbulent though the Highlanders were, the validity of the
paper-rights was generally admitted, and that if there ever was an
epoch when the chief held the land in trust for his clan, it was at
a period antecedent to what for us in the Highlands are historic
times. And I may add that one circumstance which in popular
estimation supports the view to which Mr Chamberlain gave ex-
pression, does not bear examination. The Chiefs of the Grants,
the Frasers, the Clan Chattan, &c., may seem to-day to own an
undue proportion of the soil, but it will be found that the size of
their estates is owing less to the extent of their original grants,
than to subsequent accumulation effected by marriage and by pur-
chase. That there were some estates which were large in their
origin is unquestioned. Most of these have been split up, and
yet property in land has till within the last few years kept
accumulating in even fewer hands. My attention having been
called to this, and desiring to trace the changes in the distribution
of land in Ross-shire, I lately undertook an examination of such
of its Valuation Rolls as were accessible to me. It is the result
of that examination which I propose to lay before the Gaelic
Society to-night. The examination occupied some time ; but the
main results may be so shortly stated, that I have ventured to
interpose the foregoing remarks on a kindred subject, though they
may hardly seem, perhaps, to form an appropriate preface.
The forfeiture of the Earldom of Ross took place upwards of
a century and a-half before the date of the earliest Valuation Roll
which has come down to us. The rentallers of the Earldom had all
been converted into feuars long before this roll was made up, and we
there meet with the successors both of the feuars and of the older
vassals of the Earldom, as proprietors in the modern sense of the
word. Except as a matter of history the Earldom has no prac-
tical connection with the system of land-ownership which has
prevailed during the last two centuries. In the progress of events,
with the fall in the value of specie, and the increased productive
capacity which the application of labour and capital had given to
the soil, the feu-duties had come to be little more than quit-rents.
Forfeiture of tenure for their non-payment ceased therefore to be
an eventuality of which account need be taken, and the names we
find in the Valuation Rolls are those of persons who for the time
298 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.
were in absolute possession. In many cases it is true they were
only life-renters ; and we find not uncommonly that dower-lands
were given to widows in place of jointure. Such lauds sometimes
fell back to the original estate, and sometimes became the portion
of a younger child; but, in any case, they were for the time under
separate management, and thus tended to restrict monopoly in
the soil.
The earliest Valuation Roll of Ross-shire, of which there is
any record, is that of 1644, a copy of which has been preserved
for us by Mr Fraser-Mackintosh in his volume of Antiquarian
Notes. I happen to possess copies of the Rolls of 1756, of 1793, and
of 1853. Lately I had an opportunity of inspecting also the roll
of the Collector of Land-Tax for Ross-shire, in which the changes
in the ownership of laud had been corrected down to 1883. These
rolls relate to the County of Ross, exclusive of the parts of
Cromarty and Nairn locally situated within it. Let me say a few
words on their nature and origin.
The object with which they were made up was to form a
basis for the direct taxation of land. In early times such taxa-
tion was rarely resorted to, being treated as an extraordinary
source of income to which recourse was to be had only in great
emergencies. Down to the middle of the seventeenth century
such taxes as were levied on land in Scotland were assessed on
what was known as " the old extent," — a valuation believed to have
been made by Alexander III. about 1280, in view of a general aid
towards his daughter's dowry. The Church lands, however, were
not included in this valuation, and they contributed on another
basis. But in 1643 the Convention of Estates in voting a supply
of 1,200,000 merks Scottish money for the support of the army in
Ireland, deemed it expedient to levy the money, "not as the
taxations have been, or by the division of temporalities and
spiritualities," but " conform to a particular roll made and set
down thereanent, and subscribed in pi-esence of the said Estates
by the Lord Chancellor, to remain on record of the books of col-
lection and convention." Under this Act, which is dated the
15th August 1643, Commissioners are appointed for each county,
" with power to such Commissioners to use all legal ways to in-
form themselves of the just and true worth of every person
or persons their present year's rent of this crop, 1643, to landward,
as well as of lands and teinds as of any other thing whereby
yearly profit or commodity ariseth, and that the worth of any
person or persons their lands, teinds, and other commodities where
gressums and interesses have been payed, be valued and set down
Changes in the Ownership of Land in Ross-shire. 299
not only as they pay to the heritors, liferenters, and other their
masters, but as the same are worth and may pay presently without
respect of gressums or entresses, and to divide the said rolls on
particular parishes by making a roll for every severall parish
within the said shyre. Which roll shall contain every particular
person's name, surname, and designation with the said year's rent
and commodity within the said parish, whether in victual, money,
or other commodities, and the said victual and commodities to be
converted into money by the said Commissioners," &c., &c.
The roll printed by Mr Fraser-Mackintosh i& said to be that
of the year following the passing of this Act, and a note at the
close of the roll rofers to the proportioning of the cess among the
different counties and burghs detailed in the Act, as having been
agreed upon at a meeting of the shires in the month preceding its
enactment. We may, therefore, J: think, assume that the prepara-
tion of the Valuation Roll, printed in the " Antiquarian Notes,"
followed on the passing of the Act of 1643, and that it contains
the actual rent or annual value of the land of that year in terms
of the Act.
Revised valuations are said to have been made in 1649, 1655
or 1656, and again in 1660, but the Acts which authorised them
have not come down to us ; and after the restoration of Charles
II. the Acts of the Convention of 1643 were annulled, and the
valuation of that year of course fell with them.
In 1667 the Convention of Estates enacted the first of that
series of statutes under which the present Land tax became
established in Scotland. The amount of supply was fixed at a
cess of £72,000 Scots a month, and from this time forward supply
is granted at first intermittently, but towards the close of the
century more or less regularly in terms of so many month's cess.
The average annual amount of supply shortly before the Union
was six months' cess. At the Union it was fixed at a sum which
was practically eight months' cess, and at that amount it has since
remained in so far as it has not been redeemed.
The Act of 1667, which, as I have said, may be looked on as
the first of the regular Supply- Acts under which the Land-Tax
became established, granted to his Majesty twelve months' cess,
which was " ordered to be raised and payed by the several shires
and burghs of this kingdom, according to the valuation in the year
of God, one thousand six hundred and sixty, and at the propor-
tions under-written," these proportions being detailed in the Act.
The roll actually made up in 1660 has not been preserved, but
the amount of cess proportioned according to it among the
300 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
different counties and burghs is frequently entered in the Acts of
supply. There were some corrections made on these proportions up
to 1695, but they were so trifling in amount that they do not call for
notice. Practically our apportionment of to-day is that of 1 667, and
our valued rent-roll is recognised as that of 1660 in accordance with
which the proportions were originally allocated. On that valuation
not only the land-tax but alllocal assessments without exception were
levied down to the passing of the Poor- Law Act of 1845; and some
ecclesiastical assessments are still regulated by it. Though the
amount of the valuation in each parish remains unchanged, its
allocation among the heritors has been revised from time to time
by the Commissioners of Supply as properties changed hands; and
the valued rent-rolls thus become a simple means of tracing the
passage of property from one owner to another. Had we a com-
plete set we could without difficulty follow all the changes in land-
ownership that have taken place. As it is I am able with the
help of the roll of 1793 to assign to their respective owners in 1756
the Ross-shire Estates that appear in the roll of 1853, excepting
only those in the Parish of Rosemarkie where there are a large
number of small proprietors and where a division of the teinds
has altered the valuation of each separate parcel of land. I have
not, however, been able to trace back the changes to 1644, because
there is no correspondence between the valuations of 1644 and
1660, neither are the designations of the several estates sufficiently
particularised in the older roll to admit of the identification of
their extent. When I speak of the Valuation Roll made up be-
tween the years 1660 and 1855, it must be understood that I refer
not to the real rent but to the valued rent as fixed in 1660. The
Valuation Rolls issued from time to time between these years vary
from one another only in their detail of the distribution of property.
The total value is always the same. On comparing the valuations
of 1644 and 1660, however, this striking fact appears, that at the
later date the values had greatly fallen. In Ross-shire the valua-
tion of 1644, exclusive of the Lews, amounted to £102,025; in 1660
it was only £66,793, showing a depreciation of nearly 35 per cent.
One is at first tempted to conclude that the valuations had
been made on different bases, but yet the Scottish Parliament
having reverted in 1643 from the old extent to the actual annual
value, it does not seem probable that that equitable basis of taxa-
tion should have been departed from in the subsequent revisals down
to the year 1660. On the other hand, if we consider that the inter-
vening sixteen years had been years of great political excitement
— having witnessed the beheading of Charles I., the setting-up of
Changes in the Ownership of Land in Ross-shire. 301
a republic, and the restoration of the monarchy — it will not seem
unreasonable to suppose that the prosperity of the country may
have been affected by the general turmoil, and the security of pro-
perty have been so shaken that some fall in rents might naturally
have been anticipated. It is the extent of the fall which is at first
sight surprising. The cause for surprise diminishes, however,
when we reflect that in this year (1886) rents are suffering a similar
reduction consequent on a fall in prices. I have had no opportun-
ity of consulting books of reference in regard to rents or prices
during the time of the Commonwealth, but a friend has referred
me to an extract from the audit-books of Eton College, published
in David Macpherson's Annals of Commerce (1805), where the
price paid at Windsor for wheat and malt of the first quality is
given for a great part of the seventeenth century. Unfortunately,
the quotations for the years 1642-46 inclusive, are missing, and I
have not succeeded in finding other sources of information. In
1647 the average price of the quarter of wheat (which at Windsor
contained 9 bushels) was 73s. 8d.; in 1648 it was 85s., from which
point it fell steadily to 26s. in 1654, when it began to rise again.
In 1660 the average price was 56s. 6d. In Windsor market,
therefore, the value of wheat in the six years succeeding 1648 was
depreciated to the extraordinary extent of nearly 70 per cent. ;
and, notwithstanding the rise which then took place, its price in
1660 was about 33 per cent, below that of 1648. Assuming that
the high prices of 1 647-48 were to some extent current as early as
1644, and that the range of prices in Scotland and England did
not materially differ, the fall from the rent of 1644 which we find
in the valuation of 1660, would be sufficiently accounted for by
the variations in the price of agricultural produce, of which wheat
may be taken as an indicator. I have little doubt, therefore, that
the valuation of 1660, equally with that of 1644, represents the
actual value of the time.
I here give a statement of the valuations of 1643 and 1660
side by side for each of the parishes in Ross-shire, premising how-
ever that I have a doubt whether in all cases the parish areas are
identical in the two valuations. The adjoining parishes of Gair-
loch and Lochbroom for instance, taken together, show a fall of
about 25 per cent., but while the fall in one had been 45 per cent.,
the other had an actual increase of 8 per cent. Where there is
no reason to suspect discrepancies in the parochial areas, it will
be noticed that the greatest reductions on the old valuations
generally occur in the low-lying arable parishes; whence we may
conclude that there had been a greater depreciation in the price
of corn than in the price of cattle. Here is the statement : —
302
Gaelic Society of Inuerness.
PARISHES.
Alness
Avoch...
Contin
Dingwall
Edderton
Fearn
Fodderty
Gairloch
Killearnan ... ... ...
Kilmuir Easter
Kiltearn
Kincardine
Kintail and Glenshiel
Kilmuir Wester and Suddie
Loch Alsh
Loch Broom ...
Loch Carron and Applecross
Logic Easter ...
Nigg
Resolis
Rosemarkie ...
Rosskeen ...
Tain
Tarbat
Urquhart and Logic Wester
Urray...
Valued Rent
of 1648.
£4810 18 8
4328 12 8
4014 11 8
1326 0 0
2373 10 0
6170 15 10
4922 0 0
3134 13
1836 10
3946 6
5205 9
5078 10
2738 13
3805 19
1393 6
5397
3504
2871
6
0
0
5519 5
2543 10
5019 1
5112 11
3866 13
6937 10
2894 10
3273 16
£102,025 2 4
Valued Rent
of 1660.
£2891 0 0
2531 6 4
3779 6 8
799 19 0
1528 10 0
3379 3 11
1679 13 4
3400 0 0
1873 12 7
1754 0 0
3149 9 6
1650 15 0
3932 0 6
2925 8 7
2900 0 0
2923 13 4
4031 10 0
1259 15 0
4205 11 0
448 6 6
3725 3 8
3711 15 0
1659 10 0
2388 17 6
1811 5 0
2453 18 0
£66,793 10 5
The following tabular statement shows the number of heritors,
including life-renters, in each of the Ross-shire parishes at the re-
spective periods when the five Valuation Rolls I have referred to
were made up.
PARISHES.
Number of Heritors.
1643 1756 1793 1853 1883
Alness ... ...
16
9
6
3
3
Avoch ..
11
6
5
3
1
Contin
11
11
8
9
13
Dingwall ...
4
2
1
1
1
Edderton
7
6
5
3
3
Fearn ...
17
14
10
8
7
Fodderty
11
8
7
5
5
Gairloch ...
6
5
6
3
3
Killemian ... ... ...
4
2
2
2
2
Kilmuir Easter ...
14
8
6
5
4
Kiltearn ... ...
13
10
6
6
8
Kincardine ... . .
17
8
8
6
6
Kintail and Glenshiel
3
1
2
4
4
Kilmuir Wester and Suddie (Knock ayne) ...
15
10
8
5
5
Loch Alsh
3
1
1
1
1
Carry forward
152 101 81 64 66
Changes in the Ownership oj Land in Ross-shire. 303
PARTSHFO Number of Heritors.
1643 1756 1793 1853 1883
Brought forward 152 101 81 64 66
Loch Broom 12 8 6 6 7
Loch Carron and Applecross ... ... ... 9 6 5 2 5
Logic Easter 85524
Ni^g 21 11 9 7 7
Resolis 64544
Rosemarkie 30 20 16 21 20
Rosskeen 14 7 8 7 5
Tain 13 6 4 3 5
Tarbat 13 8 4 4 4
Urquhart and Logie Wester 12 4 2 2 2
Urray 11 8 10 11 10
301 188 155 133 139
It will be observed in the foregoing tables that while there
are exceptions to the rule, the general tendency towards the ac-
cumulation of property in fewer hands was on the whole pretty
constant down to the middle of the present century. But the
above figures must be taken with some reservation, as many of the
heritors had property in several parishes. I have endeavoured to
count up the actual number of heritors and life-renters in the
county at these several periods, and without guaranteeing the ab-
solute accuracy of the computation (for it is not always easy in the
earlier rolls to identify a name which, though perhaps referring to
the same person, may be given in different parishes with different
designations) yet the number may be taken as practically correct.
In 1643 there were 211 Heritors and liferenters in the County.
1753 „ 113
1796 „ 83
1853 „ 70
1883 „ 85 „ „ „
The result for the whole County is thus even more marked
than for the individual parishes. There is a steady decrease from
1643 to 1853 in the number of heritors, the numbers in the latter
year being not more than one-third of those in the former year,
while since 1853 the increase has been perceptible. I have made
no distinction between the heritors and liferenters. The latter
were liable to direct taxation for rogue money, ecclesiastical as-
sessments, and Land-tax on the amount of their valued rent, and
had the same absolute control of their properties as any entailed
proprietor.
I have already remarked that as the Valuation Roll of 1644
gives the rentals of the different heritors in cumulo, and as the
total valuations of the several parishes do not correspond with
304
Gaelic Society of Inverness.
those of the subsequent Valuation Rolls, the extent to which pro-
perty has changed hands since 1643 cannot be ascertained from
the face of these documents; but I have taken the roll of 1756
and compared it with that of 1853, and I append a statement
showing the valued rent of the different estates in Ross-shire in
the latter year, and the way in which they were apportioned and
held in the earlier one. It might have been more interesting to
have brought the figures down to 1883, but I had not obtained
access to the roll of that year when I was instituting the examina-
tion. There is moreover this to be said in favour of adopting 1 853 as
a date for comparison, that about that time a change in the forces
which until then had affected the distribution of landownership
seems to have come into operation. It was in the history of land
tenure in Ross-shire a sort of turning point, at which accumulation
was checked and repartition began.
I have, however, picked out from the roll of 1883 the valued
rents of the lands in Ross-shire which have changed hands by
purchase since 1756, and I give the result in the following table :
Amount of valued Amount of valued
Rent held in Rent which has
PARISHES IN ROSS-SHIRE. 1383 in direct sue- changed hands TOTAL.
cession since between 1756 and
1756.
Alness
Applecross ...
Avoch
Con tin
Dingwall
Edderton ...
Fearn
Fodderty
Gairloch
Glenshiel
Killearnan ...
Kilmuir Easter
Kiltearn
Kincardine ...
Kintail
Knockbayne
Loch Alsh ...
Loch Broom
Loch Carron
Logie Easter
Nigg
Resolis
Rosemarkie . . .
Rosskeen
Tain
Tarbat
Carryforward... £14,28014 7 £48,24712 9 £62,528 7 4
1756.
1383
£955
0
0
£1,936
0
0
£2,891
0
0
1,927
0
0
1,927
0
0
2,531
6
4
2,531
6
4
]
,081
19
6
2,697
7
2
3,779
6
8
799
19
7
799
19
0
1
,045
"6
0
483
10
0
1,528
10
0
959
14
6
2,419
9
5
3,379
3
11
362
10
0
1,317
3
4
1,679
13
4
2,396
10
0
1,003
10
0
3,400
0
0
2,015
18
7
2,015
18
7
531
16
4
1,341
16
3
1,873
12
7
760
0
0
994
0
0
1,754
0
0
858
12
11
2,290
16
7
3,149
9
6
1
,040
0
0
610
15
0
1,650
15
0
1,916
1
11
1,916
1
11
1
,285
6
4
1,640
2
3
2,925
8
7
2,900
0
0
2,900
0
0
516
"o
0
2,407
13
4
2,923
13
4
2,104
10
0
2,104
10
0
426
0
0
833
15
0
1,259
15
0
1
,112
10
0
3,093
1
0
4,205
11
0
200
0
0
248
6
6
448
6
6
290
5
0
3,434
18
7
3,725
3
7
234
10
0
3,477
5
0
3,711
15
0
175
0
0
1,484
10
0
1,659
10
0
50
0
0
2,338
17
6
2,388
17
6
Changes in the Ownership of Land in Ross-shire. 305
Amount of valued Amount of valued
Rent held in Rent which has
PARISHES IN ROBS-SHIRE. 1863 indirect sue- changed hands TOTAL.
cession since between 1756 and
1756. 1883.
Brought forward £14 280 14 7 £48,247 12 9 £62,528 7 4
Urquhart 1,124 00 687 5 0 1,811 5 0
Urray 764 6 0 1,689 12 0 2,453 18 0
£16,169 0 7 £50,624 9 9 £66,793 10 4
The Lews 5,250 0 0 5,250 0 0
£16,169 0 7 £55,874 9 9 £72,043 10 4
Of the total valued rent, amounting with the Lews to
£72,043, land representing £55,874 (not far short of 80 per cent.)
had passed through the market in those 127 years, and much of it
had been sold more than once.
The appended statement showing how the Ross-shire estates
of 1853 were distributed 97 years earlier, will, I hope, be found of
interest in the study though it can hardly be made so at a meeting.
T would particularly call attention to the fact that in 1756 the
landowners are described as possessing a large proportion of their
lands in vice of a previous possessor, and most frequently even that
previous possessor does not appear in the roll of 1643.
In conclusion I gather from these Valuation Rolls evidence
that property in land in Ross-shire has been constantly changing
hands, and to an extent very much greater than is popularly sup-
posed ; that families who were great landowners little more than a
century ago have disappeared, and others have risen in their place,
and that the great estates of to-day are made up of many smaller
estates or part of estates ; that up to the middle of this century
property in land was getting into fewer and fewer hands, but that
during the last thirty years the tendency has been to a wider dis-
tribution of ownership. That at all events since 1643 rents have
fluctuated in Koss-shire, just as in other places, in accordance with
prices and other circumstances which determined the demand at
the time for the hire of land, and have not been fixed at a custom-
ary amount, established by usage as is sometimes assumed ; and
that the Valuation Roll of 1643, made up at a time when the clan
system was still in full force, bears witness to a distribution of the
ownership of land in Ross-shire under which the tenantry of the
different Chiefs can have formed but a small proportion of the
population, and shows, therefore, that the clan-forces must have
been largely if not mainly drawn from lands in respect of which
the Chief had neither the rights nor the liabilities of ownership.
The following is the statement prepared by me, to which I
have been referring: — 20
306
Gaelic Society of Inuerness.
STATEMENT SHOWING the VALUED RENTS of the DIFFERENT ESTATES in the
COUNTY of Ross (exclusive of the parts of the COUNTIES of CROMARTY
and NAIRN locally situated therein) in the YEAR 1853, and the way
in which those ESTATES were apportioned and held in 1756.
ROSS-SHIRE VALUED RENT ROLL,
SHOWING THE CHANGES BETWIXT 1756 AND 1853.
1853.
H. A. J. Munro,
Esq. of Novar £2077
5 0
General Munro
of Teaninich
783 15 0
Alness Parish.
1756.
George Munro of Novar
A. Matheson, Esq.
of Ardross, M.P.
£2891 0 0
Number of Heritors 3.
for Novar ...
£200
0
0
Do. in vice of Assent. . .
190
0
0
Do. do. of Swordall.
195
0
0
Do. do. of Fowlis. ...
16
10
0
Do. do. of Culcraigie
for Achachean
14
10
0
£616
0
0
The Heirs of Mr Duncan
Munro for Contlich. . . .
565
0
0
Do. for Teachirn
128
0
0
Do, in vice Leimlair...
25
0
0
Do. for Culcraigie.......
83
0
0
Do. for Fyrish
70
10
0
John Munro of Culcairn
in place of M'Killigan
92
10
0
Mr George Mackenzie of
Inchculter for Assent.
380
0
0
Hugh Munro, part of
Teaninich (£449 since
split) ...
110
0
0
Mr Albert Munro, in rice
of Culcraigie (part of
£29 10s since split)....
7
5
0
£2077 5 0
Hugh Munro for his lands
of Teaninich (the re-
mainder of £449 split
as above) £339 0 0
Duncan Simson,in vice of
Davochcairn 18510 0
Mr Albert Munro for
Coull 225 0 0
Do. in viceof Culcraigie
(part of £29 10s as
above) 22 5 0
Mr James Munro in vice
of Culcraigie 12 0 0
30 0 0 Munro of Lealdie
783 15 0
30 0 0
Sum of the Parish of Alness £2891 0 0
Number of Heritors 9.
Changes in the Ownership oj Land in Ross-shire.
Applecross Parish.
307
1853.
Thos. Mackenzie,
Esq. of Apple-
cross... £1546 0
1756.
0 Applecross £1546 0 0
McBarnet of Tor-
ridon . . .
381 0 0 Mackenzie of Torridone 381 0 0
£1927 0 0
Number of Heritors 2.
N.B. — Diabeg in this parish,
of which the valued rent is £82
3s 9d, is entered in Gairloch in
cumulo with Sir Kenneth Mac-
kenzie's other lands there.
1853.
Sir J. J. R. Mac-
kenzie of Scat-
well, Bart £1756 8 9
Sum of the Parish of Applecross £1927 0 0
Number of Heritors 2.
N.B. — These entries appear under the head of
Lochcarron, with which Parish Applecross seems
then to have been conjoined.
Avoch Parish.
1756.
Sir Lewis Mackenzie of
Scatwell £1013 0 "0
Do. in vice of Seafort.. 45 0 0
£1058 0 0
Ballmaduthie 250 0 0
Lady Dowager of Balla-
maduthie in his vice... 379 0 0
John Matheson of Ban-
adgefield (part of £213
since split) 69 8 9
A. Mackenzie,
Esq. of Avoch.
Sir James Mathe-
son, Bart., vice
Bennetsfield . . .
£1756 8 9
631 6 4
143 11 3
John Mackenzie for Avoch £274 17 2
Do. for Knockmurie... 4919 2
Rosehaugh 306 10 0
631 6 4
John Matheson of Banadgefield (part
of £213 since split as above) 14311 3
£2531 6
Number of Heritors 3.
1853.
Sir Alex. Mac-
kenzie of Coul,
Bart £1076 11
Sum of the Parish of Avoch £2531
Number of Heritors 6.
Parish of Contin.
1756.
Sir Alexander Mackenzie
ofCoull £1075 0 0
Deduct Wester Corrie-
vouillie, now Ord's 19 14 10
6 4
Thomas Mackenzie of
Ord, in viceof Seaforth,
£61 6s 8d (of which
now Coul's)
£1055 5 2
21 6 1
£1076 11 3
Carry forward... £1076 11 3
Carryforward £1076 11 3
308
Gaelic Society of Inverness.
1853.
Brought forward. £1076
J. M. Balfour.Esq.
of Strath conan 807
Parish of Contin — Continued.
1756.
11 3 Brought forward £107611 3
Seaforth £668 0 0
0 0 Colin Mackenzie of Hil-
town, in vice of Delnies
forCashachan 39 0 0
Colin Mackenzie of Hil-
town... 100 0 0
Sir Evan Mac-
kenzie of Kil-
coy, Bart 537 14 4
bir J. J. R. Mac-
kenzie of Scat-
well, Bart 637
7 2
Duncan Davidson
ofTulloch 136
3 11
Kilcoy for his part of
Auchnauheen, in vice
of Davochmaluag and
Banadgefield (part of
£200 since split) £100 0 0
Alexander Mackenzie of
Davochmaluag, for his
part of Auchnasheen,
£100 (less £8 2s 2d
since transferred to
Gairloch) 91 17 10
Thomas Mackenzie of
Highfield, for Meickle
Scatwell,in vice of Tor-
ridone and Lentron,
£440 (of which Strath-
crombellis) 7516 6
Colin Mackenzie of Hill-
town, in vice of Sea-
forth 270 0 0
Scatwell £216 (less, Glae-
charn£234s7d) £192 15 5
William Mackenzie of
Strathgarve, in vice of
Culcoy (part of £400).. 224 8 3
Thomas Mackenzie of
Highfield for Meickle
Scatwell, in vice of Tor-
ridone and Lentron
(part of £440) 220 3 6
Lady Kincraig, in vice of
Tulloch £75
Balmaduthie
Wm. Mackenzie of Strath-
garve, in vice of Culcoy
(for half of Garreran
part of cumulo valua-
tion of £400)
35
807 0 0
537 14
— 637 7
0
0
26 3 11
136 3
Carry forward .... £3194 16 8
Carryforward £3194 16 8
Changes in the Ownership of Land in Ross-shire.
309
1853
Parish of Contin — Continued.
1756.
Brought forward. £3194 16 8
Mrs Douglas of
Scatwell ......... 167 4 7
Macbarnet of Al-
ladale ...
Sir Kenneth Mac-
kenzie of Gair-
loch, Bart
Thos. Mackenzie
of Ord...
100 0 0
822
309 3 3
£3779 6 8
Number of Heritors 9.
Brought forward £3194 16
Thomas Mackenzie of
Highfield, for Meickle
Scatwell, in vice of Tor-
ridone and Lentron,
£440 (of which effeirs
to Meikle Scatwell
proper) £144 0 0
Scatwell, £216 (at which
Glascharn) 23 4 7
— 167 4 7
Kilcovie, for his part of Auchnasheen,
in vice of Davochmaluag and Ban-
adgefield, £200 (of which for half of
Loancorriechrubie) ....................... 100 0 0
Alex. Mackenzie of Davochmaluag,
for his part of Auchnasheen, £100 (of
which for Glacknasquier) .............. 822
Thos. Mackenzie of Ord £100 0 0
Do., in vice of Seaforth,
£61 6s 8d (of which
£21 6s Id trans-
ferred to Coul) ........ 40 0 7
Sir Alex. Mackenzie of
Coull £1075 (of which
effeirs to Wester Cor-
rievoillie) ..................
William Mackenzie of
Strathgarve, in vice of
Culcoy, £400 (of which
effeirs to Ord's portion)
19 14 10
149 7 10
309 3 3
Sum of the Parish of Contin £3779 6 8
Number of Heritors 11.
1853.
Tulloch... . £799 19 0
Dingwall Parish.
1756.
The Laird of Tulloch for
Tulloch £384 19 0
Do. for the Lady Chis-
holm's jointure lands.. 250 0 0
The Lady Kincraig in
Tulloch's vice 165 0 0
£799 19 0
Number of Heritors 1,
£799 19 0
Sum of the Parish of Dingwall £799 19 0
Number of Heritors 2.
310
Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Bdderton Parish.
1853.
Sir Charles Ross
of Balnagown,
Bart... £1105
0 0
Alex. Matheson,
Esq. of Ardross,
M.P...,
R. B. Macleod,
Esq. of Cadboll
350 0 0
73 10 0
£1528 10 0
Number of Heritors 3.
1756.
The Laird of Balnagown
for his lands there £1045 0 0
David Ross of Priesthill,
for MuckleDaan... 60 0 0
Easterfearn's Creditors
for Easterfearn 200 0 0
Shandwick's Heirs for
Mid Fearn 100 0 0
The Heirs of Baillie
Robert Ross for Little
Daan... 50 0 0
£1105 0 0
Cadboll for Edderton.
350 0 0
73 10 0
Sum of the Parish of Edderton £1528 10 0
Number of Heritors 6.
1853.
Macleod of Cad-
boll £1511
Pearn Parish.
1756.
Cadboll for Hiltown and
7 7 Tullich, in vice of Cul-
unuald £175 17 6
Do. for the Drums of
Fearn 20 0 0
Do. for Paips quarter
ofMeikleReny 39 6 8
Do. for the lands of
Ballamuckic, in vice
ofM'CullochofGlas-
tullich 281 15 10
£517 0 0
(Deduct, transferred since
to Balnagown) 7 16 0
£509 4 0
The Laird of Pilton for
Muldarg, &c 953 3 7
The Heirs of Wm. Ross
of Shandwick for Bal-
blair 49 0 0
£1511 7 7
Carry forward.... £1511 7 7
Carryforward £1511 7 7
Changes in the Ownership of Land in Ross-shire.
311
1853.
Brought forward. £1511
W. H. Murray of
Fearn Parish — Contimied.
1756.
7 7 Brought forward .£1511 7
George Ross of Pitkerry
Geanies... :..... 336 2 0 for Northfield £45 6 2
Inverhassly for Pitkerry,
in vice of John Davidson 44 10 0
Do. forthe half Davoich
lands of MeikleReny 35 16 2
Do. for Denoon's quar-
ter of Meikle Reny. . 22 5 2
Balnagown for the Abbey
of Fearn, £376 15s (of
which now transferred
to Geanies) 188 4 6
Rose of Rheiny... 26618 6
Major Rose of
Morangie 175 17 6
Ross of Aldie... 64 9 0
Balnagown 543 19 10
Munro of Allan... 325 8 6
Robertson of
Monteagle
155
£3379
Number of Heritors 8.
1 0
3 11
Rodk. M'Culloch of Glas-
tullich for Turridone
and Little Milnetown . 100 0 0
Do. for Little Reny ... 133 11 10
Do. for the South quar-
ter of Little Reny ... 33 6 8
Robt. Ro^s of AcnhacloichforBalintore
William Ross of Aldie for
his quarter of Pitkerry 15 9 0
Do. for Stronach's ox-
gate of Little Allan. 49 0 0
Balnagown for the Abbey
of Fearn, £376 15s (less
the half transferred as
above to Geanies) 18810 6
Do. for Balgore 144 0 0
Simon Mackenzieof Scots -
burn for LittleAllan.. 183 13 4
The Heirs of Baillie Don-
ald Ross for his part of
the Drums of Fearn, in
vice of James Ross .... 20 0 0
Other lands transferred
from Cadboll as above 7 16 0
336 2 0
266 18 6
175 17 6
64 9 0
543 19 10
David Munro for Duffs
part of Meikle Allan... £118 0 0
Easter Fearn's Creditors
for Fowlar's part of
Meikle Allan 11410 4
Do. for Monroe's wester
quarter thereof 9218 2
326 8 6
John Urquhart of Mount-Eagle for
Easter Little Allan 155 1 0
Sum of the Parish of Fearn £3379 3 11
Number of Heritors 14.
312
Gaelic Society of Inverness.
1853.
D. Davidson, Esq.
of Tulloch £796 4
Podderty Parish.
1756.
Davochmaluag (part of a
0 valuation of £310 £197 0 8
Gairloch, in vice of Da-
vochcairn 9910 0
Do. for Davochpollo.... 157 10 0
The Laird of Tulloch for
hislandinFotterty.... 17510 0
Inchcoulter for Davoch-
carty 166 13 4
— £796
4 0
Seaforth 423 0
0 Seafort for his lands there
(part of £415) £165 0 0
Do. in vice of the Mrs
of Ardoch . . . 100 0 0
Baillie Alexander Mac-
kenzie of Dingwall, in
vice of Lord Seafort ... 125 0 0
Rod. Dingwall of Uasie.. 33 0 0
0 0
J.M.Balfour.Esq.
of Strathconon. 250 0
Seafort for his lands there (remainder
0 of £415) 250
0 0
Coul 112 19
4 Davochmaluag (remainder of £310 as
above) 112
19 4
Kilcoy 97 10
0 Ki'.coy for Cullin and Achnalt 97
10 0
£1679 13
4 Sum of the Parish of Foddertv ... . , £1679
13 4
Number of Heritors 5.
1853.
Sir Kenneth Mac-
kenzie of Gair-
loch, Bart £2559 0 0
Number of Heritors 8.
Gairloch Parish.
1756.
The Laird of Gairloch for
himself £1549 0 0
N.B. — This is in cumulo
with Diabaig in Apple-
cross, £82 3s 9d.
Do. in vice of Coul... 710 0 0
Roderick Mackenzie of
Cam Sairie 100 0 0
The Laird of Gairloch (for
Mellon, with half the
Water of the Island of
Ewe) 75 0 0
Do., more for his other
lands (the other half of
the Water of the Island
ofEwe) 75 0 0
N.B.— The two last
items are taken from
Lochbroom in the roll of
which Parish they were
erroneously entered in
1756.
£2559
Carry forward.... £2559 0 0
Carryforward £2559
0 0
0 0
Changes in the Ownership of Land in Ross-shire- 313
1853.
Brought forward. £2559 0 0
Meyrick Bankes,
Esq. of Letter-
ewe, &c 741 0 0
Coul
100 0 0
Gairloch Parish— Continued.
1756.
Brought forward £2559 0 0
Murdoch Mackenzie of
Letterewe 390 0 0
Mackenzie of Gruinveard 351 0 0
741 0 0
Sir Alex. Mackenzie of Coull 100 0 0
N.B. — This entry in Lochbroom in
the Roll of 1756.
£3400 0 0
Number of Heritors 3.
Sum of the Parish of Gairloch £3400 0 0
Number of Heritors 5.
1853.
Seaforth £833 3 7
J. E. Baillie, Esq. 587 11 0
A. Matheson, Esq.
ofArdross... 595 4 0
£2015 18
Number of Heritors 3.
Glenshiel Parish.
1756.
Seaforth (part of his cumulo valuation,
of £3366 for the Parish of Kintail,
with which Glenshiel was then com-
bined... £201518 7
Sums of the Parish of Glenshiel £2015 18 7
Number of Heritors 1.
1853.
Colonel Baillie of
Redcastle £1133 2 11
Sir Evan Mac-
kenzie of Kil-
coy, Bart
740 9 8
Killearnan Parish.
1756.
The Laird of Redcastle
(Mackenzie) £822 15 0
Do. for proportion of
£669, his valuation in
Kilmuir Wester before
the incorporation of
that parish and Suddie
into Knockbayne 310 7 11
£1133 2 11
The Laird of Kilcoy £225 0 0
Do. in vice of Allan-
grange 70 0 0
The Heirs of Captain
Hugh Fraser, in vice
of Redcastle for Wester
Kessock, &c., Haill
thereof (in Kilmuir
Wester) 208 13 4
The Laird of Kilcoy (in
Suddie, £510 5s 8d, of
which there effeirs to
the present Pariah of
Killearnan) 236 16 4
740 9 8
£1873 12 7
Number of Heritors 2.
Sum of the Parish of Killearnan £1873 12 7
Number of Heritors 3.
314
Gaelic Society of Inverness.
1853.
Sir Charles Ross
of Balnagown,
Bart £851 10
Major Charles
Robertson of
Kindeaco....
Cad boll .
J. Ogilvie, Esq.
of New more. ...
Kincraig
Parish of Kilmuir Easter.
1756.
Balnagown for Balnagown £679 0 0
David Ross of Priesthill
0 for Rives 50 0 0
Do. for Parkhill and
Badibea 92 0 0
Simon Mackenzieof Scots-
burn for Dalnaclaach.. 30 10 0
396 10 0
250 0 0
175 0 0
81 0 0
£1754 0 0
Number of Heritors 5.
851 10 0
Mr Wm. Baillie for Ken-
rive and Torralea, in
vice of Culrain £196 0 0
John Martin, for Inch-
furie 143 10 0
Do. for Cabrichie... 57 0 0
396 10 0
Alex. Bayne of Delny, for the lands of
Delny 250 0 0
The heirs of John Munro of Newmore,
for Ballintraid 175 0 0
John Mackenzie of Kincraig, for Broom-
hill 81 0 0
Sum of the Parish of Kilmuir Easter £1754 0 0
Number of Heritors 8.
1853.
Sir Chas. Munro
of Fowlis, Bart. £2027 9 6
Parish of Kiltearn.
1756.
Sir Harry Munro of Fowlis
in vice of his father.... £420 0 0
Do. his old valuation... 435 2 0
Do. for Balcladich 20 0 0
Do. for Drummond .... 150 0 0
Mr Duncan Munro's
Heirs for Lemlair 324 0 0
Do. for Ardulie 60 0 0
Do. for Wester Fowlis 336 7 6
Do. for Pollock 8210 0
Wm. Munro for Teanaird 34 0 0
David Bethune for Cul-
niskee 33 10 0
Alex. Munro for Kiltearn 84 12 0
Do. in vice of Swordale 47 8 0
John Munro of
Swordale 112 0 0
Carry forward.... £2139 9 6
John Munro for the lands
ofMilltown £78 0 0
Do. in vice of Swordale 34 0 0
£2027 9 6
0 0
Carryforward £2139 9 6
Changes in the Ownership of Land in Ross-shire.
315
1853.
Brought forward. £2139 9 6
S. F. Mackenzie
of Monntgerald 383 10 0
Balcony 176 13 8
Novar .
Parish of Kiltearn — Continued.
1756.
Brought forward £2139 9 6
The Heirs of Mr Colin Mackenzie of
Mouutgerald for Meikle and Little
Cleynes 38310 0
Inchcoulter for Balcony, £341 (of
which Novar has now £164 6s 4d)... 17613 8
367 6 4 The Heirs of Capt. George
Munro of Culcairn in
vice of Don. MTmrtlay
and John Munro 115 0 0
Do. for Teanowar 88 0 0
Inchcoulter for Balcony,
£341 (of which now
Novar's) 164 6 4
Tulloch .
82 10 0 John Munro for the lands of Killielioan
367 6 4
82 10 0
£3149 9 6
Number of Heritois 6.
Sum of the Parish of Kiltearn £3149 9 6
Number of Heritors 10.
1853.
Parish of Kincardine.
1756.
Balnagown £940 0 0
Novar.
302 15 0
Kindeace
108 13 4
Ross of Inverch ar -
ron ..
95
Pitcalny 100
6 8
0 0
The Laird of Balnagown for his whole
lands there £940 0 0
The Laird of Culrain for
his lands there £20215 0
Do. for the half of
Achnagart 50 0 0
The relict of Mr George
Munro for the other
half of Achnagart 50 0 0
£302 15 0
David Ross of Invercharron for his
whole lands, £204 (less the next
entry) 108 13 4
David Ross of Invercharron for his
whole lands (less the part disposed
of as above)
Alex. Ross of Pitcalnie
for Amat £50 0 0
Do. for Corranmullzy, 50 0 0
95 6 8
Ardross
104 0 0
Inverhassly in vice of
Morangie for Dibidall £35 0 0
The Heirs of Hugh Ross
of Braelangwell in vice
ofPitkerry 35 0 0
James Cuthbert of Miln-
craig in vice of Achna-
cloich 34 0 0
100 0 0
104 0 0
£1650 15 0
Number of Heritors 6.
Sum of the Parish of Kincardine £1650 15 0
Number of Heritors 8.
316
Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Parish of Kintail.
1853
The Chisholm..' .' £322 10 0
Seaforth .
5 13 5
Alex. Matheson,
Esq. of Ardross 1587 18 6
1756.
Seaforth, £3366 ; includ-
ing £2015 18s Id in
Glenshiel, which leaves
here £1350 1 11
Do. in vice of Dornie . . 141 0 0
Do. ,, of Macrae
ofConchra 100 0 0
Do. in vice of Inverinat 175 0 0
Do. ,, ofCamslunie 150 0 0
£1916 1 11
£1916 1 11
Number of Heritors 3.
Sum of the Parish of Kintail £1916 1 11
Number of Heritors 1.
Parish of Knockbayne (formerly Suddie and Kilmuir Wester).
1853.
J. F. Mackenzie,
Esq. of Allan-
grange £752 10 0
Kilcoy
746 3 2
1756.
George Mackenzie of
Allangrange £300 0 0
Do. (entered in Killear-
uanin!756) 45210 0
The Laird of Kilcoy
(£510 5s 8d in Suddie,
less £236 16s 4d now
entered in Killearnan). £273 9 4
Belmaduthie (in Suddie). 162 0 0
Mackenzie of Mureton
(in Suddie) 213 610
John Mackenzie of Kil-
coy in vice of Highfield
(Kilmuir Wester) 97 7 0
£752 10 0
Mr Graham of
Drynie 608
3 4
George Graham of Dry-
nie for Drynie, &c £269 8 4
Mackenzie of Pitlunaig,
for Pitlunaig, &c 90 0 0
The Heirs of Captain
Hugh Fraser, in vice of
Mr Wm. Duff for Kil-
muire ... 248 15 0
— 746 3 2
Colonel Baillie of
Redcastle 358 12 1
Scatwell... 460 0 0
608 3 4
Reidcastle (£669 in Kilmuir Wester of
which sum £310 7s lid now entered
in Killearnan) 35812 1
Mackenzie of Suddie £27810 0
JohnMathesonofBenage-
field 181 10 0
460 0 0
£2925 8
Number of Heritors 5.
Sum of the Parish of Knockbayne £2925 8 7
Number of Heritors 10.
Changes in the Ownership of Land in Ross-shire. 317
1853.
Alexander Mathe-
son, Esq. of
Ardross, M.P.. £2900 0 0
Parish of Lochalsh.
1756.
Lord Seaforth £2675 0 0
Do. for Murchison of Auchtertyre 225 0 0
£2900 0 0
One Heritor.
Sum of the Parish of Lochalsh .... £2900
One Heritor.
0 0
1853.
Thos. Mackenzie,
Esq. of Apple-
cross £1804 10
Parish of Lochcarron.
1756.
John Mackenzie of Del-
vine, in vice of Lord
0 Seaforth £1253 0 0
Mr /Eneas Macaulay,
minister of the Gospel
at Applecross, for Sea-
forth (Sanachan) 50 0 0
John Mackenzie of Del-
vine, in vice of Cul-
covie, in the room of
the Earle of Marr 50110 0
Macbarnet, vice
Mathesonof At-
tadale . . .
300 0 0
£2104 10 0
Number of Heritors 2.
1804 10 0
Davochmaluag £56 0 0
Matheson of Farnach, in
vice of Davochmaluag. 244 0 0
300 0 0
Sum of the Parish of Lochcarron £2104 10 0
Number of Heritors 4.
1853.
Hugh Mackenzie,
Esq. of Dun-
donnell £990
Parish of Lochbroom.
1756.
Mackenzie of Dundonald
in vice of Fatrburn
9 9 (Isle of Gruinard, part
of £225) £40 13 3
Do. in vice of Keppoch
(for Keppoch) 50 0 0
The Heirs of James Mac-
kenzie of Keppoch (for
Kildonan, &c.) -... 83 6 8
Kenneth Mackenzie of
Dundonald for Deri-
muick 139 0 0
Do. in vice of Red-
castle (Achtadonell) ... 350 0 0
Do. in vice of Simon
Mackenzie of Loggie... 162 0 0
Mackenzie of Ballon for
Larich - in - Teavour,
(Strathnasealg part of
£81) 23 16 6
Alex. Mackenzie of Sand,
in vice of Keppoch 66 13 4
Do. in vice of Dundon-
ald come in vice of Fair-
burn(Monkcastle,Glen-
arigolach, & Rhidorch).
Carry forward. £990 9 9
75 0 0
£990 9 9
Carryforward £990 9 9
318
Gaelic Society of Inuerness.
1853.
Brought forward. £990 9 9
Bankes of Letter-
ewe... 241 10 3
Parish of Lochbroom — Continued.
1756.
Brought forward £990
Mackenzie of Dundonald
in vice of Fairburn
(Fisherfield part of
£225 as above) £184 6 9
Mackenzie of Ballon for
Larich - in - Teavour,
(Strath-na-Sealg part
of £81 as above) 57 3 6
9 9
Davidson of Tul-
loch... 1035 13
Mackenzie of Ballon £566 13
Mackenzie of Achilty
(half of A chlunachan). 85
Mackenzie of Ballon for
the other half of Ach-
lunachan
Mackenzie of Achilty in
vice of Leckmelm
Do. in vice of Dundon-
ald and Leckmelm
Mackenzie of Dundonald
in vice of Kilcovie,
(Auchindrean)
241 10 3
4
0 0
85 0 0
100 0 0
100 0 0
99 0 0
Mackenzie of Coul
Seaf orth
Letterewe
516 0 0
100 0 0
40 0 0
1035 13 4
Sir Alex. Mackenzie of Coul for his
lands (Inverlael, &c.) 516 0 0
Kilcovie for feu-duties of Lochbroom. 100 0 0
Murdoch Mackenzie of Letterewe in
vice of Seaforth 40 0 0
£2923 13
Number of Heritors 6.
1853.
Sir Charles Ross
of Balnagown,
Bart.... .. £1132 15
Sum of the Parish of Lochbroom £2923 13 4
Number of Heritors 8.
Parish of Logie Easter.
1756.
Balnagown for Loggie. ... £166 0 0
Do. for Pitmaduthy ... 260 0 0
0 Simon Mackenzieof Scots-
burn for Alladale 207 0 0
Thos. Ross for the lands
ofCalrosie 7517 6
Do. for Drumedatt in
vice of Cambuscurry... 75 17 6
Rodk. M'Culloch for his
lands of Glastullich.... 191 0 0
Do. for Balloan in vice
of Mr Robert Ross ...
Shandwick .
127 0 0
157 0 0
£1132 15 0
Inverchassly for Drumi-
gillie £100 0
Do. in vice of Mr Robt.
Ross's heirs 27 0 0
127 0 0
0
£1259 15 0
Number of Heritors 2.
Sum of the Parish of Logie Easter £1259 15 0
Number of Heritors 5.
Changes in the Ownership of Land in Ross-shire.
Parish of Nigg.
319
1853.
Ross of Shand-
wick £1791
0 0
Sir Charles Ross
of Balnagown,
Bart 676 0 0
Humphrey, Esq.. 404 0 0
G. W. H. Ross,
Esq. of Crom-
arty 401 5 0
1756.
Inverchassly for Anker-
ville £527 0 0
Do. for Shandwick 100 0 0
Hugh Rose of Kilravock,
for the lands of Culliss
and Rarichees 896 5 8
James Ross of Culliss, in
vice of Mr John Bal-
four for his part of sds.
lands 144 11 4
Do. in vice of his father
for his part of the sds.
lands 123 3 0
£1791 0 0
The Laird of Balnagown
for Inverhassley's
wadset £431 0 0
Do. in place of Mr James
Mackenzie 245 0 0
676 0 0
Duncan Ross for his lands of Meikle
Kindeace 404 0 0
George Ross of Pitkerry,
for Culnauld and Duns-
keath 356 5 0
Do. for Annat 45 0 0
401 5 0
Alex. Ross of Pitcalnie, for his lands.. 317 10 0
Thomas Gair of Damm,
Ross of Pitcalnie. 317 10 0
Murray of West-
field 49616 0 for his part of Nigg. . £16216 0
Cadboll, for Urquhart's
quarter of Nigg 87 0 0
Mr James Fraser, for
Pitcallion 215 0 0
David Reoch, for his part
of Pitcallion 32 0 0
^<jg jg Q
R. B. &. Mac- Cadboll, for the Milns of Kindeace
leod of Cadboll 119 0 0 and Pitcallion 119 0 0
£420511 0 Sum of the Parish of Nigg £420511 0
Number of Heritors 7. Number of Heritors 11.
Parish of Resells .
1853. 1756.
L. M. Mackenzie,
Esq. of Findon. £100 0 0 Scatwell for Wester Culbo £100 0 0
R.Urquhart,Esq. 100 0 0 Kinbeachie 100 0 0
J. S. Mackenzie, Sir John Gordon, for St.
Esq.ofNewhall 193 3 6 Martins £93 3 6
Do. for Easter Balblair. 100 0 6
193 3 6
C. Lyon - Mac- Mr William Duff, for Drumcudden. . . . 55 3 0
kcnzie, Esq. of
St. Martins 55 3 0
£448 6 6 Sum of the Parish of Resolis £448 6 6
Number of Heritors 4. Number of Heritors 4.
320
Gaelic Society of Inverness.
1853.
J. F. Mackenzie
of Allangrange £113
Ministerof Rose-
markie on be-
half of the poor
of Chanonry... 46
Miller, Esq. of
Kincurdy 211
R. Mackenzie,
Esq. of Flower-
burn...
Parish of Rosemarkie.
1756.
13 5 Allangrange for Constables' fees £11010 0
5 10|
6 3|
Fowler of Rad-
dery viceLeslie
of Findressie. .
J. Baillie of
Dochfour....
Sir J. J. R. Mac-
kenzie of Scat-
well
P. Maclean, Esq.
of Hawkhill...
Mr And. Hood. .
Mr Alex. Mac-
kenzie of Wood -
side
D. Junor
Mr Jas. Grigor,
Chancellor's
Croft
Mr James More.
D. & J. Junor...
Mr Jas. Bremner
Mr Hugh Mac-
allan
Mr Ken. Leiteh
Mr J. Mackeddie
Mr Don. Junor.
Roderick Clark.
Rev. W. Mackil-
lican of Kin-
curdy
1899 7 4
510 2 84
617 1 2
126 11 4
66 12 5
45 2 7
18 15 3
37 0 5
705
7 9 44
10 1 4
1 10 8
0 16 8
1 11 6
1 11 6
1 6 3i
0 19 8
0 17 54
£3725 3 8
Number of Heritors 21.
The Poor of Chanonry in vice of the
Countess of Seaforth
Andrew Miller for Kincurdie
The Minister of Rose-
markie for the Chancel -
larie's quarter teinds . . . £50 0 0
Do. for the Chanter's
• quarter teinds 54 0 0
George Jamieson in vice of M'Dermit.
Seaforth for his lands
there £111 0 0
More in vice of Hugh
Dallas... 25 0 0
The Heirs of Alex. Ray in vice of Gollan
Adam Gordon of Ardoch in vice of
John Miller
The Heirs of Hugh Baillie in vice of
Mony-penny
Rosehaugh for his lands
Kenneth M'Ever's heirs ...
Ardoch in vice of Donald Simson for
Broomhill
John Mackenzie in vice of Drynie
The Heirs of George Houstown
The Laird of Fiudracie
The Heirs of Duncan Forbes
Cadboll in vice of Mr M'Culloeh of
Priesthill...
Alexander Smith
Bernard Mackenzie for Kinnock
The Dowager of Behnaduthie for her
life-rent lands....
45 0 0
134 15 0
104 0 0
25 15 0
136 0 0
70 13 4
116 14 0
257 3 8
18 2 6
27 0 0
1060 15 0
128 5 0
16 10 0
6 14 0
120 0 0
50 0 0
Sum of the Parish of Rosemarkie £3725 3 8
N.B. The teinds, amounting to £104, having now
been apportioned over the Heritors, no two sums
correspond, as witness the first two entries on each
side which are for the same subjects. Hence the
difficulty here of tracing the changes of property
from the Valuation Rolls alone.
Number of Heritors 20.
Changes in the Ownership of Land in Ross-shire.
321
Parish of Roaskeen.
1853.
R. B. ^E. Mac-
leod, Esq. of
Cadboll £1180 0 0
A.Matheson, Esq.
of A r d r o a s,
M.P... 1217 17 3
Major Rose of
Morangie 213 1
G. W. H. Ross,
Esq. of Crom-
arty 289 0 0
F. M. Gillanders,
Esq. of New-
more 572 6 3
Rod. Mackenzie,
Esq.ofKincraig 234 10 0
Major Robertson
of Kindeace 500
£3711 15 0
Number of Heritors 7.
1756.
Sir John Gordon, for In-
vergordon £816 0 0
Do , for Rosskeen and
Achintoull 364 0 0
£1180 0 0
John Mackenz;e of Ard-
ross, for Ardross £67010 0
George Munro of Culrain,
for Nonakiln (part of
£84 10s) 12 18 0
The heirs of John Munro,
for Newmore (part of
£450) 31 19 3
James Cuthbert of Miln-
craig in vice of Achna-
cloich 300 0 0
The Heirs of Mr Duncan
Muor.>, for Culkenzie.. 112 10 0
James Cuthbert of Miln-
craig, for Tollie and
Strathrusdale 90 0 0
1217 17 3
George Munro of Cul-
nin, for Calcairn (part
of £295 15s) £141 9 6
Do. for Nonnkiln (part
of £84 10s as above) ... 71 12 0
213 1 6
The Heirs of Duncan Munro, for
Obsdale 289 0 0
The Heirs of John Munro,
for Newmore (remain-
der of £450 as above).. £418 0 9
George Munro of Culrain,
for Culcairn (remainder
of £295 15s as above)... 154 5 6
572 6 3
John Mackenzie of Kincraig, for Kin-
oraig 234 10 0
William Baillie of Rosehall in vice of
Culrain 500
Sum of the Parish of Rosskeen £3711 15 0
Number of Heritors 8.
322
Gaelic Society of Inuerness.
Parish of Tain.
1853
G. M. Ross, Esq.*
of Aldie £600 10
0
1756.
Wm. Ross of Aldie, for
Aldie £65 10 0
Do., for Balnagall 370 0 0
Do., for Pithoggartie... 165 0 0
R. B. IE. Mac-
leod, Esq. of
Cadboll...
235 0 0
Cadboll, for Balquith £175 0 0
Easter Fearn's creditors,
for Kirkskeath.... 60 0 0
600 10 0
235 0 0
Major Rose of The heirs of Roderick
Morangie 824 0 0 Dingwall.forOverCam-
buscurry £110 0 0
Cadboll, for Nether Cam-
buscurry 180 0 0
Inverhassly, for Tarlogie 330 0 0
Do., for Morangie 120 0 0
Thomas Ross of Cal-
rossie, for Pituylies. ... 84 0 0
824 0 0
£1659 10 0 Sum of the Parish of Tain £1659 10 0
Number of Heritors 3. Number of Heritors 6.
Parish of Tarbat.
1853. 1756.
W. H. Murray, The heirs of Coll Ur-
Esq. of Geanies £1832 7 6 quhart, for Easter Ar-
boll £575 0 0
Alexander Ross of Pit-
calnie, for Wester Ar-
boll 225 0 0
HughMacleodof Genzies,
f or Genzies 546 7 6
Duncan Fraser of Auch-
nagairn, for Seafield... 486 0 0
1832 7 6
And. Munro, Esq. Thomas Mackenzie of Highfield, for
of Rockfield .. 234 0 0 Little Tarrell 234 0 0
Aldie 188 10 0 Wm. Ross of Aldie, for the wester
half Davoch of Wester Genzies 188 10 0
Cadboll 134 0 0 Heirsof Dingwallof Cam-
buscurry, for Hiltown £84 0 0
The Laird of Cadboll, in
vice of David Ross 50 0 0
134 0 0
£2388 17 6
Number of Heritors 4,
Sum of the Parish of Tarbat £2388 17 6
Number of Heritors 8,
Changes in the Ownership of Land in Ross-shire.
323
1853.
L. M. Mackenzie,
Esq. of Findon. £1034 0 0
Gairloch 777
Parish of Urquhart and Logie Wester.
£1811 £
Number of Heritors 2.
1756.
Sir Lewis Mackenzie of Scatwell £1034 0 0
(Sir Lewis is also entered in vice of
the Lady Dowager for £179, which
was afterwards taken out, as the
£1034 already includes it.)
The Laird of Gairloch, for
Bishopkinkell £90 0 0
Lady Kincraig, in vice of
Gairloch 580 0 0
Kilcoy, for LoggieRiech,
in vice of John Tuach. 107 5 0
777 5 0
Sum of the United Parishes £1811 5 0
Number of Heritors 4.
1853.
Seaforth £966
1 7
J. F. Gillanders,
Esq. of High-
field...
Thos. Mackenzie,
Esq. of Ord
402 7 1
275 16 0
Parish of Urray.
1756.
Seafort (part of £554
13s 4d for Brahan) £391 0 0
Do. in vice of the Mrs
ofArdoch 69 0 0
Do. in vice of Mr
Mason 50 0 0
Fairburn (part of £633
9s 8d) 411 11 7
Alexander Mackenzie of
Lentron's heirs, for the
half of Arcan 44 10 0
Highfield for Kinchili-
drum 200 0 0
More for do 100 0 0
Fairburn (part of £633
9s 8d for Balvraid) 82 3 1
Thomas Mackenzie, for
Ord (part of £100 for
£966 1 7
Carry forward .. . £1644 4 8
Ann 7 i
Thomas Mackenzie, for
Ord (£100 less Tor-
muichk as above)
Do. in vice of Seafort
for the Mills
79 16
140 0
0
o
Gerlochin vice of Davoch-
cairn
56 0
o
97K 1ft A
Carry forward...
i
•]<)44 4 8
324
Gaelic Society of Inverness.
1853
Brought f.rward. £1644 4 8
ScatweU.for Ault-
derg
Strathconan, for
Inverchaoron. . .
Dochfour, for
Tarradale .
Mnirton, for Wr.
Fairburn
Meiule Scat«ell,
for Achonagie..
The Chisholm's,
for Rhindown. .
Monar....
Coul, for Little
Moy
Parish of Urray — Continued.
1756.
Brought forward £1644 4 8
Fairburn (part of cumulo rental of
£6339s8d) 309
Seafort (remainder of £554 13s 4d as
above) 16313 4
Mackenzie of Lentmn's heirs in vice of
Applecross (part of £321 15s) 22318 0
Kilcoy, for Wester Fairburn in vice
of Davochmaluag 150 0 0
Fairburn (part of cumulo rental of
£633 9s 8d as above) 59 9 9
Mackenzie of Lentran's heirs (£321 15s
less Tarradale as above) 97 17 0
77 4 6 Fairburn (remainder of cumulo rental
of £633 9s 8d) 77 4 6
Sir Alex Mackmzie of Coull, f«>r Little
3410 0 Moy 3410 0
309
163 13 4
223 18 0
150 0 0
59 9 9
97 17 0
£245318 0 Sum of the Parish of Urray... £245315 0
Number of Heritors 11. Number of Heritors 8
1853.
Sir James Mathe-
son, Bart. M.P. £5250 0 0
Lewis.
1756.
Seaforth for the whole £5250 0 0
£5250 0 0
One Heritor.
One Heritor
£5250 0 0
TTH APRIL 1886.
On this date Mr Roderick Maclean, factor, Ardross, read a
paper on " The Parish of Rosskeen." It was as follows : —
THE PARISH OF ROSSKEEN.
The Parish of Rosskeen is situated on the northern shore of
the Cromarty Firth, along which it extends a distance of five
miles from the east end of Saltburn to the River Alness. It is
wedge-shaped, 18 miles long from south-east to north-west, and
about 5 miles broad near the east end. It comprises an area of
54 square miles, of which about 15 square miles ai'e arable. The
lower part of the parish is partially flat and partially undulating.
The soil is of average richness in the lower portions, but poor
in some of the higher portions, especially where the cultivation
extends to from 600 feet to 1000 feet above the sea level. The
The Parish of Rossheen. 325
inland portions are hilly, some of the eminences reaching heights of
2300 feet. A valley stretches along the south-west side a length
of 15 miles, the first seven miles from the sea called the valley of
the Alness, the next 4 miles Strathrusdale, and the remaining 4
miles Glackshellach. Nearly parallel to the valley of the Alness
along the north side of the parish is the valley of the Achnacloich
water, extending to about 6 miles.
In the beginning of the present century the area of arable
land was comparatively small. In the possession of new proprietors
and industrious tenants, however, rapid changes have token place,
especially within the last forty years, since Sir Alexander Mathe-
son became the principal heritor. Miles which were then covered
with boulders, scrub, and bog are now clothed with verdure, and
numerous hill-sides are covered with flourishing woods.
From remains found in mosses, there are evidences of extensive
forests having existed in the valleys centuries ago.
In one place in particular, called " a' Chrannich," the wooded
place, on the Estate of Ardross, large logs of bog oak are turned up
in peat-cutting, a piece of which, sent to the Forestry Exhibition in
Edinburgh in 1884, was awarded a certificate.
The topography is principally descriptive and historical. I re-
frain from giving the derivation of Rosskeen, as I am not quite sure
of it. A few of the names of the places may be interesting. Com-
mencing at the lower end of the parish, and following successively
inward, we have to begin with Saltburn. " Alltan-an-t-Saluinn," a
small stream at whose mouth smugglers used to dispose of salt to
the inhabitants when it was taxed : hence the name.
INVERGORDON, named after the first of the Gordons who were
proprietors of the place. The Gaelic name is " Ruthanach-
breachie," the little speckled point. In the end of the last
century, where Invergordon now stands there were only three
houses, occupied by the ferryman and two crofters. The neigh-
bouring farm is called Inverbreakie, the speckled Inver. The
hand of the improver has so changed the face of the country here
that the " Inver " cannot be certified, but is supposed to have
been north of Invergordon Castle, where a small stream entered a
swamp, now all arable.
KINCRAIG. — " Ceann-na-Creige," the end of the rock. This
name must have been translated, as there is no conspicuous rock
at the place.
NEWMORE. — " An-fheith-mhor," the big bog, which still
exists at the south side of this estate, and from which the estate
derives its name.
326 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
OBSDALE. — " Ob-an-dail," the bay in the flat. The bay and
the flat are still there, but the name is now changed to Dai-
more, the large flat, and the village to Bridge-End of Alness.
ALNESS, of old spelled " Anes." The name of this river in the
charter granted by James VI. to Sir Robert Munro of Fowlis in
1608 is "Affron," a corruption of " M'ath bhron," my next sorrow.
The tradition is that a woman crossing the river in a flooded state
on a temporary foot-bridge (put up for their own convenience by
the masons who were erecting the first stone bridge there) with a
child in her bosom and leading another child by the hand, let slip
the child she was leading ; calling out " Och mo bhron," och my
sorrow, and in her attempt to save the child that was being earned
away, let the other fall into the water, calling out " Och m'ath
bhron" — Och my next sorrow. Both children were drowned, and
from this circumstance the river got the name. I have read several
derivations of " Alness,'1 but none of them is correct. I feel con-
vinced the following is the correct derivation : —
The river in the last 600 or 700 yards of its course divided it-
self into several branches, somewhat in the form of a delta, forming
one or more islands. The old district road, of which there still re-
mains a portion, passed below Teaninich House, and there being no
bridge, the river had to be forded. Thus we have the " Ath,"
ford, and " Innis " the Island, naturally changing to Athnish,
corrupted to " Anes," and furthur corrupted into Alness.
NONAKILN. — " Nini-cil. " The church dedicated to St
Ninian.
MILLCRAIG (of old and in the Crown charter " Culkenzie") —
" Cuil-Choinnich." The origin of this name is worth noticing.
Malcolm Ceann-mor in his war with Macbeth solicited the assistance
of a chief, Donald, from the foot of the River Roe in Ulster (hence
Donald Munro), and for his services received a grant of the lands
from the PefFery at Dingwall to the Alness river, extending north-
wards to beyond Wyvis, still called Ferrindonald, but having too
little land to supply all his followers, he feued a portion on the east
side of the River Alness. He then got them all supplied but one
— " Coinneach Ard," tall Kenneth. Kenneth of course could not
be left landless, and in consulting his assistants in dividing the
land, he said " C'ait am faigh sinn cuil do Choinneach," where shall
we get a nook for Kenneth? A suitable nook was found. The
name " Cuil Choinnich" still sticks to the corner, and Kenneth is
honoured by the Estate being named after his corner.
There are a good many people in the district of the name of
Aird, who are said to be descendants of Kenneth.
The Parish of Rosskeen, 327
KNOCKNAVIE. — "Cnoc an fheith bhuidhe," thehill of the yellow
bog. The bog is now drained, but yellow fog still grows there.
ACHNACLOICH, named after a large granite boulder. There
is a loch here in which, when low, the remains of a Crannaig or
lake dwelling can be seen, and about 200 yards east of the loch
the castle of the lairds of Aclmacloich stood, now all removed
except a portion of the dungeon. Hugh Ross of Achnacloich got
a Charter of the lands of Tollie from Charles I. in 1635. Ardross
Castle now stands on the site of Tollie House — " Cnoc an doire
leathain," " The hill of the broad oak clump." This name indi-
cates that oak trees grew here, and at an elevation of over 1 200
feet. On the south-east face of the same hill there can be traced
the remains of a croft at the elevation of over 1100 feet. Old
men told me that 80 years ago the rigs could be traced. Now,
except in good seasons, we cannot get corn to come to maturity at
600 feet, so much has the climate changed, and so much for the
physical knowledge of a few of our legislators and (though perhaps
well meaning) blind leaders of the blind.
PREAS-A'-MHADAIDH, the wolfs bush. The name of a clump of
hazel and birch bushes which was removed about thirty-four years
ago. It was situated about three-quarters of a mile north-east of Ard-
ross Castle. The last wolf in Scotland was killed here. When I
was a young lad I got the information of the killing of this wolf with
that degree of freshness which convinced me of the circumstance
not having been far back. The story is that an old maid at four
o'clock on a New- Year's morning going to a neighbour's house for
the loan of a girdle to cook a bannock for herself, took a path
through this clump. At a sharp curve in the path, for some
natural cause she stooped. On her return by the same path she
suddenly espied the wolf scraping the ground where she stooped,
and in her desperation struck him with the edge of the girdle in
the small of the back, and bolted to the house she came from.
The alarm was raised, and all who could wield bludgeons or other
weapons of destruction hastened to the place, when they found
the brute sprawling, trying to escape. He was soon dispatched,
and thus " the last of his race " in Scotland ignominiously fell
under the hands of an old woman. As far as I could trace, this
occurred about the beginning of the last century. She was the
sister of a man whose great-great-grandson is now employed as a
carpenter at Ardross. A hill about four miles north-west of this
place is called "Cnoc-a'-mhadaidh," where the wolf had his den.
GLAICKSHELLACH, the sauchy glen. Not a tree or bush exists
here now, and even the heather is stinted. There are several
328 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.
interesting reminiscences connected with this glen. On the ridge
south of this glen, which forms the march between the parishes
of Rosskeen and Alness, there is a conspicuous piece of Schist rock
in situ cropping up, called " Clach-nam-ban," the stone of the
women. The tradition is, that before the Reformation, four
women were in the depth of winter proceeding from Glencalvie,
in the parish of Kincardine, to the Roman Catholic Chapel at
Kildermorie, in the parish of Alness, and carrying with them
bundles of hemp. When near this rock they were overtaken by a
severe storm of snow and drift. They took shelter in a cleft of
the rock and perished there Their bodies were not found till the
snow melted several weeks after. The party in search of them
were led to the spot by seeing one of the bundles of hemp sus-
pended from a stick which the women found there, and erected as
a guide to their friends, who, they knew, would search for their
remains.
At the foot of the same hill, north-east of this rock, is to be
seen a small green patch called " Achadh-a'-bhad-dhuibh," the field
of the black clump, which, about 90 years ago was a little croft,
occupied by an old woman, the solitary resident in the glen. At
the time above stated, in the month of July, a man passing
through the glen observed something like a bundle of clothes in
the potato plot. Curiosity led him to see what it was, and there
he found the old woman dead. It would appear that she had no
food, and went to try if she could find a few tubers to the potato
shaws to appease her hunger. A sort of a coffin and a rude bier
were made, and a few people collected to bury her, but going
along the hill-side to the place of burial at Kilderrnorie, the in-
sufficiency of both coffin and bier shewed itself by the body fall-
ing through to the ground. My informant, who was there, told
me that they turned the coffin upside down and put the body in
again, adding " people were not so proud then as they are now;
they carried stumps of nails in their pockets, and as many nails
were found among the party as made the box secure."
On the side of the glen, opposite to this croft, is to be seen a
portion of the hut, which was occupied by a herd employed by the
Ardross tenants when they had this glen as common pasture
ground. This man was a notable character, and a careful herd,
for he always returned from the grazing the same number of cattle
as he got to it. Somehow a few of them would have changed
colour1, but animals of the same changed colour would be missing
in other quarters, perhaps 20 miles or more away. I heard a
great many anecdotes about this man, but I refrain from mention-
The Parish of Rosskeen. 329
ing more than two or three, lest I should offend, and these only to
show that the man had natural abilities, which, it is to regretted,
he had not the opportunity of applying for good: —
The harvest of 1817 was late, and the crops a failure. The
following year many felt the scarcity of food. Money was scarce
also among the poor. Our friend, the herd, was among the
sufferers, and having heard that a well-to-do farmer, residing a few
miles off, had meal to dispose of, he went to ask the farmer for a
boll till he would be able to pay. " I have meal to dispose of,"
said the farmer, " but should I give you, you will never pay me."
" I will," said the herd, " the first money I can lay my hands upon
will be yours." "Well," said the farmer (who was noted for
cuteness), " if you tell me the cleverest piece of handiwork you
committed, I'll trust you." " Good," said the herd, " the smartest
turn I ever did was to relieve yourself of a stot, and sell him to
you." " Never," said the farmer ; but said the herd, " don't you
remember a black stot belonging to you having gone amissing?"
" Yes." " And you remember of me selling to you thereafter a
speckled stot?" " Yes." " Well, it was the same animal." " I'll
give you the meal for nothing if you tell me how you did the trick."
" Done," said the herd. " The stot happened to come to my byre.
I took a few bunches of salt herrings out of the brine and bound
them to the animal's body. In a few days the black hair under
the herrings rotted out, and on their removal white hair grew
instead." The herd was not asked to pay for the meal. .
Our friend on one occasion passed through the East Coast of
Sutherlandshire, and on his way home took a fancy to a fine
Highland cow with a docked tail. He managed to conceal him-
self and the cow for a day or two, till, as he supposed, the search
would be over, and then took the road to the Meikle Ferry, but
before doing so cut a tail from a dried hide he fell in with some-
where, and neatly bound it to the stump of the living cow. He
entered the ferryboat with the cow, and just as the boat was to
start, a man sprung in who closely scrutinised the cow and said,
" I lost a cow three days ago, and were it not that that cow has a
tail (mine had only a stump), I would say she is mine." " But the
cow is mine," said the herd. The man approached the cow and
again said, " were it not she has a tail I would swear she is mine."
The herd saw that matters were getting rather too hot for him,
and just as the man was about laying his hand on the tail, the
herd took out his knife, whipped off the tail above the joining,
and threw it into the sea. " There she is now a bleeding tailless
cow, and swear is she yours." Of course the man could not, for
the evidence was gone.
330 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
On another occasion, when hard up, on his way to the Muir
of Ord Market, he took under his care a tine colt he found grazing
on the Novar parks. The animal was soon sold at a fair price
and paid. To oblige the buyer he agreed to see it stabled and
fed ; but while the buyer was regaling himself in the company of
his friends, he slipped away with the colt to Inverness and sold it
again. He managed to get the animal again under his care, and
by daylight next morning it was quietly grazing on the park from
which it was taken, without any one noticing its absence.
Our hero died in 1855 at the great age of 101. I saw him a
few years before he died — of middle height, straight and active,
considering the many wintery storms he had stood.
Further west in Glackshellach, on the border of the road
made there recently, is an enormous granite boulder, so shaped at
one end that it has been taken advantage of to form the wall and
roof of one side of a shelter stable. About the middle of last
century a man named Alexander Campbell, better known as " An
t-Iomharach mor," big Maciver, while going through the glen on
his way to Glencalvie, where he resided all his life time, was over-
taken by a severe storm of drifted snow. Fearing that he might
lose his way, he sat beside this boulder for twenty-four hours, till
the storm abated — his dress being the kilt and his covering a plaid.
This man was born in 1699. The year of his death is not accur-
ately known, but is supposed to have been 1822 or 1823, in the
month of May. In 1819 Lord Ashburton, who rented the shoot-
ings of Rosehall, in Sutherlandshire, heard about him and invited
him to Rosehall. He proudly accepted of the invitation, and
arrived at the shooting lodge between six and seven o'clock in the
morning, after having walked over ten miles across the hills. His
Lordship was so much taken with Campbell that he gave him a
present of 120 newly coined shillings —a shilling for every year of
his age. Campbell was greatly elated both by the present and the
attention paid to him. He carefully stored the shillings to meet
the expense of his funeral. He could easily walk forty miles a
day, after passing his hundredth year, without much fatigue. I saw
his grandson, who died at the age of ninety-two, and his great-
grandson is an Ardross crofter.
ARCHAEOLOGY. — From its Archaeological remains the parish
appears to have been early peopled. Large sepulchral cairns were
numerous, many have been wholly removed, but of a few there
are still preserved the outer rings and principal centre stones.
DALMORE CAIRN. — Commencing at Dalmore we have in a
field there the cist measuring about 3£ by 2£ by 2 feet of one which
The Parish of Rossheen. 331
was removed about 1810. It was about 60 feet diameter, and 15
feet high. What remains of it is now enclosed by a stone wall.
MILLCRAIG CAIRN. — The next we come to is 011 the farm of
Millcraig, about a mile north of Bridge-End of Alness. Four large
central stones — one measuring 9 feet by 6 feet, the outer circle
and a considerable quantity of small stones remain. The
diameter is 76 feet. No living person saw it entire, so that its
height is not known.
KNOCKNAVIE CAIRN. — A mile further up on the west shoulder
of Knocknavie are the remains of what was once a large cairn. From
the existing stones it would appear that there were two cists, each
measuring about 9 feet long by 2| feet broad. The diameter was
74 feet, and the height about 20 feet. This cairn was removed in
1826 to build a neighbouring march dyke between the estates of
Millcraig and Culcairn. To come to an amusing incident con-
nected with the removal of this cairn we must go back a couple of
centuries, and introduce an historical fact. In August 1633, Sir
Robert Gordon, uncle of the then Eavl of Sutherland, was acting
as referee adjusting the march between the estates of Hugh Ross,
the laird of Achnacloich, and of the laird of Newmore, when a
party of Argyllshire marauders, who were under the leadership of
one Ewen Aird, were seized for depredations committed by them.
Brown, in his " History of the Highlands," Vol. I., 306, states —
" In their retreat they destroyed some of the houses in the
high parts of Sutherland, and on entering Ross, they laid
waste some lands belonging to Hutcheon Ross of Achnacloich.
These outrages occasioned an immediate assemblage of the inhabit-
ants of that part of the country, who pursued these marauders
and took ten of them prisoners. The prisoners were brought to
Achnacloich, where Sir Robert Gordon was at the time deciding
a dispute about the marches between Achinloich and Neamore.
After some consultation about what was to be done with the
prisoners, it was resolved that they should be sent to the Earl of
Sutherland who was in pursuit of them. On the prisoners being
sent to him, the Earl assembled the principal gentlemen of Ross
and Suthei'land at Dornoch, where Ewen Aird and his accomplices
were tried before a jury, convicted and executed at Dornoch,
with the exception of two young boys who were dismissed. The
Privy Council not only approved of what the Earl cf Sutherland
had done, but they also sent a commission to him and the Earl of
Seaforth, and to Hutcheon Ross of Achnacloich."
To what extent the Laird of Achnacloich exercised his power
as commissioner is not recorded, but one traditional case is not-
332 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
able. He occupied a large portion of Glackshellach as a sheiling.
About two years after he got his commission, two wayfarers
entered the hut which belonged to him in the glen, and being
hungry asked of the dairymaid a little food for which they offered
payment. She refused, whereon one of the men took possession
of a cheese, leaving as much money as he considered it worth.
The dairymaid despatched a messenger to the laird to give inform-
ation of what she called the robbery. The men were pursued,
overtaken at Contullich, in the parish of Alness, brought to Ach-
nacloich, summarily tried, hanged on the top of Knocknavie, and
buried in the Cairn above referred to. We now pass on to 1826,
when the cairn was being removed. A youth of about 20 years,
employed at the removal of the cairn, on pulling out a stone from
the face, let down a large fall, when out rolled a grinning skull.
The youth was horrified, and leaving his horse ran off to his
father, who was emptying a load about 200 yards away from the
cairn. The father, who was a plucky fellow, castigated the son for
his cowardice in running asvay from a bone, but on the two of
them returning to the cairn, the father received no less a shock
than the son, for there was the skull with its upturned empty eye
sockets in a state of vibration, put in motion by a field mouse
that got jammed among the nasal bones. Information was given
to the managers of the neighbouring estates, who came the follow
ing day, and had all the bones removed and buried close by the cairn.
These were the bones of the two men who were hanged by the
Laird of Achnacloich, the finding of which verifies the tradition.
The man who got the first fright is still alive, and is my informant.
An incident in connection with the settling of the march be-
tween Achnacloich and Newmore is worth mentioning. A large
boulder, conveniently situated, was fixed upon as one of the
march stones (it is to be seen on the margin of the road from
Achnacloich to Tain), and is still the march stone. Both parties
had a host of old and young men accompanying them to point out
the old marches and to bear in remembrance the new. On the
side of the laird of Achnacloich was a smart boy, to whom the
laird said, "Will you remember this to be the march stone 1 " The
boy said he would. " Put your hand flat upon it," said the laird.
The boy did so, and, before he was aware, the laird drew his sword,
and cut off the boy's fingers, saying, "You will remember it now,"
and he did remember it, and told it to others who told it to suc-
ceeding generations; and the stone is called " Clach ceann na
meoir," the stone of the finger ends, to this day.
DALNAVIE. — The next we mention, though not a cairn, was
The Parish of Rossheen. 333
an interesting place of sepulture. Whilst trenching waste land
on the farm of Dalnavie in 1847, the workmen came upon a num-
ber of urns at a uniform depth of about sixteen inches. They were
surrounded by a low circular turf fence about eighteen yards
diameter. In the centre was a large one, which would contain
about a gallon, and a beautifully formed stone axe was found be-
side it. The central urn was surrounded by fifteen other urns,
which would contain about half-a-gallon each. Through careless-
ness the urns were all destroyed. I understand the axe was sent
to the Antiquarian Museum in Edinburgh.
STITTENHAM. — About half-a-mile north of Dalnavie a large
cairn was removed in 1847-48. It was 108 feet diameter, and
20 feet high. In September 1880 a search was made for the cist,
when a very interesting discovery was made. Having been engaged
in the search, I am in a position to give a correct description of it. —
A grave was dug in hard boulder clay 12 feet long, 7 feet 9
inches wide, and 8 feet deep, rounded at the cornel's. The whole
of the bottom was covered with a layer of flags, on which was
formed a cist of thick flags, 8 feet long, 2| feet broad, and 2
feet deep. The covers were large — one weighing about half a ton.
Around and above the cist was filled with stones to a height of about
5 feet from the bottom. From the stones to the natural surface
of the ground was filled with a portion, the clay turned out. Over
this, and extending about 6 feet beyond the cutting all round, was
a layer of tenaceous blue clay in the form of a low mound, 2 feet
thick in the centre, and over the blue clay a layer of black earth
18 inches thick. From the form of the cist it is clear that the body
was laid at full length in it. The body was wholly decomposed;
only a small quantity of carbonate of lime and black animal
matter remained adhering to the bottom flags. A few crumbs
of decayed oak having been found at the head and foot of the
cist suggests that the body was encased in a coffin. The only
relics found were three beautifully formed arrow-heads, and a
thin circular piece of shale about two inches diameter, appar-
ently a personal ornament. About 150 yards south-west of
this cairn, the workmen employed at trenching the moor in 1847
found what was evidently a smelting furnace, and among the
debris turned out two beautifully formed sets of moulds for casting
bronze spear-heads. They are preserved in a cabinet in Ardross
Castle. The material is steatite, of which a vein exists in the
banks of a burn flowing by the Ardross Estates Office.
KNOCKFIONN. — On the face of the hill, called Knockfionn,
above Easter- Ardross, there is a large cairn, which has not been
334 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
opened, and on the summit of this are the remains of what appeared
to be a small fortification of stone, said to have been one of Fingal's
strongholds.
MAINS OF ARDROSS. — In 1848, a large cairn, "Cam Fionn-
tairneach," on the farm of Ardross, similar to the one at Millcraig,
was wholly removed. As well as the central cist, there were
several others in the body of the cairn, proving after burials. A
number of bones in good preservation were found, and a few flint
aiTow heads.
On the same farm there is an interesting grave preserved.
It is 16 feet long and 4 feet broad, enclosed by six large flag stones
— two at each side, and one at each end. At the request of an
officer of the Royal Engineers in 1876, it was carefully opened by
digging a longtitudinal trench, when it was discovered that two
bodies were buried, the one at the foot of the other, in graves each
about 7 feet long, by 2 feet broad, and only about 2 feet deep from
the surface to the bottom. There are side walls about a foot high,
and a division of a foot between the two bodies. The bodies were
probably covered with flags, as disintegrated clayey slates were
turned out in digging. The only remains found were a few teeth
where the heads lay, and a thin layer of bituminous like matter,
the whole length of the graves. A few hundred yards to the west
of this grave there existed about 200 small cairns, said to have
been raised over men who fell in a battle fought there long lor.g
ago, each being buried where he died. They have been all re-
moved in improving the land.
The cists without cairns discovered in the district are
numerous, notably those at Dalmore described by Mr Jolly in the
" Transactions of the Antiquarian Society of Scotland, 1878." A
group at the site of Achnacloich Castle, which contained pottery,
a group north of Achnacloich loch, which have not been properly
searched, as the tenant of the farm protested against such sacrilege,
especially because the man who discovered them in trenching the
moor immediately ran home, and kept to his bed for a couple of
months. At Baldoon, on an eminence north of the source of the
Achnacloich burn, are the remains of a cairn which, I think, has
been a small stronghold. The name " Baile-'n-duin" suggests this.
The cairn was oval, 52 feet by 42 feet. Near the centre is an
elongated oval often standing stones. It measures 16 feet long
by 8 feet broad, divided into two compartments of 8 feet each, by
two standing stones, having a space of two feet between them,
evidently a door. No living person saw or heard of this cairn
being other than it now is, so that what has been removed of it
The Parish of Rossheen. 335
must have been done long ago. I propose to search the floor,
when, perhaps, something may be found to lead to the object of its
erection.
OLACH-A'-MHEIRLICH. — About a mile and a half west of In-
vergordon, in a field north of the County road, is a standing stone
called " Clach-a'-mheirlich," the thief s stone. There is an archaic
device upon it said to resemble a portion of Bramah's foot.
Though a few hundred yards beyond the march of the parish
of Rosskeen, there are two interesting cairns I would not wish to
overlook. They are situated in the valley extending from Ach-
nacloich to Scotsburn, at Kenrive, in the upper part of the parish
of Kilmuir. A tradition is common among the old people of the
district that in a hostile incursion of the Danes in the ninth or
tenth century, the Danes, who were put to flight by the natives,
made their final stand here, where they were all slain, hence the
name " Cearn-an-ruidhe," the end of the chase. One of the cairns,
the most interesting of them, is now nearly removed, but a descrip-
tion can be given of what it was. About thirty years ago the
crofter on whose land the cairn stood had his attention attracted
towards it by his dog chasing a rabbit thither. The dog's persis-
tent barking at a hole near the top of the cairn induced the man
to go to the dog's assistance, and after removing a few stones with
the intention of getting hold of the rabbit, he discovered a vault,
but superstitious awe prevented him from prosecuting his search
alone. He got the assistance of a canny neighbour who joined in
a private exploration, expecting a lucky find which would keep
them in comfort during the remainder of their lives. They re-
moved the stones from above the vault, and at the depth of a few
feet, came upon a flag stone; which, on being removed, made an
opening large enough for them to get down. Their find was only
a layer of black earth. A man who frequently visited the vault
gave me a description of it. It was about nine or ten feet long,
over five feet wide, had side walls of large flagstones, five feet
high, the roof formed of flagstones corbelling inwards and finishing
with large flags closing in both sides at a height of about eight
feet from the fbor.
Such a discovery as this was not, in the opinion of the two
worthies (now both dead), a thing that ought to be divulged, and
for a space of eight years it was found to be a very convenient
malt deposit and whisky warehouse, and might have been so still
had not Preventive Officer Munro, and his assistants, discovered
the "bothy" in a naturally formed cairn in the face of the hill,
north of the farm offices of Inchandown.
336 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Sixteen years ago a portion of the cairn was removed to
build the dyke in the march between the estates of Newmore and
Kindeace. The vault was exposed to the public about twelve
years ago, when stones were removed to build a new house for
the tenant who now occupies the land. When I visited the place
a month ago, the weather was so frosty that I could not search
the floor for remains, which I believe are still there, for I under-
stand no search was made. In the remaining portion of this cairn
there is apparantly another similar vault with the roof fallen in.
Two other cists measuring about 4 feet by 3 feet, and 2 feet deep,
formed in the ordinary way of single flags, are exposed, one at the
north side of the removed vault, and the other at the east end of
the unopened vault. The diameter of the cairn was 80 feet, and
the height about 15 feet. Some of the remaining stones are of
large size, one in an upright position of mica schist measures
7 feet 6 inches by 5 feet and 2 feet thick, and another, which
apparently formed part of the roof of the unopened vault, of
granite, measures 7 feet by 5 feet, and one foot thick.
The other cairn is situated about 150 yards east of the one
described above, and is supposed to cover the remains of the com-
mDn soldiers who fell in the battle. No portion of it has been
removed. It is oblong, measuring 70 yards long, 22 yards broad
at the east end, 14 yards broad at the west end, and about an
average of 8 feet high.
SMUGGLING. — Many humorous stories are told of the smugglers
in the upland parts of the parish. I give two as examples. —
About seventy years ago two worthies, John Holm and
Sandy Ross (Uaine), who resided a short distance east of the
Strathrusdale river, went to enjoy a day with a friend who had his
bothy in full work at the west side of the river. After having par-
taken of their friend's good cheer as much as made them tellingly
affectionate towards each other, they left for home. On coming
to the river, which was slightly flooded, John said to Sandy,
" Sandy, as I am the youngest and strongest, stand you on that
stone, and come on my back, that I may carry you over dry."
Sandy obeyed, but John took only three steps when he fell into
the water, and before they recovered their footing, both were wet
to the skin. " I am sorry I fell," said John, " but come you to
the stone again, and get on my back, that I may take you over
dry." Sandy went to the stone and mounted again, but they
proceeded half-a-dozen yards only when the mishap was repeated.
John again expressed regret, and insisted on the attempt being
niade the third time, which, fortunately, proved successful, and
The Parish of Rossheen. 337
John, in throwing Sandy from off his back, said, " I am glad,
Sandy, after all our mishaps, that I took you over dry!"
My other story is an occurence of fifty-five years back. The
smuggler was Donald Ross (Mac Eachain), whodiedin Strathrusdale
about twelve years ago. He had his bothy at the base of a rock
on the north side of Kildermorie loch. Two young gentlemen —
one of whom went for the first time to see a bothy at work — paid
Donald a visit. As they were approaching the bothy, Donald,
always on the alert when at work, espied them, and suspecting
them to be questionable characters, moved out cautiously to recon-
noitre. Recognising one, he rushed out, with his bonnet under
his arm, welcoming and praising them in the most flattering terms,
finishing with, " Such two pretty young gentlemen I never saw;
come down from your horses till I see who is the prettiest."
They obeyed, and then Donald gave the finishing touch by saying,
" You are both so pretty, I cannot say who is the prettiest."
During the few hours spent by the party in the bothy, Donald
felt himself so elated that he drank so much of the warm stream
flowing from the worm as to make him top heavy. To get him
cannily to his house, it was proposed that he should be mounted
behind one of the young gentlemen. This done, and Donald left
without side supports, he lost his balance and fell. He was .ufc
up again with the same result, but in his second fall his head came
against a rock, which brought him a little to his senses.
Cautiously coming to his feet, and looking up to the rider, he
said, " May all good attend us ; truly, Mr Munro, we ought to be
thankful that the ground is soft."
ECCLESIASTICAL. — Before the Reformation there were three
places of worship, and three priests officiating in the parish. One
at I'osskeen, one at Nonakiln, and one at Ardross. After the Re-
formation the three were made into one charge, the minister being
appointed to officiate two consecutive Sundays at Rosskeen, one
at Nonakiln, and once a month as might be convenient for him at
Ardross. The chapel at Rosskeen was condemned in 1829, and
a new church was in 1332 built. Underneath the back wing of
tliis chapel, the Cadboll family built their burial vault, which has
been renovated and beautified by the present proprietor two years
ago. Before the suppression of smuggling in the parish, this vault
was frequently the abode of spirits as well as of the dead. The
beadle, who had charge of the key, was sworn to secrecy, and the
vault converted to a warehouse. The church-yard is near the sea,
a stream passes by it, into which, at high water, the tide flows
deep enough to float an ordinary boat. Sales were made, the
22
338 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.
warehouse emptied during night, and the cargo delivered along
the coast before daylight.
The chapel at Nonakiln ceased to be used as a place of worship
in 1713. An incident in connection with the last service held in
it is illustrative of the tenacity with which superstition still sticks
to a few of us. —
The story is that the farm manager at Invergordon Castle
was frequently annoyed by a bull, belonging to a neighbouring
farmer, being found frequently trespassing on the Invergordon
lands. At last the manager threatened that the next time the
animal would be found straying there he would be shot. On a
Sunday in December 1713, the manager on his way to the Chapel
at Nonakiln, saw the bull on the forbidden ground. He returned
to his house, loaded his gun, and shot the animal. He then pro-
ceeded to the church. Before he arrived the service commenced,
and as he was lifting the latch of the church door, part of the roof
gave way, but did not fall in. The worshippers were all alarmed,
and a few of them hurt in their exit. One of my informants,
who is still living, wound up the tale with this expression, savour-
ing of superstition — " Cha leigeadh an Eaglais a steach e airson
gun do mharbh e tarbh air la na Sabaid." ("The church would
not allow him to enter because he killed a bull on the Sabbath
day.") His idea is that the sacred edifice would not sanction the
man's presence because he broke the Sabbath. The roof fell in
the following year. The west gable and a portion of the side walls
are still remaining.
The chapel at Ardross must, to an archaeologist, be the most
interesting of the three. It was situated on the farm now called
Achandunie, and known by the name of " Seapal-dail-a'-mhic."
It has been wholly removed, except a portion of the foundation.
From what remains the ground area is found to measure 42 feet
by 24 feet. The interest connected with it is, that it is placed in
the centre of a Druidical place of worship, measuring 112 feet by
66 feet. Only two of the stones remain standing. They are of
sandstone split out of one block, and measuring 5 feet 6 inches
high, 3 feet 8 inches broad, and 1 foot thick. A few large stones
are lying covered by the debris of the ruins, the rest have been
removed. This fact confirms the account of the early Culdee
Missionaries, having been in the habit of meeting the people at
Druidical places of worship, who, after they were converted to
Christianity, built churches in which to worship at the Druidical
standing stones ; and this is the reason why so many of our
churches in the Highlands are to this day known as "An clachan,"
from the standing stones.
The Parish of Rosskeen. 339
There are only two other Druidical circles now in the parish,
out; at Stittenham House, and the other at the west end of Strath-
rusdale. In each the three concentric circles can be traced, but
only a few of the stones remain.
The people were very wild and lawless in those times. I
have collected many anecdotes about them, but as my paper is
already too long I will finish with a few sentences about the Epis-
copal Minister of the Parish. His name was John Mackenzie,
better known as " Iain Breac," brother of the first Mackenzie of
Ardross, who was son of the laird of Kildun near Dingwall. Mr
John Mackenzie was appointed curate in 1664 or 1775. He
conformed in 1689 after the Revolution, and lived till January or
February 1714, a month or two after the chapel of Nonakiln was de-
serted. The religious instruction of his flock gave him little concern.
After the dismissal of the congregation almost every Sunday at
Nonakiln, a fair was held for the disposal of cattle, harness, im-
plements of tillage, &c. The curate mingled with the people at
these fairs, and occasionally entered into their games. The most
noteworthy record about him is that he was so strong as to lift a
firlot measure full of barley (1£ bushels) on his loof. His succes-
sor, Mr Daniel Beaton, who was translated from Ardersier to the
parish in March 1717, was in every respect a contrast. He was
so small in stature that he is generally spoken of as " Am Beutanach
beag," but he was a sincere Christian, an industrious worker, and a
gospel preacher ; and before many years of his incumbency passed,
the Parish was to a large extent civilized. His memory is still
fragrant among pious old people.
16TH APRIL 1886.
On this date R. B. Finlay, Q.C., M.P., was elected a life mem-
ber of the Society; while Miss Mary Fraser, 1 Ness Walk, Inverness.
M iss Catherine Fraser, 28 Academy Street, and Rodk. Fraser, con-
tractor, Argyle Street, Inverness, were elected ordinary members.
Thereafter the Secretary read (1) a paper on " Etymological Links
between Welsh and Gaelic" by Canon Thoyts, Tain ; and (2) a
paper on " The Dialects of Scottish Gaelic," by Donald Mac-
kinnon, M. A., Professor of the Celtic Languages and Literature in
the University of Edinburgh.
Canon Thoyt's paper was as follows : —
340 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.
ON ETYMOLOGICAL LINKS BETWEEN WELSH
AND GAELIC.
On being requested to write a paper on some Celtic subject,
to be read before the Gaelic Society of Inverness, my first im-
pulse was to plead my utter incompetency to undertake such a
work ; and, in now endeavouring to comply with that request, I
must at once state that I do so with the greatest diffidence. So
far from aspiring to be, in any sense, an authority on Celtic mat-
ters, I am merely a humble student of the Gaelic language ; and
that only so far as concerns my pastoral work, and the services of
the Church. Hence I venture to beg for myself a large share of
indulgence from those who may either hear or read this paper.
In what I shall say, I am fully aware that I shall be merely,
as it were, touching the fringe of a very wide subject ; and my
object is rather to start some discussion on a matter which is most
interesting and instructive (in my opinion), and on which I myself
want to learn very much more, than to lay down my opinions
with a confidence (not to say impertinence) which would be, in my
case, unseemly in the extreme.
No doubt there must be etymological links of connection be-
tween all Celtic languages, since they all spring from a common
source ; the connection between the Irish and the Scottish Gaelic
is, of course, so very close as to constitute them practically one
and the same language — each being merely a different dialect of
that language ; the difference being no greater than, even if as
great as, that which exists between the various provincial dialects
of English, in counties so widely apart as (for instance) Yorkshire
and Somersetshire, or Cumberland and Hampshire. I know no-
thing of the Manx language ; but from the fact of places in the
Isle of Man having distinctly Gaelic names (as I have been in-
formed), I should gather that it is very closely akin to either the
Irish or the Scottish forms of the Celtic tongue. The connection
between our own Gaelic and the Welsh is not, at first sight (to
ordinary people at least), so very plain and obvious. In some
measure, no doubt, this arises from the spelling ; which, on both
sides, tends to obscure the derivation of words. I imagine that
to an ordinary student of Gaelic, the extraordinary combinations
of letters in many words of the Welsh language must utterly
mystify him, when he attempts to pronounce them intelligibly; and
probably Gaelic would present the same difficulty to a Welshman
— as it certainly does, possibly in a much greater degree, to a
Etymological Links between Welsh and Gaelic. 341
Lowlander or an Englishman. I suppose one of the most universal
words in Celtic languages is the word " Eaglais" ; we find it
in the Welsh " Eglwys," in the Cornish " Eglos," in the French
" Eglise," in the Latin ' Ecclesia," which is itself, of course, simply
the Greek " «?/c/cX^a."
But to confine myself to the Welsh. I propose to give a few
parallels between it and the Gaelic, which I have come across
casually, in the " Leabhar na h-urnuigh choitchionn" of the Epis-
copal Church.
Welsh. Gaelic.
1. Daw Dad o'r nef 1. 0 Dhe an t-Athair neimhe
2. Drindod 2. Trionaid
3. Pechodau 3. Peacadh
4. Bobl 4. Pobull
5. Esgobion 5. Easbuigean
6. Diaconiaid 6. Deaconan
7. Oen Duw 7. Uan Dhe
8. Trugarhft wrthgm 8. (Dean) tr6cair oirnn
9. Clyw 9. Cluinn
10. Cyflawna 10. Coimhlion
11. Gras 11. Gras
12. Jesu Grist 12. losa Criosd
13. Yspryd 13. Spiorad
14. Clustian 14. Cluasait>h (cluasan)
15. Yn rasol 15. Gagrasail
16. Maddeu 16. Maith
17. trwy 17. tr<§
18. dau neu dri 18. da no tri
19. Marwol 19. Mairbhteach
20. Yn holl amser 20. Ann uile aimsir
21. Credaf 21. Creideam
22. Creawdwr 22. Cruthadair
23. uffern 23. ifrinn
24. Meirw 24. Mairbh
25. Cynimnn 25. Comh-chomunn
26. Maddeuant 26. Maitheanas
27. Dy fawr drugarcdd 27. Do mh&r thrdcair
This list might, of course, be largely extended ; and especially
by anyone who knew the exact pronunciation of the Welsh, and
thus could trace further links of connection than the words them-
selves present to us on paper. It is singular that although there
is a distinct parallel between the two languages, in the case of
two of the orders of the sacred ministry, " Easbuigean," and
" Deaconan " (Nos. 5 and 6 in the above list of words), the word
for " sagairt " is altogether different — " OfFeiriaid." And yet the
idea is the same ; for, as we can trace the Latin " Sacerdos "
under the Gaelic " sagart," so under the Welsh " Offeiriaid " we
342 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
can trace the Latin verb " Offero," which exactly describes the
office of the priest (sagart), whose chief duty is to " offer " (I use
the word in its technical and theological sense) the Holy Sacrifice
in the Eucharist. I fear that I may seem here to be touching on
controversies of doctrine ; but I wish merely to explain what
seemed to me to be the connection of ideas between the two words
in question.
This instance, at any rate, leads us on to another most in-
teresting branch of this subject ; which is to trace, generally, the
derivation of words in both Gaelic and Welsh from the Latin,
or even, in some cases, from the Greek. Thus (to confine ourselves
to a few instances from the short list of words already given), nef
(Welsh) and neamh (Gaelic) are evidently each derived from ve^aX^
(and its cognate Latin word Nebula) ; Drindod and Trionaid in
like manner come from Trinitas ; Pechodau and Peacadh from
Peccatum ; Bobl and Pobull from Populus. Esgob and Easbuig
from Episcopus are, perhaps, not quite evident at first sight; on the
other hand Diaconiaid and Deaconan are specially clear, as deriva-
tives of diaKovos. Gras (which is identically the same word in both
languages, though pronounced with more stress and length of
quantity in the Gaelic than in the Welsh) is simply the Latin gratia,
" writ short." Yspryd and spiorad come from spiritus; marwol and
mairbhteach (possibly) from mortalis ; credaf and creideam from
credo ; creawdwr and cruthadair from creator ; uffern and ifrinn
from infernus; cymmun and comh-chemimn from communio.
It need hardly be remarked that in tracing the etymological
connection between Gaelic and Welsh, or between each of them and
Latin, the letters P, K,and T,are interchangeable with their cognate
letters B, G, and D, or with their aspirates Ph ( = F), Ch, and Th: —
thus Drindod — Trionaid; Bobul — Pobull; and in the case of Esgob
— Easbuig there is actually a transposition ; yet in each case the
etymology and the derivation are clear. In like manner we can
trace the connection between nef and neamh with nebula.
There are, here and there, traces of Celtic to be found even
in the heart of England. When I was south, in October last, I
happened to come across a parish Directory of Warwickshire ;
and in it I looked up a parish in which I was interested, called
" Tysoe." I remembered having heard long ago, that this most
un-English name was of British derivation ; but I certainly was
not prepared co find it given in a book of that kind, in pure
Gaelic, as " Tigh-soluis." In the same parish is the historical
" Edge Hill," the highest part of which is called "The Sun-rising;" so
the tradition of the " Bouse of Light " would seem to have been
Etymological Links between Welsh and Gaelic. 343
handed down, in some measure, in the talk of the natives, many
long centuries after their parish first got its name. I may mention,
in passing, that there is a portion of the fine parish church in that
place, which in the opinion of the late Sir Gilbert Scott (no mean
authority in archteological matters) is at least 1000 years old.
It would be interesting to know whether in the names of such
places as Covent-ry, Davent-ry, Oswest-ry (the last of these being
close on the Welsh border), the " ry " is equivalent to " righ;" and
if so, what is the derivation of the other part of each of these
names 1 No doubt if light could be thrown on the obscurities of
modern spelling, we might find much that was deeply interesting
in the unearthing of old Celtic names. I was told lately (and my
informant was a Gaelic speaking priest of our church in Lochaber)
that the famous " Rotten Row " in London is simply a corruption
of " Rathad-an-Righ ;" whether this is so or not, is of course mat-
ter of opinion, but it is at least an interesting, if a novel, interpre-
tation. A much more direct derivation seems to show itself in
the case of " Clun," a parish in the county of Shropshire, bordering
on Montgomeryshire ; we can trace in it the word " cluain " (pas-
ture-land), which exactly describes the character of that locality.
Passing a little further south, into Herefordshire, we come upon
another little parish (or rather hamlet) — Dinmore, which is sit-
uated on the top of a high hill; here again its name gives its de-
scription— " Dun-mbr," little as the Sassenachs who now inhabit
the place may be aware that it is a description ! It is not a very
" far cry " from the borders of Wales into Lancashire, and on the
line between Liverpool and Manchester is a station called
" Eccles ;" we have no difficulty here in recognising, in its English
form, our old friend " Eaglais" or " Eglwys." It may, perhaps, be
objected that these are not, strictly speaking, instances of " ety-
mological links between Gaelic and Welsh ;" but, rather, isolated
instances of Gaelic words in England. But, at any rate, they are
generically Celtic ; and as for the most part, they occur either close
to the Welsh border, or at no great distance from it, one cannot
help thinking that they are survivals of a period in the remote
past, when the ancient Welsh, or British tongue resembled our
Scottish Gaelic much more closely than it appears to do now ; and
that when, at the Saxon invasion of Britain, the Celts were driven
into different corners of the country, some into Wales and
others into Cornwall, and so cut off from each other, and from
their Celtic fellow-countrymen in the north, the variety between
the different dialects of their language became gradually more
and more divergent — though even yet, as I have already tried to
344 Gaelic Sooiety of Inverness.
show in my quotations from the Welsh and Gaelic Prayer-Books,
there is a strong etymological connection between them — clearly
manifesting their common source.
Some few Celtic words seem also to have survived in a con-
nection where we should least of all expect to find them ; and that
is amongst (what are commonly termed) " slang" words in ordinary
conversation. Let me give one or two examples. We may imagine
a school-boy having something explained to him by one of his fel-
lows, which he cannot see the meaning of ; and he will likely
enough answer — " I don't twig that at all" — but, vulgar and un-
classical as the word ''twig" may seem at first sight, it does not
need much ingenuity to trace the Gaelic word " tuig, " or to sub-
stitute for the above sentence " cha'n eil mi a' tuigsinn," as its
Gaelic equivalent. Again, another very common expression, which
is certainly more or less "slang," is to "ransack" a drawer, or a
cupboard, for the purpose of finding something that had been lost ;
here, again, may we not at once discern, under its English spelling,
the Gaelic word "rannsach"1? Similarly the word "grab," which
is commonly regarded as English slang, is in reality a Gaelic verb ;
in this case there may be a slight difference of meaning — ap-
parently, at any rate; the slang word means "to seize," the Gaelic
word "to obstruct," or hinder: — yet, when a thing is seized or
grabbed, it is to the hindrance or obstruction of the wishes of the
person from whom it is taken. I cannot think that these are fanci-
ful resemblances ; in two cases the similarity of form is very close,
in the third case it is identical. But it is, to say the least, what
one would hardly expect to find in our slang vocabulary, words
evidently belonging to that grand old Gaelic language which we
venerate so much. Several other words occur to my mind, as being
derived either directly, or indirectly, from the Gaelic ; but I think
my meaning is sufficiently illustrated by the words already quoted,
as well as by the names of places previously submitted for your
consideration.
I cannot pretend to have done more than " skim the sur-
face," as it were, of this deeply interesting subject ; others, far
more competent than myself in philological research, will, I hope,
give us ere long the benefit of their observations on these matters ;
and if my own few remarks shall lead to further papers, more
interesting and more exhaustive, my object in bringing them
before you will have been attained. I think that there is a
special interest (not to say fascination), in discovering, or trying to
discover, all the links of connection, in language or ideas, that
unite us in some measure with the ancient Celtic race in any of
On the Dialects of Scottish Gaelic. 345
its branches ; or that show the unity and might of that great stem,
from which the branches sprang, in tracing to a common origin
the now-divergent forms of their (doubtless), once identical langu-
age. For while Saxons, and Danes, and Normans, and Dutch,
and Germans, are strangers and aliens on British soil (though all
combine in forming that individual of most complex nationality —
an Englishman !), the Celts can in the ti-uest sense of all look on
Great Britain as their fatherland ; and their magnificent langu-
age (now stigmatised by Lowlanders and Englishmen as barbarous),
was formerly universal throughout the land.
Professor Mackinnon's paper was as follows: —
ON THE DIALECTS OF SCOTTISH GAELIC.
Some thirty years ago the question used to be often asked —
Where was the best Gaelic spoken 1 whether at Inveraray or at
Inverness ? My home was in Argyle, and I need hardly say what
the answer would be in that quarter. A large majority of the mem-
bers of the Gaelic Society of Inverness render linguistic allegiance
to the Northern Capital, and wfll perhaps wonder how such a ques-
tion could ever have been asked. One's judgment is, however, sub-
ject to modification even upon such a delicate matter as this by
increasing knowledge and reflection. It was my good fortune,
early in life, to become intimately acquainted with a dialect of
Scottish Gaelic far removed from my own ; and three years ago
I had the rare privilege of hearing, over the length and breadth
of the Highlands, old men who knew no language but Gaelic
speak of the ordinary affairs of their daily life and occupation in
the dialects of their respective districts. After such experience,
if I were to answer briefly the question which I used to hear in
the days of my boyhood, I should be disposed to say that there is
less Gaelic spoken both in Inverness and in Inveraray than I
should have wished, and that the quality as well as the quantity
of the dialect spoken in both places might, with advantage, be
improved.
The object of the present paper is not, however, to discuss
the relative merits and demerits of the Northern and Southern
Dialects. My purpose takes a wider range. I desire to urge
the immense importance, philological and literary, of a knowledge
of all the dialects of Gaelic. My aim is to try to prove that the
subject is deserving of scientific study, and to endeavour to per-
346 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.
suade such of my countrymen as have opportunity and an interest
in these matters to make a systematic investigation of it. It is
not, happily, so necessary now as it was even twenty years ago to
warn Highlanders against being carried away with the childish
idea that such an inquiry as this will be barren of result because
the facts are to be gathered about our own doors. Neither in
Nature nor in Science, only to our imperfect vision, is the Gaelic
proverb true — "'S gorrn na cnuic tha fada bhuainn." The laws
of language are the same all the world over : the vocal chords of
the Celt are affected by the same conditions as those of other men.
Philological science as well as patriotic sentiment might dictate
the message which Ossian Charged Blackie to deliver to the High-
land people —
And say to my people, Love chiefly the beauty
That buds by thy cradle and blooms at thy door ;
Nor deem it a pleasure, and praise it a duty,
To prink thee with foreign and far-gathered lore.
On the bank where it grows the meek primrose is fairest,
No bloom like the heather empurples the brae ;
And the thought that most deep in thy bosom thou bearest
In the voice of thy fathers leaps forth to the day.
Be true to the speech of the mother that bore thee,
Thy manhood grow strong from the blood of the boy ;
Be true to the tongue with which brave men before thee
Took the sting from their grief and gave wings to their joy.
It is difficult to say where dialect ends, and where language
begins. We all know in a rough and ready way what is meant
by the words. Minute shades of difference in accent, perhaps
even in diction, are sometimes observed among members of the
same family. In separate parishes and towns such differences be-
come quite marked. When they reach a certain point, which
cannot, perhaps, in any particular case be very clearly denned, we
call them a difference of dialect. When dialects diverge to such
an extent as to become mutually unintelligible, we call them
different languages. But in actual fact, the words are used in a
more or less loose way. For example, the Dane understands
the Swede and vice versa, yet we treat Danish and Swedish as
separate languages. The Romance Languages are, in a sense, all
dialects, being descendants, of Latin. Some of them, such as
Portuguese and Spanish, are mutually intelligible, and yet we re-
gard Spanish and Portuguese as different languages. To come
nearer home. The Goidelic branch of Celtic is to all intents and pur-
On the Dialects of Scottish Gaelic.
347
poses a different language from the Brythonic branch. No amount
of natural intelligence will enable a Highlander to understand a
Welshman, or an Irishman to read a book in the Armoric dialect.
But on the other hand, are the three divisions of which the
Goidelic branch of Celtic is composed — are Gaelic, Irish, and
Manx three languages, or three dialects of one speech? .fc'ew
among us could understand two Irishmen or two Manxmen
discussing, with all the fervour of the Celt, a knotty point in
politics or theology; and yet if any of us were alone on a desert
island with an Irishman or a Manxman, we would contrive, by
means of our common Goidelic speech, to understand each other.
And if you take a passage from the Gaelic, Irish, and Manx
Testaments, you will find it intelligible in them all, and will at once
say that these three are but three varieties of one language : —
GAELIC.
GNIOMHARA NAN ABSTOL.
IRISH.
- ONIOMHARTHA NA
NEASBAL.
MANX.
JANNOO NY HOSTTLLYN.
39. Agns an uair a hha'n
la air teachd,cha d'aith-
nicli ia<) am f* arann :
ach thug iad an aire do
1Mb araidh aig an rohh
trai.li, anns an robh
mhiann orra, nam b'ur-
rainn iad, ?n long a
chur gu tlr.
40. Agus air togail nan
acraichean doibh, leig
iad ris an fhairge i,
agus an uair a dh'fhuas-
gail iad ceanglaichean
na sth'iire, agus a thog
iad am pi lotnli-sheol ris
a' ghaoith, shc&l iad
chum na traighe.
41. Agus air tuiteam
dhoibh linn an ionad
draidh far an do choin-
iiich da fhairge a cheile,
blmail iad an long air
grunnd ; agus air sath-
a<lh d'ii tniseach sa'
glirund, dh'fhan c gun
charachadh, ach bhris-
eadh a deireadh lo ain-
neart nan tonn.
39. Agus ar ndirghe don
16, ni raibh fios na tire
sin aca : achd tugadar
caladhairighedha naire
ann a raibh traigh, ann
ar aontuigheadar an
lung do shathadh, dit
madh didir riu.
40. Agus ar dtdgbhail na
nancaireadh dhdibh, do
leigeadar an luny f;ln
bhfairrge, agus ar
sgaoileadh cheangluigh-
theadh na sdiuire
dhoibh mar an gce*udna,
do thdgbhadar an
priomhseo"! ris an
ngaoith, agus do thriall-
adar chum na tragha.
41. Agus ar dteagmhail
a nionadh dhdihh ionar
bhuail d;t fhairrge fVi
chdile, do bhuaileadar
an lung fit thalamh ;
agusarndaingniughadh
do thosach na luinge
dfan si gan chorrugh-
adh, agus do sgaoileadh
a deireadh 6 cheile r<5
haimhneart na dtonn.
39. As tra va'n laa er
jeet rish, cha bione daue
yn cheer : agh chronnee
ad ooig <ly row lesh traie,
raad v'ad kiarit, my
oddagh eh ve, yn Ihong
y roie stiagh.
40. As tra v'ad er dro2g;il
ny akeryn, lliig ad ee
lesh y cheayn. as feaysley
coyrdyn y stiurey, hug
ad seoseyn shiaull-me;m
gys y gheay, as ren ad
son y thalloo.
41. As taghyrt er boayl
raad va daa hidey cheet
noi-ry-hoi roie ad y
Ihong er j;ruiit ; as va'n
toshiagh eck soit cha
shickyr, nagh row ee
scughey, agh va'n jerrey
eck brisht lesh niart ny
tonnyn.
348 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Ireland, the Isle of Man, and the Scottish Highlands, are
separated from each other by a broad belt of sea. Were it other-
wise, it would be difficult, if not impossible, to follow the bound-
ary between Irish, Manx, and Gaelic. Over large tracts of coun-
try where different languages prevail, we find the border dialects
partaking largely of the character of the adjacent tongues. French,
Spanish, and Italian, though closely related, are different langu-
ages, each with its own dialects distinctly marked. Along the
border line between France and Italy the patois of the people is
neither a French nor an Italian dialect, but a mixture of both —
a dialect which again ^ hardly intelligible either in the west of
France or in the south of Italy. A similar state of matters exists
on the frontier between France and Spain. And even among
ourselves, though the sea separates us from Ireland, an Islayman
would probably find a native of the glens of Antrim more intelli-
gible than a native of Assynt or Tongue.
Within the narrow precincts of the Isle of Man, Dr Kelly,
the grammarian and lexicographer, observes that on the north side
the language was considered most pure, and Dr Sachaverell, once
governor of the little " kingdom," wrote thafc in the northern part
of the island they spoke a deeper Manx, as they called it, than in
the south. In the Irish language the existence of dialects has
been acknowledged from the very earliest times. Fenius Farsaidh
who, according to the legend, was king of Scythia and school-
master of Senaar, ordered, we are told, his Lieutenant and
Inspector-General, Gaedhal, to divide the language into five dialects.
Without going quite s:> far back as this, we find Irish scholars for
the last two or three hundred years recognising four dialects, one
for each province, which they have characterised thus : —
T£ bias gan cheart ag an Muimhneach ;
Ta ceart gan bhlas ag an Ulltach ;
Ni fhuil ceart na bias ag an Laighneach ;
Ta ceart agus bias ag an g-Connachtach.
That is to say — In Munster there is correct accent, but not correct
idiom ; in Ulster there is the idiom without the accent ; in Lein-
ster there is neither the one nor the other ; while in Connaught
there is both. These main dialects again split up into sub-
dialects, so that, as in English and Lowland Scotch, each district
in Ireland has its special linguistic peculiarities.
The same state of matters exists among ourselves. In the
Highlands not only has each county its distinctive characteristics
in sound, diction, and idiom, but every parish has its shibboleth.
On the Dialects of Scottish Gaelic. 349
In my own Island home the people pronounce sin and nis as if
the proper spelling were sean and nels : sean thu ueis being the
local phrase for " there you are now." Their neighbours in Mull
and Islay twit the natives of Colonsay for their vulgarism
in this particular, but it so happens that sin is spelled in the
" Book of Deer " sain and sen — a very gratifying discovery
to me, who can in consequence make a plausible claim to being a
countryman of the author of the Gaelic entries on the margin of
that venerable document. In the Scottish Highlands, the geo-
graphical configuration of the country and the tribal organisation
that prevailed would help to accentuate the differentiating tend-
ency inherent in all languages. The country was but thinly
peopled. It was without roads, and frequent communication
between different districts, especially on the mainland, was impos-
sible. Between different tribes friendly intercourse was possible
only when they were at peace, which, in the case of neighbouring
clans, did not always happen. Perhaps amid the storms of the
far past, more than one sub-dialect may have sunk in northern
waters ; but the wonder is how our Gaelic language in the High-
lands has escaped the fate of so many languages in similar circum-
stances elsewhere — of being broken up into several widely -divergent
dialects, and finally disappearing altogether. Paradoxical as it
may appear, perhaps the very system of clanship which in ordin-
ary circumstances would tend to disintegration, helped, as it
existed in the Highlands, to preserve the unity of the language.
We had few readers and fewer books ; but there was a consider-
able mass of traditional literature in prose and verse which was
the common property of the Goidelic race, and which, there is
reason to believe, was extensively known among the people. The
clan, whether large or small, formed a society in itself. It con-
tained all the elements, civil and social, which make up a com-
munity. It had its chief or ruler, its upper and lower classes
with their distinctive rights and privileges, but bound together
by ties of blood and common interest. It had its bard and
historian, men who received more or less of a literary training,
and whose duty it was to know the traditional literature of
the race, as well as to preserve the history and sing the praises
of the clan. There would undoubtedly be rivalry between the
bards, as well as between the chiefs, of neighbouring clans. The
unity of the language was preserved by this literary caste or
guild. The constant intercourse between the various members of
the clan, rendered necessary by their small numbers and common
interests, was a literary education of no small value. In the pre-
350 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
face to his edition of Rob Donn's poems, the late Rev. Dr Mack-
intosh Mackay quotes a most interesting letter from Mrs Mackay
Scobie of Keoldale, which shows that the admirable custom of
maintaining friendly intercourse between various classes of society
survived the fall of the clan system in the far north. The lady
writes — "I perfectly remember my maternal grandfather, who
held the wadset lands of Skerray, every post-day evening go into
the kitchen, where his servants and small tenants were assembled,
and read the newspapers aloud to them ; and it is incredible now
the propriety and acuteness with which they -made remarks and
drew conclusions from the politics of the day." Mrs Scobie in
this way accounts for the remarkable knowledge of public events
which the Reay country bard undoubtedly possessed ; and, indeed,
it is hardly credible to us now that two men so well informed as
Rob Donn and Duncan Ban Macintyre were unable to read a
word in any language.
The Gaelic dialect > are usually divided into three. The late
Rev. John Forbes, minister of Sleat, in the preface to his gram-
mar, recognises, for example, a Northern, an Interior, and a
Southern dialect. This division is accepted and reproduced by
Dr Murray in an interesting paper on the " Present Limits of the
Celtic Language in Scotland," contributed to the Revue Celtique
some twelve years ago. (Revue Cellique, volume II., page ITS.)
I am satisfied that the threefold division cannot, without con-
siderable confusion, be maintained. Mr Forbes himself .admits
that one of the characteristic marks of his Northern dialect is
found in the Southern division-— the substitution of o for a. Call,
he says, is pronounced coll in the north, but so is gabh pronounced
go in Perth. A still more remarkable case, of which Forbes does
not seem to have been aware, is that the letter c in mac, &c., is
pronounced exactly in the same way in Sutherland as in Kintyre
and Arran (mak), while the liquid sound of n in duine which pre-
vails in the far north, is also heard in the Southern Isles. I
do not myself attach much importance to the number of dialects
into which our Scottish Gaelic could be divided. It would perhaps
be as easy to distinguish thirteen dialects as three. Arran and
Kintyre, for example, break away from the rest of the southern
division drawn by Forbes in the case of two prominent sounds.
One of these I have mentioned, the pronunciation of c after a
broad vowel, which in Kintyre and Arran is sounded like k, in the
rest of Argyle like chk: mac is mak and machk, sac is sak and sachk.
In the same district the temiis c in initial ch sinks to the medial
g : mo c/uts is mo ghas in Kintyre. The sound of ao, to which, as
On the Dialects of Scottish Gaelic. 351
pronounced in Argyll and Perth, there is no corresponding sound
in English, is in Arran that of a in " Mayor "— maor and saor
are maer and saer. These words were written maer, saer, in
Middle Irish, the spelling of the Zeussian MSS., and of the older
Irish inscriptions being ai, oi, oe. As we proceed . North this
sound becomes attenuated to aoi. Macrae in 1688 wrote saoghal,
sivill, a form which fairly represents the pronunciation of Lewis
to-day. In some parts of Ireland and in the Isle of Man the
sound is not unlike that heard in the North Highlands. O'Dono-
van (Gram. p. 16) represents it by uee as in queen for Connaught,
and by ueeu for Ulster and Meath.
To the philologist a knowledge of the dialects is essential,
and this is now universally admitted. The method of the science
is the comparative method ; and while for the so-called dead langu-
ages we are content to take the warrant of grammars and dic-
tionaries for lost words and vanished forms, the final appeal for
the meaning of a word, and especially for its sound, must be, in
the case of a living tongue, to the lips of the people. Dialects
are accordingly studied of recent years with a genuine scientific
purpose. On the Continent not a language but has had its most
obscure sub-dialects investigated by competent men. At home
good work has also been done. The North-eastern Scottish dialects
have been examined by Mr Gregor (The Dialects 01 Ban/shire,
dec., by the Rev. Walter Gregor, 1866) ; the Southern dialects by
Dr Murray (The Dialect of the Southern Counties of Scotland, <kc.,
by J. A. H. Murray, 1873); while several treatises on the Eng-
lish provincial dialects have been published by Skeat and others.
You can hardly turn a page of Curtius' great work, the Grund-
ziige des Gfriechischen Etymologic, without finding ^abundant evi-
dence of the splendid use to which that eminent . philologist has
turned his marvellous knowledge of the Greek dialects.
It is of the utmost importance that the dialects of our own
Scottish Gaelic should be thoroughly investigated, not only for
the purposes of philological science, but upon purely literary
grounds. Our Celtic philologists, Stokes and Windisch and
Zimmer and Rhys and Geddes, know the Gaelic idioms through
our grammars atid dictionaries only. These are not always
correct, and they are far from being sufficiently full and detailed.
Besides, our published literature does not by any means exhaust
the resources of the language, or make the student of Gaelic inde-
I>endent of the dialects.
We are quite safe in speaking of our Gaelic tongue as branch-
ng off into two main dialects, a Northern and a Southern. The
352 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
differences in pronunciation, diction, and idiom which prevail
within the respective bounds of these two divisions are very
marked, though in particular localities they shade into each other.
The boundary between the two is a waving line, but, roughly
speaking, it may be described as passing up the Firth of Lorn to
Loch Leven, then across country from Ballachulish to the Gram-
pians, thereafter the line of the Grampians The country covered
by the Northern dialect was of old the country of the Northern
Picts. The portion of Argyleshire south of the boundary line,
with Bute And Arran, formed the Kingdom of Dalriada. The
Gaelic district south of the Grampians belonged to the Southern
Picts. This two-fold division has very probably an historical basis,
as well as a very distinct geographical boundary. It owes its
origin to the settlement of the Dalriadic Colony in South Argyll ;
and its continuance to the greater influence of Irish literature
within the Southern district.
By the aid of a few examples, for in a single paper one can
only glance over such a wide field, I shall endeavour to show how
a study of the sounds, forms, words, and idioms preserved in our
dialects can be turned to profitable use in throwing some light on
the past history of our people; in supplying additional and reliable
material to the science of Celtic Philology ; and in providing valu-
able assistance to the student who desires to master Scottish Gaelic.
I. SOUNDS — Turn for a moment to our sounds. Irish scholars
are placed under a great disadvantage in studying the sounds of
their language in the far past, because their magnificent literature
has been written now for well nigh a thousand years upon a pretty
uniform orthographical system, which, unfortunately, is very far
from being phonetic. The great mass of Gaelic Manuscripts, and
almost all our printed literature, are written more or less uniformly
in the Irish orthography. But happily there have been preserved
two MSS. of considerable size, written phonetically. One of these
was written in the Northern dialect by Duncan Macrae in 1688-
1693* ; the other and much larger and better known is the Dean
of Lismore's MS., which was written in the Southern dialect in
1512-1530. We have thus a reliable record of Gaelic pronuncia-
tion for 370 years. By the aid of some deviations from orthodox
Irish orthography observed in the Book of Deer, and some words
and names borrowed into the Icelandic literature, we get a glimpse
at the pronunciation of our ancestors 700 years ago.
The most marked distinction in sound between the Northern
* See "The Fernaig Manuscript" in the Trausactions of the Gaelic
Society of Inverness, volume xi.
On the Dialects of Scottish Gaelic. 353
and Southern dialects is a greater tendency in the former to what
Professor Rhys calls dipthongization, and which is attributed to a
more delicate sensitiveness to musical sounds. The test sound
between the two dialects is the prevalence in the North of an ia
sound, where the South is content with the original long e. In some
words the diphthong ia has not developed from a vowel ; biadh —
(gen. bidh] must have been originally bivata — to judge from its co-
relatives Lat. vivo, Gr. biotos for bifotos, and Skt. givami, so that in
this case the vowel a is an essential part of the word. The a in sgian
(gen. sgine) is again due to the regressive influence of a lost suffix.
But in a large class of words, Irish as well as Gaelic, e appears as ia
—Jladh, grian, dan, &c., &c. In such cases the e asserts itself in
in the genitive, feid.h, greine, cein, &c., &c. The distinction between
the two dialects is that the Northern dialect extends the applica-
tion of this phonetic principle much further than southern Gaelic
and Irish, scores of words being pronounced with an ia sound in
the North where the South retains the e — beul, bial ; ft. ur, fiar ;
breug, briag ; eud, iad, &c., &c.
The distinction dates from old times. Macrae's Manuscript
(1688) conforms in this respect to the northern pronunciation of
to-day; the Dean of Lismore's (1512) to the southern. We can
go farther back. Niall, a man's name, has the ia sound in Irish and
Gaelic, North and South, and was so written in the Book of Armagh
in the beginning of the ninth century. The word is written in Norse
Njal. The Gaelic word for cloud is neul in the south, nial in the
north. In Icelandic poetry this word has been preserved, and is
spelled niol (Corpus Poeticum Boreale I., p. 86). One of the
Treshinish Islands (on the north-west of Mull) is spelled in Scot-
tish charters cairnburg, kernaburg. The word appears in the
Sagas as kjarnaborg, Bjarnaboig (Orig. Par. II., Pt. 1, p. 332).
These very significant sounds appear to me to prove not merely
that our two Gaelic dialects had their distinctive sounds before the
Norwegian invasion ; but also that the Norsemen borrowed the
words, not from Irishmen, but from Highlanders, and from the
northern Highlanders. As corrobarative pi-oof take another name.
The Irish colman (little colum) appears in the Landn&mabok as
kalnian (cf. Gaelic names given in Cleasby's Icelandic-English
Dictionary, last page, and notes on these names by Whitley Stokes
in Rev. Celt. III., p. 186). This is also our sound, one of the main
phonetic distinctions between Gaelic and Irish being the partiality
of the former for a where the latter preserves the older o: cas for
cos; clock for clock; focal for focal, &c. I may further point out
that Mr Vigfusson, the well-known Icelandic scholar, in his dis-
23
354 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
sertations in the Corpus Poeticum Boreale, seems almost to prove
the colonization of Iceland by Norsemen from the North-west
Highlands, by an examination of the subject matter of the old
Icelandic literature.
As further examples of the greater tendency to diphthong-
isation among the Northern Highlanders may be noticed the
dissyllabic sound in trom (troum), mall (maull),fion (fan). Even
so the Irishman says foine, and the Englishman nou (for no),
p<Aper (for paper), giving the long vowel a diphthongal sound.
Through the same principle, o long has become in Irish and
Gaelic ua ; hora, uair ; glossa, gluas ; slogh, which we still use
occasionally, has become sluagh ; os, the preposition, appears as
ua in suas, nuas, uasal ; the first syllable in Boadicea is buaidh ;
the Clota of Ptolemy is now Cluaidh. A feature common to all
languages is loss of sound. The nations strive after ease of utter-
ance. The ultimate law in phonology is the law of least effort ;
the very prevalent law of laziness. In the Celtic tongues we
have reduced the original pitar to athair, that is to say, of three
consonants we have killed and buried one, and maimed, all but
strangled, a second. A Celtic throat has within historic times
transformed patrem to pere on the soil of France. We first
aspirate our consonants ; we then vocalize them. As between the
two dialects of Scottish Gaelic vocalization proceeds if anything at
a more rapid pace in the North Highlands than in the South.
Take for example m in medial sound. It first becomes mh ; and
if the flanking voxels are short the aspirated consonant soon be-
comes vocalised, as e. g. in domhan, cumhann, where mh serves now
merely to divide the syllables. But where the preceding vowel is
long (and in some cases even where it is short), the mh is sounded in
the South. In the North Highlands mh becomes u. The greater
part of Ireland and the Isle of Man join the North Highlands in
this instance. Samhradh (summer) is, for example, pronounced
savradh in South Argyll and Arran. Over the whole of the rest
of the Highlands and in Ireland the pronunciation is sa-v<-radh ;
and in the Manx dictionary the word appears as sourey.
Sometimes, it must be confessed, we are bewildered rather
than edified by the apparent caprice and lawlessness which pre-
vail. The Latin word peccatum appears in Gaelic orthography as
peacadh. As always happens in the case of borrowed words, the
flexional syllable is dropped. The tenuis t, flanked by vowels,
sinks into the medial, and is aspirated, dh ; the double consonant
cc secures that c appears in Gaelic unaspirated ; the aocent is
shifted forward so that the long accented syllable at appears as
On the Dialects of Scottish Gaelic. 355
the short, toneless, aspirated adh. How is the word pronounced 1
Written phonetically it would appear in Arran and Kintyre as
pekuv, in Knapdale as pechduv, in Sutherland as peku, and in the
North of Ireland as pecMu. In the Isle of Man the final syllable
is hardly audible— the word is spelled peccah; in Perth it entirely
disappears — pechd. On the other hand, in North Argyll and
Inverness the word is pronounced pretty full as spelled — pechdMh ;
while in Kintail the aspirated dh hardens into a g — pechdiiy. Here
we have the sound of dh final going through almost all possible
gradations, from the unaspirated, soft guttural in Kintail to the
extremest limit of attenuated vocalization in the Isle of Man, and
disappearing altogether in Perth.
II. FORMS. — I proceed to notice some grammatical forms
which our Gaelic dialects have preserved. Like its Indo-Euro-
pean sisters, the Celtic language was once highly inflected ; and,
like all inflected languages, its sounds and forms are slowly
" weathering away," to borrow a favourite metaphor of the late
great philologist, Georg Curtius of Leipzig. Sometimes a gram-
matical form is preserved in the literature long after it has dis-
appeared from the spoken tongue ; sometimes it lies imbedded in
stereotyped phrases or in obscure dialects, never having been
admitted into the standard literatiire, or long ago discarded from
it ; sometimes as if possessed of the power of transmigration, a
doctrine, by the way, which Pythagoras is said to have borrowed
from the Celts, the form remains to animate a neighbouring word
long after it took its departure from that of which it once formed
the soul. Our language furnishes copious instances of all these
cases : —
(1) Take that most venerable form — the dative plural in ibh
— a living representative of an old Indo-European form, and hav-
ing its co-relatives in the Latin ibus and the Greek phi(n). In
the Gaelic Manuscripts written or transcribed under the influence
of the Irish school, this form is almost invariably used, in the case
of substantives and adjectives used substantively. Through the
same influence it found a firm footing in our translation of the
Scriptures. It is given as the regular, almost the only, form in
all our Gaelic grammars. What has been its position, mean-
while, in the speech of the people 1 In the Southern district the
form is now confined (1) to set phrases, where it is heard not
merely in the dative, but in the nominative and vocative plural
— -fhearaibh, mar fhiachaibh, an caraibh a cheile, &c., &c.; (2) in
rhetorical and poetical phraseology — Anns na h-ardaibh ;
" 'S ioma car a dK fhaodas tigh'n air nafearaibh,"
356 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.
An Argyllshire man, unless when " orating," makes the dat. pi.
like the nom. pi. I never heard casaibh, or cluasaibh, or suililh,
or sronafoh, in the common speech of the people. I heard casan,
and clttasan, and suilean, and sronan. But in the South, where
the form has been preserved, it is pronounced. In the North
the sound of ibh has disappeared even more absolutely than in the
South, it has become vocalized— -fJiearaibh, mar fJtiachaibh is
fliearu, mar fhiachu. But, as it were in compensation, the vocal-
bjed sound is preserved in the North in cases where the fuller form
has entirely vanished in the South, e.g., daoiniu, for the Southern
daoine, a living witness, maimed though it be, of this primeval
form.
Such is the state of matters to-day. Nor has it been different
for centuries back. This form has entirely disappeared from the
Manx dialect — the dat. pi. of nouns is like the nom. pi. in the
Manx grammar. In 1815 Mr Lynch, author of an Irish Grammar,
wrote that an Irishman who would say do na caiplibh instead of
do na capattl would be laughed at. But in the case of some
monosyllables the same competent authority states that the ibh
form was used in the nom. and in the dat. pi. — the people said
na fea/raibh and do na fearaibh. Nay more, O'Donovan (Gram.
p. 84) finds that "even in the best Manuscripts the dat. pi. is fre-
quently formed by adding a or U to the nom. sing, la naemhti erenn
(with the saints of Ireland); fris na righu (to the kings)," the
very idiom of Sutherland to-day.
The Ossianic poi'tion of the Dean of Lismore's MS., and the
political ballads of Macrae's MS. — that is, the popular literature
of the people, bear precisely the same testimony. In both MSS.
the prepositional pronoun preserves the bh — dhoibh and dtiibh are
spelled zeive and duive. In the Dean's MS. the form ibh is re-
presented, in nouns, by ow or ew, and is given occasionally for the
nominative, as well as for the dative, plural ; er feanow (air Fiann-
aibh}, eg tnathew (aig maithibh) : feanow (Fiannaibh) appears
also in the nominative case. In Macrae's MS. u stands for the
Dean's ow and ew ; do chedu (do cheudaibh); lea launthu (le lann-
aibh) ; err vahru (air bharraibh). Macrae gives in consecutive
lines the full form ibh and the vocalized form u : —
" Le mhilttiA de shlbghraidh
'S a shrbilte ri crannw."
Elsewhere mlltibh appears in the nominative, and eachaibh in the
genitive! In a Lochaber song, written not later than the first
half of last century, and printed in the Proceedings of the Society
On the Dialects of Scottish Gaelic. 357
of Antiquaries (iii. p. 367), there are four instances of dative
plural. They are written thus: — er mo hulin (air mo shdilean) ;
l°.m chluhsan (le m' chluasan); er do chartive (air do ckairdibh) ; er
in cartiv (air an cairdibh). Such is the evidence from the popular
poetry of the Highlands, North or South, for the last 400 years —
proof perfectly conclusive that this relic of the far past has been
used by the people for centuries back as sparingly as it is to-day.
(2) We have here an instance of a grammatical form retaining
a position in the written literature which the living speech does
not warrant. It is a fault, but a fault that leans to virtue's side.
I shall now give one or two examples of genuine forms which our
dialects have preserved, but which have not obtained a place in
the standard literature, under the mistaken idea that they were
provincial and vulgar.
Take ceann ' head,' a masculine o-stem. The dative singular
of this class of nouns is now like the nominative. Of old, the
dative of ceann was ciunn. The form still survives in a few
phrases, and is written cionn, but to the present day the pronun-
ciation in the North-west Highlands is ci-u-unn. " 0 chionn tri
Iliad h-na" is "three years ago;" "an ceann tri bliadhna" is
" three years hence ; " " air mo chionn " is " awaiting me ; " " air
mo cheann " is " on my head." Duncan Macintyre, when singing
the praises of the soldier's life, to which, except the fighting, he
was passionately attached, thus speaks of King George —
" Bheir e 'n t-airgiod 'n ar dbrn duinn,
'S cha'n iarr e oirnn dad g'a chionn ;
Gheibh sinn anart is aodach
Cho saor ris a' bhiirn."
"Os cionn" is the form given in Bedel's Bible (J585), and in the
first Gaelic translation "os cionn" is given in the text, with " os
ceann " in the footnote (Genesis i. 7, Ed. 1783). Dr Stewart, the
grammarian, though a good linguist and a very able man, was
without a knowledge of the old forms of Gaelic or of its modern
dialects. He looked on cionn as a provincialism and corrupt
variant of ceann, and wrote an elaborate note (Gr. p. 133., Ed.
1812) to show that the form ought to be disused. In deference
to his criticism, os ceann appears now in the text of the standard
editions of the Gaelic Bible, with os cionn in the footnote.
Instances of disused declensional forms meet us on every
hand. Braighe, e.g., "the breast," "the top," " an upland," was
of old brage, braget (neck), an western, like cara, carat (a friend)
now caruld — the oblique case having in the last instance become
358 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
the nominative. Braighe appears in the Dean of Lismore's MS.
in the aspirated form vrai, and in the form brae it has entered
English. The word is now indeclinable, but traces of the old flexion
still survive. Iain Lorn, and the popular poets almost down to our
own day, use braghad occasionally for " throat," " neck," " breast."
"Thig an sop a m' bhraghad."
Losgadh-braghad, " heartburn " — literally, " the burning of the
throat;" and ramh-braghad, "the bow oar," preserve the old case-
ending of the genitive. Braighid is the hames of a horse's hai-ness
(in some districts the collar), and in a transferred sense a captive,
i.e., he who wears the braighid, with braighdeanas (captivity).
The d of this word is preserved in £raid-Alba ; and if I mistake
not, in the Braid HiLs, near Edinburgh, i.e., " The Uplands."
Teine (fire) a i-stem is now indeclinable. Of old it was tene,
genitive, tened. In the south we say teinidh (pronounced teinich)
in the oblique cases to the present day, i.e., the old d aspirated :
taobh an teinidh, air teinidh, r' a thein'tdh, &c. So lene, lened, "a
shirt," is now indeclinable according to our grammars and diction-
aries. But the Argyllshire man works as a leinidh (pronounced
leinich), i.e., literally "out of his shirt," and tells you so any sum-
mer day. In Gillies's Collection (p. 287) occurs the phrase, "Da
choin gheal agus Diarmud," and in some districts of Perth an im-
pudent person is " cho miomhail ris a' chein," both forms being
remnants of the old Dual and Dat. sing, of cit, an ow-stem.
Munro and Forbes justly complain that the forms of the
Gaelic verb, even in the mutilated shape in which our dialects
have preserved them, have not all been admitted into the Gaelic
Scriptures: "thdtar" or "thathas a' togail an tighe," e.g., would be
preferable to tha an tigh 'g a thogail. And even Stewart seems
to regret the omission of the impersonal form of the verb, in such
a phrase as Faicear am bata tighinn, 's gabhar thun a' chladaich.
(3) Perhaps the most characteristic feature of the Celtic dia-
lects, among the European tongues, is the manner in which they
have preserved evidence of the previous existence of sounds and
forms which have long ago disappeared on the road of phonetic
decay which all languages travel. Traces of the lost forms show
themselves in a variety of ways. Sometimes when the terminal
syllable was lopped off, the vowel made a backward leap and estab-
lished itself in the truncated word — very probably in order to pre-
serve to the eye the evidence that the sound of the consonant re-
mained unchanged : ciunn e.g., is for an older cinnu ; baird was
formerly bardi ; Maolain, gen. of Maolan, appears on an inscrip-
On the Dialects of Scottish Gaelic. 359
tion in Ireland as Mailagni — the flexional stage of classical Latin
and Greek. The genitive of the Latin noun modus is modi. Now
in Gaelic modi would be pronounced moji. When the terminal
syllable i was dropped the sound would be moj : this could be re-
presented to the eye only as moid. So bardi would be barji ; and,
when in process of flexional decay, the word was abbreviated into
barj, the monosyllable could only be represented to the eye as
baird.
Sometimes the cast off syllable drifted on to the adjacent word,
and its ghost still meets you at the landing-place. Tt is the neigh-
bour that feels the touch of the vanished form ; the echo of the sound
that is still is heard — next door. In the Celtic languages when two
words are placed in certain grammatical relations, they become, so
to speak, temporarily welded into one. They are placed under
the bond of a common accent, and are treated phonetically as one
word. The phonetic laws which obtain within a single word rule
within this group or grammatical unit, as it has been called. For
example, it is a law in Celtic phonology that a single consonant
flanked by vowels aspirates. In the word mdthair, t having a
vowel on either side, has become th — mater, mathair. If we take
the possessive pronoun mo (my) and place it and mdthair in
grammatical relation, the two words become a unit, and phone-
tically one word. In the new combination, mo 4- mdthair,
the m of mathair appears as a consonant flanked by vowels,
and is aspirated — mo mhathair — the m becoming mh in this
temporary combination, precisely as t became th in the in-
dividual word, and for the same reason. It is as if you said
in English " mother," but " my mother." We thus explain the
peculiar feature in Celtic grammar known as initial aspiration.
In modern Gaelic initial aspiration has become in great part,
through the force of analogy, a matter of grammatical rule rather
than one of phonetic law ; but still, when we find a preposition
like gun, or an adjective like ceud causing the aspiration of the
following word (e.g. gun mJiaith, ceud ghin), we feel justified in
saying that these and similar words once ended in a vowel, and
that the law of vocalic auslaut is still in force, although the vowel
disappeared many centuries ago.
A more remarkable instance of the initial mutation of con-
sonants, and one more germane to our subject, is due to the dis-
turbing influence of the nasal n. Within the word, in inlaut, n
in Gaelic assimilates d— benedictio, benedacht, bendacht, bennachd ;
before *, n disappears — mensis, mios, mensa, mias ; before c and t
it disappears, converting the c and t in the process into the corre-
360 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.
spending mediae — quinjue is cmg, and linguo is lei</ ; argen^um
becomes airgioc?, and parliament parlamaicZ ; before b, n becomes
m, the m in process of time absorbing the 6 — an + beairt, is
aimbeairt, and is pronounced aimeairt, " 's og t'aim(b)eairt."
In Scottish Gaelic, from whatever cause, final n does not
assert its influence on the initial consonant of the following word
with anything like the regularity or potency which obtains in the
other Celtic dialects. In Irish and Welsh grammars you find the
initial mutation of consonants, due to the influence of a primitive
*nasal termination, set forth with the regularity of the multiplication
table. The cases in Gaelic are so few and so apparently irregular
that our grammarians ignored them. But we have "eclipsis," as the
Irish grammarians have happily termed this phonetic law, in Scot-
tish Gaelic. The n of the article is changed to m in the nom. sing,
and gen. pi. before labials and in — am bata, crb nawi meann.
Similarly, in certain phrases, such as " gu m-a, maith a bhitheas tu ;"
" Gu ma slan a chi mi mo chailin dileas donn;"
gu'n bu (or bo) becomes quym bu (ba), and by-and-bye the m assimil-
ates the b — gu ma — as in ain + beairt, aimbeairt, aimeairt. Even so
we say Leabhar na Salm, the n of the article disappearing before the
s of the following word (Salm), as in the individual word mensis,
mios. We write "an £eid thu learn, a righinn lurach," but we say
"an c/eid" — the n, though not itself disappearing, converting the
t of the following word to d, as in argen^um, airgioc? ; we write
"an ceart uair," but we say "an #eart uair" — the c of "ceart"
changed by the influence of the n of the preceding word to g, as
in quingue, coig. Careful observation of the pronunciation of the
people would furnish many additional instances. A clergyman, a
native of Perth, pronounced " Eilean nan con," in my hearing
quite distinctly, "Eilean nan gon." I had recently occasion to
read some Gaelic sentences written by children living in the west
of Sutherland. The orthography was often phonetic, and fre-
quently initial d was "eclipsed" by the terminal sound of a preceding
word. In some parts of Skye, and in Lewis especially, the principle is
carried much further than in the Highlands generally. A Skye-
man says, not an duine, but a nuine — precisely as the Welshman
says, notfy dafad (my sheep), butjfy nafad. The Lewisman says,
not bealach nam bo and gaotft nam beann, but bealach na mo and
gaoth na meann — precisely like the Irish, and for the same phonetic
reason.
III. WORDS AND IDIOMS. — As I have said, the value of the
dialects of a language for the purposes of philological science is
On the Dialects of Scottish Gaelic. 361
now universally acknowledged. But the study of the Gaelic
dialects is important on literary grounds as well. In the case of
of a literature like the English literature, whose stores are inex-
haustible, the most exacting aspirant to literary distinction ought
to be satisfied with the wealth of diction and idiom which a long
roll of illustrious men have placed at his disposal. The young
Highlander who is ambitious to distinguish himself as a Gaelic
speaker or writer is in a different position. Gaelic literature,
excellent in its way, is limited in quantity and narrow in range.
The translation of the Scriptures, by far the noblest monument of
the resources of the language, is a great work, the work of great men.
Of it and of them we Highland people have just cause to be proud.
But this great undertaking was executed under considerable disad-
vantages. The amount of standard Gaelic literature published in
the last century was very limited. We have no Shakespeare, and
if our Homer existed at the time in Gaelic, it was known to the
world in the other languages of Europe only.* The translators of
the Scriptures into Gaelic belonged to the same district of country
— Killin, Glenorchy, and Athole. A thorough knowledge of the
dialects was unattainable, and, according to the ideas of the time,
the idioms of the people were considered vulgar. Writing under
such conditions, these excellent scholars failed to use many forms,
words, and idioms characteristic of Scottish Gaelic, while they
adopted others from the Irish translation which, whether native to
the Irish idiom or not, were foreign to ours.
An example or two will illustrate what I mean. The passage
from the New Testament which I quoted above consists of only three
verses, but it contains two words, one of which can hardly be said
to be a Gaelic word, the other a very good one, but wrongly used.
The sailors of the vessel in which St Paul was wrecked are said to
have hoisted the priomh-sheol to the wind. The Greek word Apr^uv
thus peculiarly rendered into Gaelic, is rarely met with and the
precise meaning is perhaps doubtful. In the authorised English
version the word is translated mainsail. The late Mr Smith
of Jordanhill, author of " The Voyage and Shipwreck of St
Paul," rendered the word by foresail, and the English revisers
have adopted this translation. We could say in Gaelic seol-rneadh-
oin with the authorised English version, or seol-toisich with the
revised version, both words being perfectly familiar to every High-
* The translation of the Bible into Gaelic was completed in 1801. By
that date Ossian was published, in whole or in part, in Latin, English,
French, German, Italian, Spanish, Dutch, Swedish, Danish, and Greek,
It was printed in Gaelic in 1807.
362 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
land fisherman. But prlomh-shedl, the word used, is known to
nobody. It is a compound made up of priomh, the Latin primus,
meaning first, whether in time, place, or rank ; and seal, like the
corresponding English word sail, both noun and verb. I am not
aware that the uncouth hybrid has ever been used in Gaelic
except in this passage, nor do I think that it was worth the while
of Irish scholars to manufacture the word or of our translators to
borrow it, though it had been more needed and better suited for
its purpose than it is. The Manx translation is seol-meadhoin.
Again, we are told that after the fore part of the ship stuck
fast, the stern was being broken \ip by the violence of the waves.
The Greek word /3ta rendered violence in English, is translated
ainneart in Gaelic. This is again a compound word made up of
the prefix an, and the substantive neart. Now neart is one of
our oldest and best words. The root appears in Greek in avr/p, a
man, and in Latin in the proper name Nero. An is an Indo-
European prefix. It appears in Greek as an and a ; in Latin as
in, and in English as un — the general meaning being privative or
negative. In Gaelic the prefix is used chiefly in a privative sense
— mock, " early ;" anmocA, " unearly j" i.e., " late; " abaich," ripe ; "
anabaich, " unripe." Occasionally it intensifies the meaning of
the root syllable : teas is heat, but ainteas is excessive heat. Very
frequently it turns the meaning in malem partem like English mis,
and Gaelic mi : cainnt, e.g., is speech, but anacainnt is not silence,
it is speech put to a bad use, railing. Such is the force of the
prefix in ainneart. In Scottish Gaelic ainneart is not neart
negatived, nor neart intensified, it is neart misdirected or mis-
applied ; it is not violence but oppression. Accordingly, the word
can only be applied to the doings of an intelligent agent, and is
as much out of place in describing the action of the waves of the
sea as it would be in characterising the attack of a wild animal.
Here, again, the Manx translation has simply neart.
No one who has read the Gaelic Bible from its literary side,
but must have felt that the picturesque phraseology of the people
might have been often used to improve the translation as well as
to enliven the style. In that solemn passage, e.g., where our
Saviour rebuked the winds and the sea, we are told there was a
great calm — 7aM">? W&TJ is the beautiful phrase used. Now, in
the mouth of a West Highlander — yaXfyrj, i.e., the stillness of the
sea is expressed not by the general term ciuine, the word used in
Matthew, but by the specific term fealh (fiath), the word given in
the corresponding passage in Mark and Luke. And when the
wind is hushed, and the waves have gone to sleep ; when sky and
On the Dialects of Scottish Gaelic. 363
hill are reproduced in the crystal depths in all their infinite
diversity of form and colour; when not even the shadow of a
breath dims the face of the faultless mirror ; the Highland fisher-
man resorts to the language of figure in order to picture the scene.
He does not sayfeath mor as you find in Mark, but Jeath geal —
the very metaphor which Homer puts into the mouth of Ulysses
in order to account for the perfect stillness that reigned within
the harbour of Lamos (Od., x. 94) —
Xewrj 5 i]v afjupl ya\rivr]
" For there was a white calm around."
Again, in the Epistle of Jude, Enoch is described as the seventh
from Adam i.e. the seventh in descent ; but the English, like the
Greek, is quite intelligible in the elliptical form. Not so the
Gaelic. Our translators supply the lacuna thus, " An seachdamh
pearsa o Adhamh " — a phrase which means whatever you may
mean by it. But when Lachlan Macvurrich gave his pedigree to
the Committee inquiring regarding the authenticity of Ossian's
poems he used different phraseology. He described himself as
" an t-ochdamh glun deug o Mhuireach a bha leanamhain teagh-
lach Mhic 'Ic Ailein," this metaphor being our idiom to express
descent in line. It was only by a slavish adherence to the Irish
translation that Highland gentlemen, whose forefathers lived in
tribes, and who could trace their own pedigrees back almost to
Enoch and Adam, could ever have fallen into such a blunder as
this.
If we turn from words to phrases we find the same state of
matters in considerable profusion — native idioms rejected in favour
of foreign idioms. One of the most elementary rules of Gaelic syntax
is, that when one noun governs another in the genitive case, the
article can attach itself only to the latter — an long mhor, but long
mhor nan tri chrann. Yetwe haveto thisday "a'cuimhneachadh nan
cuiy aran nan cuig mile. . . . no nan seaclid aran nanseachdmlle,"
offending the taste of the Gaelic reader. In the classical tongues,
nounn in apposition agree in case. It is not BO in Gaelic — the
specifying noun is put in the nominative case, fearann Sheumais
do mhac, not do mhic. But in Sciipture the invariable idiom is
Litir an Abstoil Phoil (instead of Pol) a chum nan Romanach,
<fec. Let me take one final illustration from the construction of
agus — a word which is far more flexible in Gaelic than and is in
English. Like the Latin ac and atque, agus expresses " equality"
and " comparison" — chofkada 's cho fhada (so long and so long) is
equally long ; fhad' 's is bed mi (as long and I live) is " as long as
364 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
I live. The particle even expresses "separation"— -fhuair mi reidh
's e is " I have got quit of (and) him." Its most frequent con-
struction is, of course, as an ordinary copulative conjunction. But
when two conceptions are linked together very closely in time, or
place, or even as cause and effect, and expressed in the other lan-
guages by the present participle, or the participle with the absolute
case, or a dependent sentence, the ideas are connected in Gaelic
idiom by agus. In the Scriptures the absolute case is the favourite
construction — air teachd a nuas o'n bheinn dha, lean cuideachd
mhdr e; air dol do'n luing dha, chaidh e thar an uisge. Here un-
questionably the Gaelic idiom would prefer ayus. You do not
say air dhomh eirigh chuir mi 01 m m' aodac/i, nor air dha freogairt,
thubhairt e ; but dh'eirich mi 's chuir mi orm m' aodach : thubh-
airt e 's e freagairt. The same idiom is found in Scotch, and,
not unlikely, borrowed from Gaelic — " Let me alane and me nae
weel " is an exact translation of leig learn 's gun mi yu maith.
" Tha mi sgith 's mi leamfhin"
is paralleled by Burns : —
" How can ye chant, ye little birds,
An' I sae weary, fu' of care T
The pious and judicious Dr Alexander Stewart when comment-
ing on the exclusion of some forms and idioms from the Scriptures
accounted for the omission by the " scrupulous chasteness of the
style." The style that embraces forms and idioms which the
people do not use and rejects those which they do use, is a phase of
chastity, the issue of which is annihilation, and not a pure and
healthy life.
Let me not, however, be misunderstood. I consider that the
late Dr Ross of Lochbroom and the northern clergy had reason to
be dissatisfied with the scanty recognition which their dialect
received in the Gaelic Scriptures. Personally I have always had
great sympathy with an excellent lay preacher who lived in Assynt
some forty years ago, and who, when reading to the people, used
the English Bible and translated into the local idiom as he went
alone;. Our translators went to Ireland rather than to Ross-shire
for their diction and idiom, and in my judgment these distin-
guished men made a great mistake. But he would be a bold man
who would advocate a change now in our Gaelic translation in all
cases where improvement is possible. Feelings and associations
cluster around the sacred volume, which even cold science must
acknowledge and respect. But my argument is this— if this book
On the Dialects of Scottish Gaelic- 365
which in its human aspect, of which alone I would presume to
speak, contains the record of as grand a literature as the world has
ever seen, which has been translated by our best scholars and
ablest men, which is and always will remain our standard work in
Gaelic — if this book could in numberless instances, as I have tried
by an example or two to show, be improved in its diction and
idiom by borrowing from the speech of the people, it follows that
the study of the language as it has been preserved in the various
dialects is an absolute necessity to the student who desires to
master Scottish Gaelic.
Besides, be the ultimate law of the universe what it ma"y,
Becoming, not Being, is the ultimate law of language. Sounds
are dropped, forms are disused, words are discarded in all languages
— the loss being made up by new combinations of home growth,
and by foreign loans. In languages with a flourishing literature
the vanishing forms are stereotyped, and every new acquisition
registered. In the case of Gaelic we have the loss, but not the
compensation. The language has never been fully utilised in the
published literature, and we have neither newspapers nor periodicals
through which one district can communicate to another its character-
istic words as well as its special views and needs. The common
word can, to say or sing, forms no part of the diction o'f South
Argyle. Gabh oran is the phrase used when you invite a friend to
sing a song. I once heard a countryman of my own, painfully help-
less in English, ask a Saxon brother very pressingly to take a
song. The admirable northern word cus (overmuch) is not even
in Armstrong's Dictionary, nor another to fill its place. If you
take up Rob Donn's Poems, or Mackenzie's " Beauties," or, better
still, Campbell's Tales, though these works by no means exhaust
the resources of the dialects, you will be amazed to find the num-
ber of beautiful and expressive words in common local use which
are not only strange to you, but which are not to be found in any
Gaelic Dictionary. .You will also unfortunately find the local
author frequently borrowing uncouth expressions from English,
in ignorance of the fact that admirable words to suit his purpose
are in free circulation across the nearest ferry or over the neigh-
bouring moor. Rob Donn, e g., gives baghan and bunndaist and
prac to the south, if the south would only accept them ; but surely
he ought to accept in return searrnonachadh and foirfeach and
mile, and leave such strainnsearan as preisgeadh and eilldeir, not
to speak of siisdan, in their native land.
Finally, in addition to the want of a rich standard literature,
and of free literary inter-communication in the Highlands, it is the
366 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
fact that the old economy, and by consequence the old language
which it cherished, are, for good or for evil, passing away. Pro-
bably for good and evil ; but let us hope that here also the evil
will be overcome by the good. It would be interesting to trace
the effect of the .Reformation upon our Gaelic diction. The Catho-
lics have preserved, among other words, aifrionn, a loan from the
Latin, to designate the mass. I played my first games at shinty
in Glatc-nan-atfrionn, in a purely Gaelic speaking parish where
probably not a single individual knows the meaning of the word.
Cain in early times meant law. The old Irish laws were called
Cain Patraic, and we have still the saying, A' chain a bha aig
Paruig air Eirinn, which is explained to mean the body of laws
which the Saint gave to his adopted country. The word afterwards
came to mean a charge upon land. It was often applied to a
portion of the rent paid in kind ; and kai'n hens is a well-known
term in Lowland Scotch. Cain means now in some districts
a tax, in others a fine. In my native parish the word is re-
stricted to the blacksmith's dues, which, are paid in kind. So
in South Argyle toinneamh is the miller's share of the meal
for grinding it ; and bunndaist — literally poundage — is ap-
plied by Rob Donn to designate the weaver's portion. The
growing of flax and the manufacture of linen have dissappeared in
Colonsay within my own recollection. The simidean is on the way
to the museum, but the seiceil can again be turned to practical
use in giving the final dressing to the tangled heads of candidates
for Parliament. The spinning of wool is decreasing, and the
weaving and dressing of woollen cloth is being rapidly transferred
to the mills. Here is an interesting section of our lyric poetry —
the waulking songs — being hushed for ever, and the whole vocab-
ulary of a native industry in process of translation to the region
of metaphor— the colanos of the good-wife, with her cuiyeal and
fearsaid, her tireadh and tlamadh and cladadh, her eachan and
crois, crann-deilbh : and the weaver with his beairt and slinn and
coimhead and spell and iteachan and fudhagan and gogan-treiscin
and d tilth and inneach and eige, and a hundred more of useful articles
and good Gaelic words. That most fascinating phase of Highland
rural life—the airidh— which has produced so many beautiful lyrics,
and especially those of the joyous and merry class, of which Gaelic
possesses too few, is to most of us only a memory, if even so much.
About the end of last century the airidh formed an essential part
of the rural economy of the tenantry in the heart of Inverness-
shire. Mrs Grant of Laggau describes it, and was equally cap-
tivated by the poetry and the profits of the shielings. This phase
Unpublished Letters of Simon 12th Lord Louat 367
of life has hardly passed away as yet in the outer isles, and the
literary, one might say the ceremonial, beauty of it, as well as its
social charms, are happily described and illustrated by Mr Car-
michael in an interesting paper entitled "Grazing and Agrestic
Customs in the Outer Hebrides" which he furnished to the
Crofters' Commissioners, and which is printed in the Appendix to
their Report
The argument might be pursued and pressed on other grounds,
on patriotic as well as on linguistic grounds, but for the present I
have, perhaps, said enough. A thorough and systematic investi-
gation of our Gaelic dialects is of the highest importance. Many
members of the Gaelic Society of Inverness are, from early train-
ing, special opportunity, and interest in the subject, peculiarly
fitted to deal with it. I beg most earnestly to recommend it to
their attention.
21sT APRIL 1886.
On this date the Secretary (Mr William Mackenzie) read —
(1) a paper entitled "Some Unpublished Letters of Simon, 12th
Lord Lovat," contributed by Donald Cameron of Lochiel ; and (2) a
paper on " Granting Diplomas of Gentle Birth, &c., by Scottish
Kings— Case of Lieut. -Colonel Monro of Obsdale, 1663," by Mi-
Charles Fraser-Mackintosh, M.P.
Lochiel's paper was as follows : —
SOME UNPUBLISHED LETTERS OF SIMON 12xn
LORD LOVAT TO LOCHIEL OF THE '45.
The interest which attaches to all that concerns the history,
or illustrates the character of the celebrated Simon Lord Lovat
renders it unnecessary to offer to the members of the Gaelic
Society of Inverness any apology for the following contributions
to a study of the public and private life of that extraordinary
man. The following extracts are taken from a packet of letters
given some years ago to the writer of this paper through the
courtesy of the representative of a family allied to his own as well
as to that of the author of the letters. By far the greater num-
ber of documents contained in the packet consist of letters ad-
dressed by Lord Lovat to the Lochiel of '45, and are almost all
of a private nature, reference to topics connected with current
political events being few and far between. It is, indeed, probable
that in the stormy period immediately succeeding the date of most
368 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
of the letters (1743-44) all those which might in any degree com-
promise those adherents of the Stuart cause who had escaped the
vengeance of the Government were destroyed. It seems unlikely,
except on this hypothesis, that so confidential a correspondence
should have been maintained between two Highland chiefs whose
intiicacy was so close, and yet that all those topics which, to a
large extent, occupied the thoughts of men at that time should be
studiously avoided.
There are, however, a few other letters addressed to Macleod
of Macleod, the commencement to which is somewhat quaint.
Lovat seems always to have begun his letters to that chief thus —
" My dear mother's chief," his mother being Sibylla, fourth
daughter of John Macleod of Macleod. In reference to this, it is
curious to observe the extreme punctiliousness which a hundred
and fifty years ago marked the style of correspondence even
between the most intimate friends. The following extract may be
given as an example of the courtesies of correspondence then pre-
valent, but hardly ever brought to such perfection as in the pre-
sent instance. Every letter in the collection begins in this way,
or something very like it : — " My very dear Cusin," or, " My dear
Laird of Lochiell " or " Lochziell " — " I received the honour of
your letter, dated the 7th of this month, and I am exceedingly
overjoyed to know that you keep your health ; but I am very
sorry that my dear Cusin your worthy lady is still tender and has
a cough. I pray that Heaven may recover her health, for your
comfort, and the good of your children, and for the satisfaction of
her friends and relations. I am very sure she has no friend or rela-
tion in the world that wishes Her Ladyship better than I do, and I
I beg leave to assure you and her, and all the lovely Beams,
of my most humble duty and affectionate respects."
Subjoined is a specimen of the conclusion of one of the letters,
and it may indeed be said that in many cases the complimentary
portion of the letter often occupies as large a space as half the rest
of its contents :-—
" I was overjoyed by my cousine Gortuleg that you and my
very dear cousine, the Lady Lochiel, and your lovely Bairns were
in health. Gortuleg makes panegericks on your friendship and
good advices. You will always find him a very honest man,
and much your faithful servant. I beg leave to assure you and
my dear cousine, the Lady Locheil, and the dear young ones, of
my most affectionate humble duty and best respects and good
wishes. My Jenyie joins with me in these dutiful respects and
good wishes. And I am much more than I can express, with most
Unpublished Letters of Simon 12th Lord Louat 369
unfeigned attachment and unalterable respect, my dear Laird of
Lochiel, your most affectionate cousine and most obedient and re-
spectful humble servant, " LOVAT."
That Lovat was accustomed to administer compliments in
strong doses is corroborated by the compiler of the " History of
the Chiefs of the Grants," who says (vol. 1, p. xxi.) — "Too much
importance will not be attached to the letters of Simon Lord
Lovat by those who are acquainted with his peculiar style. It
was his wont to indulge in expressions of admiration, and even
adulation, towards such of his friends as he particuliarly fancied."
The letters were, however, not all couched in the affection-
ate terms of the above extract. When any incident occurred to
arouse the anger or jealousy of the Northern Chief, he would
adopt a much cooler, not to say freezing tone, and he was in the
habit of exaggerating his grievances equally with his assurances
of affection when so disposed. Thus, in 1736, he begins his let-
ter— " My dear sir " (in place of " my dear cousin " or " my dear
Laird of Lochiel "). The grievance complained of in this letter
is apparently the usual one between Highland chiefs, at that time
— a raid or foray in which the members of one clan suffered from
the depredations of neighbours who were supposed to be on terms
of friendship or alliance. After referring to certain friendly
overtures which Lovat made, he goes on to say : —
" You cannot but be convinced of the great and singular
love and regard I have for your person and family, and of my
extraordinary patience in suffering so long such a terrible and
manifest insult without endeavouring to resent it. But now, my
dear cousin, I must freely and frankly tell you that my patience
is worn out, and that I cannot longer forbear endeavouring to do
myself and my kindred justice. But before I begin such a dis-
agreeable undertaking, I send two principal gentlemen of my
name that are my Baillies and Chamberlains, and are well known
to you, Alexander Fraser of Bellnain, and William Eraser of
Belloan, to get your final and positive answer of peace or war
which will determine me. The proposition that John Fraser was
so silly as to make to me to send money to those Ruffians to
ransom the cattle, and bring them back, in my humble opinion is
as great an insult as the first. However, I have bore patiently
all those affronts till now, in hopes that the Laird of Lochiel, my
nearest relation and my good friend, would give me redress, and
that the Clan of the Carnerons would not willingly and wilfully
make war against the Clan of the Frasers, their old friends and
allies who fought their battles against the Macdonalds and the
370 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Mackintoshes. I am very sure that your father and grandfather
would be very averse to such a war witli a kindred that they loved
as much as any in the Highlands. I will not insist on the many
occasions that I showed myself a friend to your person and family.
But this I can say frankly, that no chief or gentleman in Scotland
has given greater proofs of being a true and zealous Cameron than
I have done, and if I have met with grateful returns I know best
myself. However, I am such a generous enemy as that I will let
you know freely what way I am to proceed to get satisfaction of
those Bandity who robed and plundered my country in a most
inhumane manner.
" I will first address myself to my freind the Earl of Hay as
Minister of State, and to Genii. Wade as Commander in Chief in
Scotland, if they get me redress I will go no furder, but if they do
not I will apply myself to the King and Privy Council, who I truly
think would be glad of any handle to suppress a Highland Clan. I
doubt not in the least, but I'll have sufficient redress given me,
either by the Earl of Hay and General Wade, or by the King and
the Privy Council ; and I shall be mighty sorry to be obliged to
apply to King or Council upon such an extraordinary occasion,
since it cannot but hurt your country and kindred in ane eminent
manner, and I take God to witness that it will be much against
my grain and against my inclinations to carry on a war against
you and your kindred, whom, till now, I thought the greatest sup-
port I had in the Highlands. But I truly rather dy in the field
with my sword in my hand than not get redress of this insult, and
if the Government and the legall authority does not do me justice,
which I am persuaded they will in a very conspicuous manner, then
nature must dictate what I must do afterwards."
There is also a very curious letter illustrative of the times,
which relates to the abduction of a young woman. After con-
gratulations on Lochiel's safe arrival at Achnacarry, after a some-
what arduous journey from Edinburgh, and a reference to a dis-
pute with Glengarry, Lovat proceeds to give an account of the
affair as follows : — " A young lad, a merchant in Inverness, a
gentleman's son of Foyers' Family, having made proposalls of mar-
riage to the only daughter of the deceased Baillie William Fraser,
who is provided to a considerable portion, he got such encourage-
ment and hopes of success from the girl, the mother and her
brother, that he made the thing known to his friends as a con-
cluded match. But soon thereafter, upon some private reasons, all
the three struck out from the Bargain, and would not hear of it.
Upon this the lad applied to his friends, and particularly to Gor-
Unpublished Letters of Simon 12th Lord Louat 371
tuleg, to solicite for him, who engaged me to do the same by
letters. But all we would do in the affair was to no purpose. At
last the mad lad having persuaded his friends in Stratherrick that
he had engaged the girl's affections, and that it was only owing to
her mother and brother that she did not declare for him, he pre-
vailed, with all the gentlemen of Foyers' Family, to undertake the
carrying her off from her mother's house, and which, accordingly,
he and they execute about 8 o'clock on Saturday night in a forcible
and desperate way, against the girl's own will, and carry'd her to
Stratherrick, where, in spite of all that can be done, they still de-
tain her, in order to force her to marry this fellow. Upon my having
notice of it from Inverness on Sunday night, and that it was done
so barbarously, against the girl's consent, I sent my Chamberlain
to Inverness on Monday morning with letters to some of the
Magistrates and my friends in town to have their advice what I
would do in the matter, but before he reached Inverness I had a
most clamorous letter fiom the Magistrates, who have taken this
as a most terrible insult upon them and their Borrough, informing
me of the whole affair, and begging a warrand and orders to
rescue the girl from the hands of these People. This request I
immediately granted, and sent my Secretary by three o'clock to
Inverness Tuesday morning to wait on the Magistrates, and show
them my written orders and warrand to Balnain and Belloan for
sending back the girl to Inverness, which he accordingly did, and
then delivered the same to Belloan who was at Inverness, and
went straight to Stratherrick to put it in execution. I at same
(time) sent a double of this order by express to Gortuleg, who is
in Badenoch, and dispatched a trusty Domestick to Stratherrick
with a general order to all the gentlemen of the County to
concur and exert themselves in bringing back the girl to Inver-
ness, and have last night sent the same secret (?) orders again to
them for this purpose. But all this had no effect, so mad and in-
fatuate are all those that have dypt in this cursed affair that I am
just now informed by express that they have carry'd the girl to
Fort-Agustus to have the marriage compleated there by the Chap-
lain of the Regiment in that place, so that in spite of all that I can
do without making my Clan enter in blood among themselves,
these unhappy gentlemen have ruined themselves inevitably, for
that little insolent upstart the Provost of Inverness, who would
wish to see me and all my people at the Devill, will prosecute
every man for their lives that have been active in this desperate
affair, and all my enemies in Inverness and elsewhere will be fond
to support him in it, and endeavour to give hurtful impressions of
372 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
me and my people to the whole kingdom. As it is an affair of the
last confiequence to me and my people, I shall let you know after-
wards what will become of it."
The following letter exhibits in a curious light to those who
live in the days of 'household suffrage the nature and value of a
vote in 1741, and the extraordinary exertions which were made
by the great Families to increase their influence by acquiring
superiorities : —
" MY DEAR LAIRD OP LOCHZIEL,
" I received the honour and pleasure of your return by my
express, and I give you a thousand thanks, my dear cousine, for
the concern that you take in my honour and interests. I own
that both are more at stake in this county at present than they
have been for these five and twenty years past, and you cannot
imagine how much I am vexed at the desertion of two pitiful
scoundrels* of my name, who do not deserve that any gentleman
should drink with them. This oblidges me to give you the trouble
to use all your efforts with your cousine Glenmoriston ; and if
you and your uncle do prevail with him, he will find it very much
for the interest of his person and family, ffor M'Leod and I will
freely and frankly do for him more than the Laird of Grant is
» Lord Lovat alludes to the same circumstance iu a letter addressed to
Charles Fraser of Inverallochy on 3rd January 1741. One of the " ?coun-
drels " was Fraser of Fairfield, whom Lovat described as ''an unnaturall
traitor, an infamous deserter, and an ungrateful •wretch to me, his chief,
who had done him such signal services. And if I never had done him
any other service, but getting him one of the best ladys in the world, your
worthy sister, to be his wife (which cost me both pains and expence), who
had bore him good children, he should be hanged for de-erting me to serve
any Grant that ever was born, or any other Scotsman." In a letter to the
same of date 25th February, Lovat s.iys of Fairfield — " A little money or
an advantage to his private interest would not only make him sell all man-
kind, but Christ Jesus, if he was again upon earth, for he has no belief in
God, nor in a future being." In view of the election, Lovat states in the
letter of 3rd January that he has signed dispo-itions to Strichen, Inveral-
lochy, and Farraline, to be barons of the shire, for " I am resolved that the
Lord Lovat shall be always master of the Shire of Inverness in time to
come." Doubts having arisen as to whether Sir Alexander Macdonald and
Glengarry wouM qualify, his lordship says — "In that cise we will lose our
election ; but I entreat that you speak seriously to my Lord [Aberdeen]
that lie may engage Glenbucket to Yvrite strongly to GL ngerry [Glen^ei ry
was Glenbucket's son-in-law] to persuade him to take the oath. / know he
has no regard for them, so he should not stand to take a cart load of them,
as I would to serve my friends."— See Miscellany of the Spalding Club,
Vol. II.
Unpublished Letters of Simon 12th Lord Louat 373
inclined, or -will do, as I give a demonstration of in the inclosed
letter to your uncle. Glenmoriston should remember that if it was
not for my person allenarly [alone], he would not have had a vote
this day for Glenmoriston, nor would he have had the Superiority
of one fur [furrow] of it, ffor when Grant was buying the estate
in the Exchequer, he told the Glenmoriston's brother, who is dead,
that he must get the Superiority of all Glenmoriston to himself;
but as Glenmoriston desired me to attend him to the Exchequer,
and to assist him in his affairs and circumstances, upon Grant's
desiring his whole superiority, I told him that it was a most tyran-
nick demand, and that I would by no means allow of it, that Glen-
moriston was my near Relation by your family, and since he desired
me to stand by him I would by no means see him wronged, and
if he did not leave him the superiority of his estate, I would over-
bid him in the Exchequer, and buy Glenmoriston Estate and give it
back to himself. When he found that I was angry and in earnest,
he told me that he would give the superiority of that estate with
the property to Glenmoriston, but that he hoped that if the estate
could make two votes that he would get one of them. I told him
that Glenmoriston might do that as he thought fit. The late
Glenmoriston was so sensible of this that he swore that he would
stand by me against all the Grants on earth, and this Glenmoris-
ton knows, that I always used him as an affectionate cousine, and
never refused to do him any service that he asked of me, and if
he now follows your advice and your uncle's, I will certainly be
his steadfast friend while I live, and I humbly think that at any
time I can be more useful to him, to all intents and purposes,
than the Laird of Grant.
"My dear Cousine, you see how much I am concerned in
this affair, so I earnestly entreat that, with the same ardour that
I love your person, family and concerns, you may work for me to
gain this point, that my honour and interest are so much engaged
in, and it will be such a singular mark of affectionate friendship
as I never will forget while there is breath in me, ffor though I
would do for M'Leod much as for my Brother or son, yet in this
election I am in a particular manner concerned myself, and my
family and kindred. If we gain it, and beat the Grants, my
family gets honour and reputation by it, but if they beat us they
will triumph, and both I and my interest in this shire will be
thought despicable in the south, and by the great men I have
joined myself to. I can say no stronger things to you, my dear
Cousine, so I conclude with trusting to your friendship, which I
am very sure is sincere towards me."
374 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
It appears that in 1742 Lovat lent his house in Edinburgh to
Lochiel, and the following reference to its merits and depreciation
of its worthiness for "his dear cousine " is quaiut enough to de-
serve transcribing. After referring to the " terrible journey" and
" voyage " to the " Metropolis," Lovat goes on to say : — :' It gives
me a singular pleasure to know from yourself that my little house
accommodates your lady and children. I wish it was the best in
Edinburgh for your sake and theirs. It is certain that what is of
it is good. It is both warm, and the large room is very lofty and
well lighted. I am sorry it is not better furnished, but you have
in it everything that I had except worn bed cloathes and a few
necessarys for my kitchine that I could not get here for money,
there is one advantage that my dear cousin, the Lady Lochiel, will
have, that it has the easiest stair in Edinburgh, and that it is situ-
ated in the best part of the town. Would to God that it was
the best in it in every shape for your sake and hers."
Lovat is determined that the i-ules of good manners shall be
observed by his daughter, for he writes in the same letter : —
" I am very angry at my daughter, Siby, that she did not go
and pay her respects to the Lady Lochiel how soon ever she heard
that she came to town, but I hope the Lady Lochiel will excuse
her youth and bashfulness. I have ordered her to be more in her
duty in time to come, and to pay her respects every other day to
the Lady Lochiel."
There are three letters referring to Cluny's marriage with his
daughter. Lovat appears to have had great confidence in Lochiel's
judgment in the matter, but no doubt he is also anxious to avail
himself of the acquaintance which that chief seems to have had
with the circumstances of the young lover. Prudent fathers are
not confined to the 19th century. The following lettei", however,
represents the lover as either very bashful or somewhat unskilful
in his addresses, as he was a whole week at Beaufort without find-
ing an opportunity of " popping the question."
" MY DEAR LAIRD OF LOCHIEL, —
" As I sincerely have greater confidence in you than in
many other men on earth, you know, for several reasons, that I
have past grounds for this confidence that I have in you, this
entire trust that I have in your friendship for me, and in your
absolute honour and integrity and uprightness of heart, obliges
me to send you this express to acquaint you that your cousine,
Cluny Macpherson, came here, and, after staying some days, he
Unpublished Letters of Simon 12th Lord Louat. 375
desired to speak to me by myself, which I very easily granted.
After some compliments, he very civilly proposed to marry my
daughter Jenyie, who is with me. I was truly a little surprised ;
I told him all the obligeing things I could think, and told him
that I would never let my daughter marry any man if he was of
the first rank of Scotland beyond her own inclinations. So that
he must speak to herself before I give him any other answer than
that I was obliged to him. But the house being very throng
with strangers, he could not get spoke to her though he stayed
a week here. I advised him to make his visit a visit of friendship
since he had not been here of a long time, and not to speak to her
till he should make one other visit, and that in the mean-
time, since I had as great confidence in his cousine Lochiel as he
had, that I would runn one express to you to know your opinion
and advice which he was pleased with, and said he would likewise
write to you. I therefore beg of you, my dear cousine, that you
let me know candidly and plainly your sentiments without the
least reserve, as you know I would do to you. I am quite a
stranger to the gentleman's circumstances, only that I always
heard that they were not very plentiful. But whatever may be
in that, as the connection that his family has with yours, was the
motion that did engage me to do all the good offices in my power
to all the Macphersons when they were much pursuite (?) by the
Duke of Gordon, so that same argument disposes me to be civil to
him, and whatever may happen in his present view I am resolved
to behave to him so kindly, so as to persuade him that I have a
greater regard for him and his family on your account than
I have for most people in the Highlands. The gentleman's
near concern in you, if people knew my writing, might con-
struct it by going in headlong to this affair. But I assure
you, my dear cousine, that the plain case is, that I am fully
convinced that if he was your Brother, it would have no byass
with you, to advise me to an affair that would not be honourable
and fit for my family, as I am fully convinced that you will send
me the real sentiment of your heart and let me know Clunie's
circumstances, which you cannot be ignorant off. And I declair
to you upon honour that I will neither speak to my daughter, nor
to any mortal, until I have your return to this. One of my great
motives for giving ear to this affair is the view that I have that
it might unite the Camerons, Macphersons, and the Frasers as one
man, and that such method might be fallen upon them as might
keep them unite for this age that nothing would alter. But
this desire will never make me agree to any proposition against
376 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
my daughter's inclination, or contrary to a reasonable settle-
ment."
The above letter is in duplicate, one copy autograph, the
other written by an amanuensis, but both signed ; one is dated
the 10th, the other the 18th of February 1742. To the latter is
appended a Postscript in the same hand-writing as the holograph
of the 10th. It is as follows : —
"I do assure you, my dear Cousin, that if circumstances
answer in a reasonable manner, that I am in my own inclinations
entirely for the affair. Adieu, mon cher cusin."
The next letter on the same subject, written apparently after
Lochiel's approval had been obtained, shows the importance
attached to alliances by marriage as increasing the power and
influence of the family thus allied. On the 27th of May of the
same year, Lovat writes : — " Your Cousin Clunie has been here
these thi-ee weeks past, and I do assure you that I am obliged to
suffer a great many battles for him. The M'Intoshes, who are
madly angry at this Match, endeavour to get all those they con-
verse with to cry out against me for making of it, and those who
don't love that the M'Phersons should be greater than they are,
or that my family should be stronger than it is, make it there
bussiness to cry out againit it. But I must do justice to my Lord
President that all his friends and Relations cry out against it, yet
he heartily approved of it in this house, where he did me the
honour to dine with me Monday was se'en-night, and after I told
him plainly all the circumstances, and that I trusted myself
entirely to you, he told me that I could not trust myself to
an honester man in Scotland than to Locheill, and after what
I told him, his opinion was that if the young couple lov'd
one another they might live happily together ; and that it was
a very proper alliance for my family, and that it strengthened the
interest of my family more than any low country alliance that I
could make. His saying so gave me satisfaction, whether he
thought it or not ; and tho' I have a hundred to one against me
for making this match, yet I do not repent it, and tho' it were to
begin again to-morrow I would do the same thing over again, and
I must tell you that the more I know your Cousine Cluny the
more I love him for a thorrow good-natur'd, even-tempered, honest
gentleman. He goes home to look after his affairs in Badenoch
for some tune, and I precisely design that the marriage shall be
consummated towards the latter end of June. But as I told you
before, I am positive that T never will allow it to be done till you
Unpublished Letters of Simon 12th Lord Louat. 377
are present, so that Dyet must be regulate according to the time
that your affairs will allow you to come here." *
According to Lovat, his son-in-law showed no symptoms of
being a henpecked husband. The last letter, October 1743, on
this subject, contains some other amusing matter. After compli-
ments, Lovat proceeds : —
" You are a very lasie correspondent. You never tell me a
word of the Duke of Argyle's death, nor of the lady Achnabreak's
drea,m, nor of Prince Charles passing the Rhine, nor of King
George's beating M. de Noailles, nor of Landes being taken, nor
the Germans having their quarters in Alsace Loraine and Bur-
gundy, nor of the Zarina having sent 40,000 men to assist the
Queen of Hungary. You may think little of all these events, but
I think them very considerable, and would wish to know the
sentiments of your great city about them.
" I must now acquaint you, iny dear Cousin, of the situation
of my family on this side of the Grampians. I am myself much
troubled with a cough and cold upon me since this day fortnight
that I went to Culloden to take leave of the President. I wish
I had been that day asleep, for my best and largest coach near
broke her leg one plain ground, and as soon as I came into
Inverness I got auld (?) of the Duke of Argyle's death, and I had
no pleasure or satisfaction in my visit, but breach of promise and
friendship which you was often and very well acquainted with in
that corner. Macleod is much more affronted in this affair than
I am, and that by a man to whom he has been a slave to, and who
professed the greatest friendship and attachment for him. How-
ever, every Dogg has his day, and Macleod and I must stand upon
our own jambs with the assistance of our reall friends and
relations.
" Cluny came here Monday night with your brother Archi-
bald, your uncle Ludovic had the gout in his meikle, so that he
could not come, and your brother John was sick of distemper,
*In a letter fron Lord Lovat to the Duke of Gordon dated Beaufort,
13th August 1742, his lordship alludes to the marriage in the following
terms: — "As your grace and the worthy Dutchess were so civill to my
daughter, I think it my duty to acquaint your Grace that her aunt, the
Lady Scatwell, having come here on the Tuesday after your grace went
away, my daughter was married next day to the Laird of Cluny, and they
both behaved to the satisfaction of all who were present ; and as they are
both good-natur'd and of an even temper, I hope they will be very happy.
They had the houour to succeed your Grace in the lucky velvet bed which
I hope will have good effect."
Miscellany of the Spalding Club vol. Ill, p. 235.
25
378 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
and be would not come, and Cluny brought nobody with him but
Inveresci and young Bancher,and another gentleman called Lachlan
M'Pherson. Duncan Campbell of Clunies came here likewise one
Monday night, and the Laird of Foulis came here on Thursday,
and seven of his friends, and dined and stayed all night and was very
merry, so that my house was very throng, as it almost was every
other day this (?) and summer. I was mightily desirous that Cluny
should leave his daughter with me, who is the finest child I ever
saw. But after he first consented to it, he then resiled and
carryed her of, which vexed me very much — notwithstand that
Dr Eraser of Achnagairn gave his positive advice to Cluny not to
carry away his child in the winter time. But he acted the absolute
chief, and carried the poor infant away in a credill a horseback.
Before twenty gentlemen I openly washed my hands from any
harm that would happen to the child by carrying her away in this
season. But Cluny took the blame upon himself, and there I left
it. However, they have had such fine weather that I hope the child
will arrive at Cluny in good health. But I cannot think that a
house whose walls was not finished two months ago can be very
wholesome either for the child or for the mother. But it seems
that Cluny is resolved to wear the Britches and the Petty Coats
too, so that I am afraid my child will not comb a grey head in
that country. However, we must submit and resign all things
to Providence."
Subjoined are two extracts from another letter written in
1743. It would appear that, unless Lovat was indulging in a
joke or in idle compliment, the relative value of cows in the
" Aird " and in Lochaber must have changed pretty considerable
during the last 150 years ! But not more than the sentiments
with regard to hard drinking. Sir Wilfred Lawson would hardly
write of a gentleman who, as near as possible, killed himself by
drink that "his death would be a singular loss to his country and
to his friends."
"I had the honour to write you a letter by the Post on
Saturday, and this now goes by a trusty Servant of mine that I
send South every year with Cows to my Doers, he carrys now
with him a Cow to John Macfarlane, and one to William Fraser,
and I thought to have sent another of my little Highland Cows
with him for my Dear Cousine, the Lady Lochiel. But I was per-
swaded you would mock me to send you one of the little pitifull
Cows of this Country when you have much better and larger Cows
of your own in Lochaber. I have sent a Cow to your Aunt, the
Lady Balhady, as I use to do every year
Unpublished Letters of Simon 12th Lord Louat. 379
" The Earl of Cromarty, after drinking excessively in this
house of very good wine for five days, went to Dingwall and fell
adrinking of very bad wine, which made him so sick that he had
almost died there. The Countess was obliged to come in the midst
of the night from Tarbat House to Dingwall — 14 long miles — she
having received an Expi'ess acquainting her that the Earl was not
like to live till daylight. But I thank God he is recovered. His
death would be a singular loss to his Country and to his friends,
and particularly, to me which you may see by the Copy of two
letters that he writt to me after his recovery, which I send you
enclosed."
There is a copy among these papers of a letter from Lovat to
" my mother's chief," the laird of Macleod, in which after describ-
ing a severe illness and the remedies applied, which are not worth
quoting, the following very characteristic sentiments are delivered.
The " faint hopes" which the writer entertains of seeing Macleod's
grandfather in the next world may of course be read in two ways,
but it would hardly have been agreeable to the grandson.
"I do assure you that I was not at all uneasy to leave this
wicked treacherous world, but on the contrary I was pleased with
the faint hopes of seeing my dear Uncle, your grandfather, and
the other worthy persons that I was concerned in who went before
me. But it has pleased God to keep me for some more time from
the happy society of those brave upright honest persons who were
an honour to their King and to their country, and to make me
slave as long as Providence pleases among a corrupt generation in
this poor, unhappy, degenerate Island, where scarce an honest man
can be found — Kara avis in terris, &c. I am resolved, however,
to submit and to pray to God that I may keep my integrity
among the corruption of this age. I pray for my friends as I do
for myself, and particularly for the laird of Macleod, and for those
worthy gentleman that think as he does, for I presume to know a
little of his private sentiments, and, as I thank God they are now
just and honourable, I hope they will continue so all your days."
Macleod was, it appears, in Parliament, and the next para-
graph in the letter is somewhat suggestive of what would now be
called a job.
" I took the liberty to write to you about getting the pre-
mium on naval stores. The laird of Grant is more concerned in
this than any man in Scotland, and I am the next to him, if not
as much as he is, for I have vast woods upon my Estate which, if
preserved, will be of great use to my family ; and it would be a
vast loss to all the gentlemen that have woods upon their Estates
380 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
if that premium should be taken away, therefore I beg that you
may speak to that odd creatures the lairds of Grant and see what
they will do for themselves."
The only extract from these letters bearing on political topics,
which appears worthy of being quoted, is the following, and its
interest is, indeed, derived more from the light which it throws
on the querulousness and susceptibilities of its author than from
any special historical fact which it records. Students of the
period (1743) will draw their own conclusions from the complaints
of Lord Lovat : —
" I am fully persuaded by experience as much as you can be,
that in this Government there is no regard paid to past services.
though never so essential, and for making new schemes, I am too
old for that, and though I should both resolve and lay myself out
to do essential service to the family of Hanover, I must come
short of what I have done already for the Government to keep the
Crown on their head, and the returns I met with were barbarous
and ungrateful usage. I could say the same of another Court that
I will now hold my tongue of, so that it has been my fate to be ill
used by Courts, except by the glorious Court of France, who did
me much more honour than I deserved ; and if I was to begin the
world again, I would never serve any Court, but according as I
would be rewarded. I hope my children will follow the same
maxim."
The account given in another letter of the behaviour of two
local doctors is very amusing, and seems, at this time of day, almost
incredible. Lovat writes : —
" I have been pretty ill with the aigue since you went away,
so that I was forced to send for Doctor Cuthbert and Doctor
Fraser, who stayed here for five days, and all the service they did
me was to drink drunk day and night, for except while they slept
they were not five minutes sober since they came to the house, and
Doctor Cuthbert is still here, and all the medicines they gave were
severall dishes of laughter which happened very often. My ser-
vants got heavy lifts of them in carrying them from this room to
their beds. It was a thousand pities for they are two pretty
gentlemen, but Achnagairn has by much the advantage of Doctor
Cuthbert, when he is in his own house he seldom drinks, and Doctor
Cuthbert is every night drunk in his own house. However, I bless
God by my following my own prescription of drinking the infusion
of severall bitters in Spanish wine, and of drinking a glass once or
twice a day of the Spanish wine with the Peruvian bark infused
Unpublished Letters of Simon 12th Lord Louat. 381
in it, the aigue is almost gone, but this severe storm that never
had an example in history confines me to this room a perfect
prisoner these two months past, so that I must have a very good
and healthful constitution to have resisted such a closs confine-
ment and continuall eating and drinking and sitting up without
any exercise, but I hope God in his mercy will soon deliver us
from this storm, and then I can go abroad and take a little exer-
cise, which I hope will restore me into perfect health and strength
that I may be fit to do some service to my friends and my Countrey,
which I do not despair of."
In the same letter is a description of a member of another
learned profession. It appears there was a lawyer by name Tom
Brodie in Edinburgh at that time, of whom Lovat writes in these
somewhat disrespectful terms : —
"I have such experience of Tom Brodie's, such a greedy,
deceitful, treacherous knave that I cannot in duty and honour but
put you on your guard against him, for after my giving him
liberally my money and my gold for about fourteen or fifteen years,
and using him rather like a brother than an ordinary lawyer, yet
the deceitful knave sold me this last year to my adverse party
by which I have been wronged above £3000 str. He gave up my
papers to my adverse party, which gave a pretext to the base and
villainous arbiters to sign a decree of a £1000 str. against me, to
be paid to my adverse party, who, sincerely and truly before God
I could declare it if it was my last word, did rob me, I mean
Phopachy, of above £4000 of the furniture of my house, and the
rents of my Estate, and tho' he was not worth five pound on earth
but what he rob'd me of (for he was downright a beggar when I
came to Scotland) yet I am decreed to pay him .£1000 str. by
false accounts that he made up against me, but the truth of the
matter is that Thomas Brodie betray'd me for getting the half or
the third of the spoil to himself. Your cousin Balladie, who was
here during the transactions of that villainous decree, knows that
affair perfectly, for he took great pains in it. I beg your pardon
for troubling you with an account of it, but my design is to prevent
your being cheated and abused by Tom Brodie, who is certainly
the most dangerous villain that ever went into the Parliament
house."
Those who are acquainted with Lovat's style, and the strong
language in which he inveighs against all whom he fancies have
injured him, will not perhaps judge too harshly of Tom Brodie.
In another letter Lovat asks Macleod to send him some news-
382 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
papers, specifying the London Evening Post and Westminster
Journal, and promises to pay him in " Bewlie salmon and good
claret" when he comes to visit him.
There are also allusions to his wife and her wickedness in
some of the letters, but students of the history of the Highlands
at that period would not find anything which has not already been
published, and, indeed, Lovat's account of the family dispute is to
be found in greater detail in some of his letters printed in the
second volume of that splendid work, " The Lairds of Grant," by
Dr "William Fraser, Edinburgh.
This paper may be properly brought to a conclusion with a
letter from young Simon, Master of Lovat, to his father, dated
Edinburgh, May 22, 1740, when he was 13 years of age. His
appreciation of the Gaelic language must commend his memory to
the members of this Association : —
MY DEAR PAPA, — I received the honour and pleasure of
your Lordship's letter by the last post, and I am exceeding glad
to hear that your Lordship is in perfect good health. I am very
glad that Mr Donald* is in a fair way to get the better of all his
enemies, and that he is almost done with those' tyrannick bigot
clergy of Ross. I believe the Brig, will be very happy in hav-
ing him for a Governour, who, I fancy, has much need of one. I
am very glad that your Lordship is pleased with my write this
post. I do assure your Lordship I will take as much care of it
as possible. But whoever has informed your Lordship that I
neglect the Earse, has greatly misinformed your Lordship, for
there is none in this house, except Mr Blair, but speak Earse,
and there is not a day but we speak it at dinner, super, and
brakefast, and I know your Lordship would rather me lose Latin
and Greek than lose it, and that is the great reason, though I had
no other to retain it; but I don't believe, though I was to go
through the world now that I would lose it, and, as to my hav-
ing the Edinburgh Ton, that is what I cannot help ; for when I
was at Glasgow, I had the Glasgow Ton, and now the Edinburgh
*This was Mr Donald Fraser, Tutor or "Governour" to Lovat's sons
Simon and Alexander. The latter is rt'ferr- d to in this letter as "the Brig"
— Brii<adicr — the mine usually applied to him by his father. Mr Donald
became minister of Killearnan in 1744, and of Ferintosh in 1757. At his
death he left a large number of letters from Lord Lovat to himself, Lord
London, and others, and these have now been placed by his great m-andson,
the Rev. Hector Frastr, Halkirk, in the hands of Mr William Mackay,
solicitor, Inverness, with a view to their publication in the next volume of
our Transactions.
Granting Diplomas by Scottish Kings. 383
Tone, and when I go north I will have that Tone. So that there
is nothing in that but perfect Custom. I was this day dining
with Brigadier Guest, who received me very kindly, and gave rne
a letter for your Lordship. — I am, dear papa, your Lordship's
most affectionate Son,
" SIMON FRASER.
"Edinburgh, May 22nd, 1740 "
Mr Fraser-Mackintosh's paper was as follows : —
GRANTING DIPLOMAS OF GENTLE BIRTH, &c., BY
SCOTTISH KINGS-
CASE OF LIEUT. -COLONEL ALEXANDER MONRO
OF OBSDALE, 1663.
Numbers of Scotsmen of gentle birth, unable to find suitable
employment at home, betook themselves particularly during the
seventeenth century either to foreign military service, or to trade,
becoming naturalised in the countries wherein they settled. The
rigour of class and caste made it necessary for these adventurers
to show an equality of rank, ere they were permitted to associate
with, or intermarry among, the upper ranks of the natives of Poland,
Sweden, Germany, and France, to which countries these ad venturers
chiefly resorted.
The proper Register of Birth Briefs is called " The Paper
Register of the Great Seal," as distinguished from the Great Seal
Register Proper, which is written on vellum. The Paper Reg-
ister begins about 1590, and is continued to 1707.
In earlier times, certificates were given by inquests of friends
and neighbours of repute, styled " homines patriae," and in Burghs
such certificates were granted after enquiry by the Magistrates and
Council. Subsequently it was nob unusual to issue a Royal War-
rant, as is seen in the following case taken from "The Earl of
Stirling's Register of Royal Letters," 1st volume, p. 66. Edin-
burgh 1885 :—
To the Chancellor (of Scotland) —
Right Trusty and Wellbeloved,
Whereas, one Andrew Arbuthnot, serving, as we are in-
formed, under the King of Sweden, has caused humble suit to be
MI;H|I; unto us that he might have a testificate under our Great
Sc.il of that our Kingdom, of his lawful birth and progeny, our
pleasure is that having informed yourself thereof, that you grant
384 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.
unto him what is usual to be granted unto other persons, in
business of the like nature : and for your so doing, these shall be
your warrant. (Signed) CHARLES R.
Theobald's, July 21, 1626.
The earliest instance of a birth brief, or " Litera Prosapia,"
in the Paper Register is dated 26th of January 1637, and from
that date downwards entries are numerous. It is well known that
many of these recorded briefs are full of inaccuracies.
Duncan Forbes, 3rd of Culloden, writing prior to the year
1704, and treating of the genealogy of the family of Tolquhon,
says that Malcolm Forbes, Marquis ot Montilly, some 30 years
before, sent to Scotland for his coat-armorial certificate, which was
given him utterly wrong by the then Lord Lyon and his deputy
clerks.
It is still competent to issue birth briefs, the course being by
application to the Lord Lyon, who, upon proper proof being
established before him, issues a certified pedigree under the seal
of the Lyon office.
Colonel Monro of Obsdale's genealogy is shown in the
annexed. He was grandson of the laird of Fowlis, nephew of
Major-General Sir Robert Monro, and brother of Lieut.-General
Sir George Monro. His services are done full j ustice to, neither
squalor of a prison, tedium of exile, nor loss of fortune in the
Royal cause daunting him in his zeal and devotion to the Royal
House of Stuart.
The following is an exact translation of the original Latin
brief : —
" Charles, by the grace of God, King of Scotland, England,
France and Ireland, and defender of the faith, to all and sundry
emperors, kings, princes, dukes, marquises, archbishops, bishops,
barons, councillors and magistrates of states, and to all and sundry
or their lieutenants, chief governors of provinces,
cities, castles, fleets, and finally to all exercising supreme or subor-
dinate authority by sea or land in civil or ecclesiastical affairs
and others whomsoever who shall read or hear these letters
patent everlasting greeting in the author of everlasting salvation :
Whereas the cheif concern of those to whom the supreme adminis-
tration of the commonwealth has been entrusted ought to be that
due honour should be bestowed on those studious of virtue and
their posterity, and since we, so far as circumstance will allow
deligently make it our sedulous care, that whatever rights or dis-
tinctions of noble blood or of renowned achievement have been
Granting Diplomas by Scottish Kings. 385
derived from ancestors, should remain repaired and protected
among posterity (unless they shall have revolted from the probity
of their ancestors) in the longest series that is possible to be, to
the end that both the said descendants mindful of their lineage
should commit nothing unworthy of the unsullied fame and great-
ness of their parents, but inflamed to the like should superadd
some praise by their own virtue, and accession of light to the
brightness of their ancestors, and so emulating their forefathers
afford to us and to their country faithful subjects and citizens in
all things according to their power. We to our faithful and well
beloved countryman Alexander Monro fully imbued in the schools
and academies of his native country, with the humaner and more
subtile letters, who in his novitiate of sterner warfare under his
uncle Sir Robert Monro, Major-General, and Sir George Monro,
our Lieutenant-General, most valiant knight, his brother being
extremely well instructed, followed the parly of our most serene
parent of blessed memory and ours in circumstances sufficiently
adverse, valiantly fought for us as Lieutenant-Colonel for sixteen
years, and by his blood and his wounds made a sacrifice to our
cause and to the glory of his own loyalty, and that to such a degree
that not by the squalor of a prison nor tedium of exile, nor loss of
fortune did he suffer his fidelity to his kings due and devoted to be
stained or besmirched by any blot of ti-eason or supineness of spirit,
but individually and indefatigably remained a comrade with our
forces, through straits, through cold, through mountains and all
that could be inflicted on our faithful subjects in that lamentable
time of treason : I say, to this most valiant man, and who has
deserved exceedingly well of us, on his request and supplication
we deny not for justice and righteousness sake our firm testimony
to the honours and offices bestowed on his ancestors by our fore-
fathers the most serene Kings of Scotland (which may be to him
in place of a benefit among others) . Wherefore after careful in-
quiry has been made by illustrious and trust-worthy men (to whom
we intrusted that duty), concerning the descent of the foresaid
gentleman, it has been found by us, and we therefore make it
known and certain, and publicly bear witness that it is manifest
that our well beloved Alexander Monro, Lieutenant-Colonel, was
born lawful son and of lawful marriage by either parent of noble
and gentle birth, and for many ages by-past has derived his pater-
nal and maternal descent from distinguished and honourable
families ; to wit, that he is the son of a truly noble gentleman, John
Monro ot Obsdall, Colonel among the Swedes, and Katharine Gor-
doun, united to John in lawful matrimony and John of Obsdall to
386 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
his own and his native country's everlasting glory valorously
deserved well of the most potent King of Sweden, and was the son
of George Monro of Obsdall, by Katharine Monro, daughter of
Andrew Monro of Miltoun, by Katherine Vrquhart, daughter
of Thomas, Sheriff of Cromarty, by Anna Abernethy, daughter
of the distinguished Lord Baron of Saltoun : And George was
born of a very illustrious man and chief of his surname Robert
Monro of Fowles, by Katherine Ros, daughter of Alexander
Ros, Laird of Belnagown, by Elizabeth Sinclair, daughter of the
most famous Eail of Caithness : And Robert was born of the
former Robert of Fowlis laird thereof (who fell honourably
fighting valiantly for his country in the battle of Pinkie)
of Anna Dunbar, daughter of Alexander Dunbar, Sheriff
of Moray, by Jean Falconer, daughter of the laird of Hal-
cartoun : Further, this Robert was the son of Hector Monro of
Foulis, by Katherine Mackenzie, daughter of the lord or chief of the
Mackenzie's (but now of the most renowned Earl of Seaforth) which
Hector also had to his father William Monro of Foulis, a knight
plainly most valiant for in leading an army at the command of the
King against certain factious northern men (he perished by treach-
ery) and to his mother Anna M'Lean, daughter of the lord or chief
of the M'Leaiis, But the maternal line of the foresaid Colonel Alex-
ander is as follows : — He was born (as before) of a noble mother
Katherine Gordoun, daughter of John Gordoun of Embo, which
John was the son of Adam Gordoun, by Katherine, descended of a
most ancient and very noble lineage, to wit, the most illustrious
earls of Huntly; and Katherine had to her mother J ean Gordoun,
daughter of Gilbert, son of Alexander Gordoun, baron of Aboyn,
who also, when he was a son of the Earl of Huntly, took to wife
the only daughter and heiress of the most honourable Earl of
Sutherland, whei-eby he himself afterwards became Earl of Suther-
land : Who all were united in lawful wedlock, and were descended
of lawful marriage of illustrious parents and most distinguished
families, and all were renouned for splendour of descent and for
virtue: their honorable and excellent exploits transmitted their
fame untarnished without any blemish or aspersion of dishonour
to their posterity : all likewise for their singular and remarkable
fidelity to their country, and renowned exploits against the
enemies, with singular honours deservedly bestowed by the most
serene Kings of Scotland, for many ages bygone
have left behind them, surviving in this our age, a distinguished
progeny, emulous of their virtures: By the tenor whereof we
desire you all our friends (saving everyones dignity) alike known
Old Highland Industries. 387
and dear, asked and entreated; that ye treat our contryman, now
recommended, Sir Alexander Munro, dear to us on so many
accounts, conspicuous for so many lights of virtures, with all offices
of civility, love, honour, and dignity, craving again the like favour
from us, if in anything ye wish to use our assistance; which things,
as they are all true and sure in themselves, that likewise they
may be better attested, and more certain to all and sundry, and
be known to all men as manifest, we have, without reluctance,
granted these our Letters Patent to the foresaid Alexander
Monro: For giving full faith also, to which among all men, we
have commanded our narrower seal to be appended hereto.
Given at Edinburgh, the day of the month of Sep-
tember, the year from the Virgin's birth, one thousand six hundred
and sixty three, and the fifteenth year of our reign"
"By Act of the Lords of Secret Council"
28xH APRIL 1886.
On this date William Millar, auctioneer, Inverness, was
elected an ordinary member of the Society. Thereafter, Mr
Alexander Ross, architect, Inverness, read a paper on the " Old
Industries of the Highlands." Specimens of native art and in-
dustry were exhibited and highly admired. Mr Ross's paper was
as follows : —
OLD HIGHLAND INDUSTRIES.
In these days of great factories and concentration of labour
in the production of articles required for the daily use of man, it
may be interesting and profitable to recall some of the old and
peculiar modes employed by our countrymen for providing food,
clothing, and implements, but which modes have now almost
disappeared.
Machinery, driven by steam, has done away with much hand
labour, and, under the guiding hand of man, does nearly all the
work, where mechanical power is required, and thus gets rid, in a
large degree, of the great waste involved in manual labour. This
centralised production has tended to enlarge and extend our
towns and seats of industry, and to produce articles for the
million at a relatively much less cost than could be done by
hand labour, and, by means of transport and commerce, to send
machine-made articles into the furthest corners of the earth, civil-
ised and uncivilised; hence we find ranged alongside stone and
388 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
flint implements, the latest gay and fancy fabric of Manchester
and Birmingham. Even the Hindoo and Chinaman's gods and
idols are manufactured in our British workshops, and many other
articles which are considered peculiar to certain nations. I had
occasion to remark this particularly in a Liverpool counting-house,
for on asking what were the goods they exported from this
country, a drawer was pulled out and samples displayed. These
consisted of Spanish hedalgbs, spurs, and brilliant saddles, and
saddle cloths, Spanish mantillas, &c., of gorgeous and rich colours,
such as that noble animal the " British Crocker," always declares
the British manufacturers can neither rival nor approach.
It is extremely interesting to study the progress from primi-
tive machinery to the most advanced and intricate results of
modern times, and perhaps the Highlands of Scotland afforded till
recently a very good field for such study.
The Lowlands of Scotland long retained their ancient practices
as regards home-mades, and I can myself recall the time before
the modern lucifer match and vesta were introduced, fire was pro-
duced by various simple methods, and when the old gaberlunzie
man wandered round the country, and the chapman paid his accus-
tomed visit to supply jewellery, and such literature as was then
read, the old cruize lamp with fish oil and rush which supplied
the poor flicker of light to permit the maids to spin and the
hinds to read.
In the Highland Glens the primitive native arts were con-
tinued to even a later date than in the Lowlands. This would
naturally arise from the difficulty of intercommunication in con-
sequence of the want of roads and sparseness of population. Ac-
cordingly we find the old manners and customs remaining, and the
old modes of cultivation being practised long after they had dis-
appeared from amongst their more advanced countrymen. It is
to these practices I would now draw your attention to-night, and
perhaps it may be the simplest way and most instructive if I
take a glance at a few of the more useful and common arts and
discuss each in detail.
Beginning with 1st, dwellings and utensils ; 2nd, acriculture ;
3rd, food ; 4th, clothing ; 5th luxuries ; and 6th, articles of com-
merce.
I cannot expect to exhaust any one of these subjects, but I
may touch on a few of each.
The dwelling or shelter naturally comes amongst the first re-
quirements of a race, and the implements necessary to procure
food and clothing.
Old Highland Industries. 389
I need not go into the very early forms of lake dwellings,
traces of such being found in almost all the islands, natural and
artificial, in our lochs under the name of crannogs. Nor shall I
t:mch on the beehive and eird houses so common in Aberdeenshire
and Caithness, and into which the early Pict could barely crawl.
(By the way, Pennant says the origin of the name Pict, is from
Picteich a Thief — an origin, I daresay, some of you may be inclined
to dispute. Their houses were simply little domes of stone 8 or 10
feet diameter, into which the native crept and lived in the rudest
and most primitive fashion. At this stage only the simplest in-
struments were available, such as stone hatchets and hammers,
flint arrow heads, bone needles, &c., yet by means of these and the
action of fire the ancient savage was able to cut down trees, scoop
out and form them for canoes, dress stones to form the quern,
and rubbing stones to bruise and grind the grain and roots for
food. He was also able to form a mortar pestal of stone, and by
fish bones form needles to sew the fibre of various plants and
hooks wherewith to catch a further supply of fish.
A little further on and metals came to his aid, and we find
bronze and iron taking the place of stone implements, and gold
and silver ornaments coming into use, many of them exhibiting
very high culture and taste.
When our forefathers took to roofing their dwellings with
timber instead of stone, the form seems to have been generally
circular, and we have this type in the hut circles, which, as a
rule, are just of sufficient diameter to permit the space to be
covered in by cabers placed on the ground or low turf dyke, and
to converge at the top into a point, and so far a tent, or like a
conical house. This would seem to have been the usual form of
dwelling of the native Briton at the time of the Roman Inva-
sion, for we find the "Candida Casa" at Whithorn of St Ninian in
the sixth century much thought of as the first stone and lime
built whitehouse.
In England the progress in castle building and also of church
work was progressive, and culminated in the grand cathedrals and
castles of the thirteenth century.
In Scotland the progress was not so marked and steady, and
we have no church work to show older than the eleventh century,
nor of domestic work anything so early. I would, however, re-
mark, .that from the beginning of the eleventh century till the
sixteenth century, Scotland can hold her own with any country
both in ecclesiastical and baronial architecture. Still alongside
the great advances made in baronial and ecclesiastical architecture
390 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
the peasantry lived in rude huts and retained many of their old
modes of working, and continued to supply themselves with home-
made stuffs, both of food and clothing to an extent, and in a man-
ner which it would perhaps be well if our modern natives could
still to some extent imitate and adhere to. The farm house of
the last century, and also the cottage of the crofter, was supplied
with a rude plenty, and a variety both of food and clothing,
which, if not so elegant as that of the present day, was in many
respects more healthy and serviceable for family wants, while the
mode by which everything was turned to account and rendered
available for^food and clothing, forms an entertaining and useful
line of study.
The old farm house kitchen on a winter night of itself gives
a very perfect picture of what I would like to bring before you,
and let us for a moment describe it, as I myself can remember one
nearly half-a-century ago in Forfarshire. The kitchen was a stone
floored apartment, with a large fireplace, sufficiently capacious
for a fire of wooden logs, which burnt on the hearth, and to per-
mit of one or two sitting alongside it in the recess. Possibly,
when the farm servants gathered in at night, light would be de-
sirable, but there were no candles allowed, except for the ben end
(that was the portion occupied by the family of a farmer when he
was of sufficient standing to live apart from the farm servants),
and how to produce light became the question. In the poorer
districts the old bog fir was made to do duty, and the Peer man
had to hold it. Those of you who had the pleasure of hearing
Mr James Linn, of Keith, lecture on Peer men, will recollect his
very interesting paper and beautiful specimens of stands of iron
which were made to supersede the Peer man or boy who used to
hold and replenish the bog fir, or " white candle," when it came
into use, for it was the good old practice in Aberdeenshire to
make the beggar, or gaberlunzie man pay for his night's quarters
by keeping the bog fir or candle alight, while others worked or
amused themselves, and hence the saying of an unsociable person,
" He'll neither dance nor hand the candle."
To return to house building, as you no doubt are aware, the crof-
ter to this day builds all his own house — it varies in different locali-
ties. In the Lowlands, the farm labourer's cottage was generally
built of boulders, or round water-worn stones, and held together
with clay and straw and plastered inside and out with a smooth
coating of clay, or in some districts with lime mortar. It was
roofed with wood rafters more or less manufactured, and the rafters
again covered with slabs from the nearest saw mill, these in their
Old Highland Industries. 391
turn overlaid with divots or sods and finished with thatch of straw.
The interior was floored with beaten clay and divided into two or
more rooms by a partition of slabs or cabers, the interstices being
filled in with clay and straw, or in more ambitions cases, wattled
with hazel and smoothened with clay. The windows were half
glazed with coarse glass and the lower half of timber, with doors
hinged to open for ventilation. This was the Lowlander's cottage,
but amongst the hills and on the West Coast the house was still
more primitive, in these cases the materials had to be used of a
simpler kind. The walls are drystr ne, facingoutside and infilled with
turf in the heart, the roof formed of trees and cabers undressed, and
roughly fitted as they came to hand. The construction was also dif-
ferent. When a Highlander began to build his house he commenced
by fixing the main couples at certain intervals, and the lower portion
was let into the ground like a post. To the top of these the rafters
were secured by a wooden pin and tied across by a tie beam.
At the apex where the rafters met and crossed each other was
laid longitudinally a long tree or beam, on which the smaller
cabers or rafters and thatch depended and rested, and hence was
called the roof-tree, and on it the main security of the fabric de-
pended, and displacing the roof-tree was certain to bring the
whole fabric to the ground, and hence, in the importance of the
roof tree, and the common and genial toast, "To the Roof-tree,"
no doubt had reference to this important feature in the structure.
The effect of those old Highland roofs was extremely good and
picturesque, and but few of them now remain ; they are fast dis-
appearing before the manufactured timber and slate. The im-
portant feature of these houses and roofs is that they were entirely
the work of the natives, and required no foreign or skilled labour
in their production ; they were entirely the work of the founder,
who was his own architect and contractor. The cost was in those
days trifling, the labour not being taken into account ; but, so
scarce was, and still is, timber on the West Coast, that a crofter
removing claims and often carries, the roof with him. The
fire was placed on a stone slab or hearth in the centre of the floor,
and the smoke allowed to find its exit through sundry holes in the
roof. The result is that a large portion condenses on the rafters of
the house and forms a rich dark brown varnish, which is utilised
by the crofter as manure, and I have seen a good picture painted
with this varnish, the effect much resembling sepia. The custom
of unroofing annually is still practised, and I have often seen the
roof lying on the hillside getting washed with the rain. The neigh-
bours, on the occasion of a roofing, lend a helping hand, and I
392 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
have often seen the roof being removed in the morning and replaced
by the evening.
In the Islands, from the greater scarcity of timber, the roof
and woodwork are still further economised, and stone takes the
place of timber to a greater extent. In Harris the walls are often
6 to 8 feet thick, being formed of stone on the outer and inner
face, the centre being filled up with moss and sods, while the roof
is placed on the inner side of the walls, and the great breadth
forms a rampart on which cattle and children may disport them-
selves. Travelling in Lochaber on one occasion, I asked what a
cottage would cost them. The reply was, " Well, it depends on
the number of couples, but a house could be put up for 50s., but it
would take £5 to make a right one."
At the same time as the house was constructed by home
labour, it was natural that all the furnishings should partake of
the same primitive character, and accordingly we find the materials
at hand were made to serve the ends required by simple home
manufacture. After the house building, one of the first essentials
would be cooking ntensils, and we find that a simple gridiron and
pot were indispensable. These were formed of hammered metal,
and these cauldrons occasionally turn up, mostly of bronze, and
this may be accounted for by the greater durability and value of
copper and bronze, and these are always found in ancient examples
to be of sheets of metal made up in pieces and riveted. Many
specimens of this still exist, but the cast iron pot has entirely super-
seded them in every-day life. The native pottery seems to have
held its own to a much later date, and the Lewis pottery is well
known, and in Kilmuir, Skye, the Rev. Mr Macgregor told me he
had often watched the natives making the craggan for family use.
Sixty years ago there were in the parish of Kilmuir only three
teapots, and a single pot represented the entire cooking apparatus
of a family, in which case the potatoes were boiled in the pot and
the herrings were placed in the pot over the cooked potatoes, and
so prepared.
Dishes of all kinds were scarcely known, and instead thereof
a square board above 1 7 inches across with a rim 3 inches high all
round, called " Clar," served for the dish to hold potatoes and fish,
and the family seated round a nide table eat their meal from it. Mr
Macgregor also mentions, that "In many of the poorer dwellings
there was but one horn spoon, which was handed from member to
member to help themselves in turn." There were but few bowls,
cups, or dishes of earthenware in these humble dwellings, but many
of them had wooden cups of various sizes which they got from crews
Old Highland Industries. 393
of vessels from the Baltic. They met these vessels in calm weather,
and got planks of wood and dishes of the kind mentioned in lieu
of fresh vegetables which they took on board.
The people of this district were in the habit of making large
pots or jars of the native clay. These craggans were of various
sizes, and some of them would contain from three to four imperial
gallons, but generally they were of smaller size, and made to con-
tain eight or nine great bottles.
The clay of which these craggans were made was not found
in every district, but when found large numbers of these pots or
craggans were made.
Mr Macgregor describes the process thus : — " The clay was
smooth and plastic, and when required for use ib was wrought xip
by the hands for hours together until it was brought to the con-
sistency of the putty used by glaziers. When in this state the
most skilful and tasteful of the family group commenced to form
the craggan, which they finished in less than two hours' time. The
first part of it made was the circular bottom, which, like a circular
cake, they placed upon a broad or flat stone, always supplying
themselves from the lump of prepared clay beside them. When
the bottom was thus formed, they rapidly built upon it all around
the outer edge to the thickness of about an inch, but careful all
the time to shape it into the form required. When finished the
article was coarse, rough, and indented with finger marks, but in
order to smooth it they scraped it round and round very gently
with a knife to give it a more seemly appearance. The inside was
of course left as it was, as there was no access to it. When the
dish was finished it was put on to a safe place to dry by the heat of
the sun, and was left in that state for perhaps some weeks, until it
got properly hard. The next process was to set it in the midst of
a powerf ul peat fire in order to burn it, and this step of the manu-
facture frequently ruined the whole concern, in consequence of the
unequal heat breaking or cracking the vessel. The burning made
the craggan harder and lighter, and quite ready as a receptacle for
the family oil. This oil formed an important item in the family
economy ; it was procured from the livers of different kinds of fish,
it was dark in colour, like port wine, but thin and good. The fish
on arrival were gutted, and the livers were taken out and thrown
into the pot or craggan, and left there till they melted down into a
comparatively liquid state. They then set the decayed livers on a
slow fire to dissolve them completely. In this state they poured
off the fine oil, put it into a craggan, and threw the refuse on a
dunghill."
394 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
These craggans are still made in the Lewis, and I show a
specimen, and some cups and saucers.
The oil was mainly used for lighting the "cruiscan," or lamp,
and I show you a specimen of the lamp. These lamps superseded
the fir root and in their turn have been superseded by the paraffin
and modern oil lamps. As you will observe, they are constructed
with two bowls or spoons, one to hold the oil and wick, the other
to catch the drip, and by a clever arrangement the upper bowl
or spoon was made by hooking on to a series of pegs to tilt up as
the oil was consumed, and so afford a continuous supply of oil to
the wick.
The mode of producing light was by striking a spark from a
piece of flint or quartz, which spark falling on a piece of charred
linen or cotton, set it on fire, and this again was made use of to
light a rude match made of fir and tipped with brimstone.
The making of these matches, or "spimks" as they were
called, gave occupation in the long evenings to the male part of
the family, who split up fine pieces of fir, and dipped the ends
into melted brimstone or sulphur, and thus produced a rude lucifer
match. Since these " cnriscean" were superseded by the paraffin
and other lamps, they have been generally reduced to the mean
use of melting brimstone or sulphur for smoking of bees, and those
I have recovered were being used for this purpose by the old
ladies who kept bees.
The provision of wicks for these lamps was of some import-
ance, and was made of the pith of rushes from the ditches ; and
I have often as a boy earned a luncheon by gathering and peel-
ing these. They were prepared by stripping off the outer skin,
and raising by a gentle pressure, the pith in a long piece, very like
Macaroni ; these were tied in bundles and dried for use.
FOOD. — Following up these notes on the Domestic Economy
and Occupation, we naturally come next to the preparation of
food. Thus we have, say, the meal — Oat and bere meal was until
recently the staple food of the people in Scotland, and the prepai'a-
tion of their meal formed an important industry. Mr Macgregor
mentioned, in the paper before referred to, that he recollected a
time when loaf or wheaten bread was unknown in Kilmuir. " I
remember," he says, " when loaves of bread were made at the
manse for a Communion or Sacramental occasion, when crowds of
females resorted to the minister's house to see the ' aran
caneach,' that is, the foggy or spongy bread, and on tasting it
they did not at all relish it, as they did not consider it to be at
all so substantial as their own oaten cakes.
Old Highland Industries. 395
" The mode of preparing the grain for meal varied consider-
ably, the most primitive being what was called graddan meal.
This was prepared as follows : — The standing oats or barley
having been cut down and brought to a convenient spot, the
grain is taken in handfuls from the sheaf and held over a pot or
flat stone and set fire to, and the grain being thus parched and
dried, the slight tendril is burnt through, and the grain drops on
the stone or into the pot. This handful is kept constantly beat
by a stick to separate the grain more readily from the straw.
When sufficient grain has been collected, it is stirred about in
the pot or on the stone till quite dry, it is then fanned, and the
grain so prepared for the mill."
I need nOt describe to you the quern or hand mill; it is well
known as being composed of two flat stones, the upper one revolv-
ing on a centre pin and driven by hand. The quern has not
altered in its construction for thousands of years, and I found the
Bedouin Arabs in Jericho preparing their grain in exactly the
same way with the quern as I found the girls in Benbecula and
Harris. It is often referred to in Scripture as the Jews' handmill,
and no doubt it was a quern which Samson ground on in his
prison house.
The manufacture of these mill-stones was of great importance,
and suitable stones were carried great distances. I have found in
the outer Islands many stones, of which the only account which
could be given was, that they were Lochaber stones, and no doubt
the Margarodite schist of Glenroy is admirably suited to the pur-
pose, being composed of garnets embedded in a soft matrix of a
white silvery Talcose schist which wears down, leaving the garnets
projecting out like teeth to cut the grain. One of the Lochaber
quarries was situated at Bruniachan, Glenroy, where stones are
still to be seen lying about half made. At the same place are
traces of iron furnaces. And another famous quarry was in an
island called Soa, to the west of Skye, and was a sandstone grit.
The querns are still used amongst the Islands, and I have
several times come on them in full operation, notably at Loch-
boisdale, where a few years ago I had the pleasure of witnessing
the whole operation. It was on a Michaelmas day, and the barley
crop was ripe. I happened to mention to the innkeeper my desire
to see the operation of preparing the " Graddan Meal," and said
that I had heard it was the custom in Uist to prepare and eat
Michaelmas cake on that day. He said " True, and if you care
you can see the process close by." I immediately declared myself
ready for the expedition. The darkness had set in, and I had made
396 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
myself comfortable for the night, but I resumed my boots and
started over the hill, and after stumbling over rocks and bogs
for a mile or so, we came to the cottage where the operation was
being carried on. We were just in time. The grain was being
separated from the straw very much as described by Mr Macgregor,
and the husks were being taken off the grain by stirring the parched
corn in a pot, the fire still kept burning the grain, and the husking
and kiln drying were one and the same operation. After the grain
had been thoroughly husked and dried, it was winnowed and ready
for grinding. The woman who did this took the grains and dropped
them gently into the centre hole of the upper stone, while she
turned it with the other hand, and the meal was thrown out round
the outer rim of the stones. After preparing about a peck of it
she gathered it up, and with a sieve separated the meal from any
seeds and impurities. She then proceeded to bake the cake in the
ordinary way, and when shaped she spread over the upper surface
some melted sugar and carroway seeds. The baking and firing was
done in the ordinary way on a flat disc of metal, and when
sufficiently fired it was cut up and handed round to the members
of the family and visitors. When warm and fresh, it was very
palatable, and I enjoyed a portion. Being much interested in the
custom and operation, I begged a bit of the cake to take home.
I was presented with a goodly portion, which I brought home on
trial, and a day or two after my arrival I was describing to some
friends the operation, and offered to allow them taste of my fare.
But I reckoned without my host, for on ordering in the bread I was
informed by the serving maid that my wife had ordered the precious
cake to be thrown out to the pigs, it smelt the house so, and I
must confess that however pleasing and attractive the cake was
partaken of in a Highland bothy, fresh, and with all the romance
of the situation, yet in our refined condition it had lost its sweet-
ness, and became absolutely offensive. So much for our early
tastes and romantic ideas of Highland life.
Jamieson, in his work on popular songs and ballads, gives the
following graphic picture of Highland life in the beginning of the
present century, and though a little coloured it fairly enough
describes the amount of home resources of old country life, which,
alas ! is a thing of the past, and the Highlander now depends too
much on foreign produce and the regular visits of the Glasgow
steamers for his comforts. He says — " On a very hot day in the
beginning of autumn, the author, when a stripling, was travelling
afoot over the mountains of Lochaber, from Fort-Augustus to
Inverness, and when he came to the place where he was to have
Old Highland Industries. 397
breakfasted there was no person at home, nor was there any place
where refreshment was to be had nearer than Cores, which is
eighteen miles from Fort- Augustus. With this disagreeable pro-
spect he proceeded about three miles further, and turned aside to the
first cottage he saw, where he found a hale looking, lively, tidy , little,
middle-aged woman spinning wool, with a pot on the fire and some
greens ready to be put into it. She understood no English, and
his Gaelic was then by no means good, though he spoke it well
enough to be intelligible. She informed him that she had nothing
in the house that could be eaten except cheese, a little sour cream,
and some whisky. On being asked rather sharply how she could
dress the greens without meal, she good-humouredly told him
that there was plenty of meal in the croft, pointing to some un-
reaped barley that stood dead ripe and dry before the door, and
if he could wait half-an-hour he should have brose and butter,
bi-ead and cheese, bread and milk, or anything else that he chose.
To this he most readily assented, as well on account of the singu-
larity of the proposal, as of the necessity of the time ; and the
good dame set with all possible expedition about her arduous
undertaking. She first of all brought him some cream in a bottle,
telling him, ' He that will not work neither will he eat ; if he
wished for butter, he must shake that bottle with all his might,
and sing to it like a mavis all the time ; for unless he sung to it no
butter would come.' She then went to the croft, cut down some
barley, burnt the straw to dry the grain, rubbed the grain between
her hands, and threw it up before the wind to separate it from the
husks; ground it upon a quern, sifted it, made a bannock of the
meal, set it up to bake before the fire, and lastly went to milk her
cow, that was reposing during the heat of the day, and eating some
outside cabbage leaves ayont the hallau. She sung like a lark
the whole time, varying the strain according to the employment to
which it was adapted. In the meanwhile a hen cackled under the
eaves of the cottage, two new laid eggs were immediately plunged
into the boiling pot, and in less than half-an-hour the poor, starv-
ing, faint and wayworn minstrel, with wonder and delight, sat
down to a repast that, under such circumstances, would have been
a feast for a prince."
The simple mode of preparing meal is still continued, and the
burning of the grain to remove the ears of corn and get rid of the
husk was practised in Skye till very recently.
The meal thus produced was called "graddan" meal, and was
highly esteemed and sold for several shillings more per boll than
the ordinary mill-made meal, and the Rev. Mr Macgregor told me
398 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
that, in his «arly days in Skye, the winter mornings were enlight-
ened and enlivened by the appearance of the firesof each family being
alight preparing the morning food in this manner. When the
lairds established regular water mills on their estates a few cen-
turies ago, the millers were empowered by Acts of Parliament to
search out and break all the quern stones to be found ; and fami-
lies were only allowed to use querns and other means of grinding
their corn during stormy weather, or such causes as prevented their
access to the regular mill to which they were thirled. The gauger
was also a great enemy to the quern, for it was a source of trouble
to him, by enabling the native to prepare his malt for smuggling,
an art not altogether unknown in the present day, but rendered
easier from the removal of the malt duty.
The Government, kings, lairds, and miller seem to have
been all combined against the quern from very early times, for not
only in the following Act passed by King Alexander III. of Scot-
land, viz.: — " That no man shall presume to grinde quheit, maisloch
or rye with hand mills except he be compellit by storm, and be in
lack of mylnes quhilk should grinde the samen, and in this case
if a man grindes at hand mylnes, he shall give the thretien measure
as multer ! and if any man contraveins this, our prohibition, he
shall tyne his hand mills perpetually." Of course this was to
protect the lairds who had erected water mills, and to enable the
millers to pay their rents.
From the quern up to the laird's mill there were various
qualities of mills, and I have seen both in Shetland and in Lewis
the upright wheel at work, and I show you drawings of it. It is
called a " clappan," from the peculiar noise it makes as the stone re-
volves. The peculiarity, as you will observe, is that the wheel is
horizontal, and the axle upright, and that the upper stone of the
mill is fixed to the same axle as the wheel, exactly as if cart
wheels and axle had been set on one side, one wheel at the water,
the other at the grindstone. The house must be built over the
burn of course, so that the motion passes directly to the grinding
stones. The principle of the mill is exactly the same as any other.
It is the peculiar horizontal water wheel which marks it out from
the ordinary.
At the same cottage referred to at Lochboisdale, I was amused
watching an old lady of nearly four score preparing her snuff.
She took some leaves of ordinary tobacco, and having unrolled
them and dried them till they were quite crisp, she put them in a
bowl, and with the round knob of the tongs she ground them to a
fine powder, and proceeded to regale herself with a pinch. I was
Old Highland Industries. 399
told that this was not an uncommon way of preparing their snuff,
and that they preferred it to the shop snuff from Glasgow, which
they said contained glass, which cut their nostrils and lips.
In the olden times want of communication and means of trans-
port imposed on all our ancestors the necessity of laying up winter
stores and preparing and preserving food, and at Martinmas the
meal girnal was filled, and the mart or cow and other animals
killed for winter use.
The preparation and utilisation of all parts of these animals
for winter use formed no small item in the home industry, and the
ingenious uses to which all parts of the animal was put and the in-
genuity it developed, must have been beneficial to the operators.
Within my own recollection I have seen the animal killed and
the hams and flesh salted ; the fat prepared and made into candles ;
the white and black puddings prepared ; the horns converted
into spoons by the travelling tinkers ; the skin tanned and con-
verted into shoes, brogues, sieves for corn, and other articles. All
these operations required a certain amount of skill and experience,
and the education of the peasantry in such arts must have prepared
them, in a singularly suitable manner, to form the best emigrants
and colonists.
If I follow up this line a little further, we shall find that the
making of clothes formed also an important factor in house work.
Throughout the Highlands and in many of the Lowland houses
in Scotland, till the beginning of the century, almost all the ordin-
ary worsteds were prepared for the weaver, as well as the linens,
and even yet I know of some goodly stock of home-made sheeting
and linens.
In the better class the dame had her maids to spin in the
evening round the fire, and in the Highland cottage I have seen
often the old wife and her daughters busy spinning the wool, but
this is now exceptional and spasmodic. A few years ago the Harris
cloth, under the encouragement of the late Countess of Dunmore,
and other ladies, became fashionable, and considerable quantities
were forced on the market, but after the novelty had passed away,
the demand subsided. The manufacturers took \ip the trade, and
with their superior appliances they produced imitations at a
cheaper rate, and a more finished article for the cockney con-
sumer.
The preparation of these cloths formed an important and
picturesque feature in Highland life, and almost every traveller
during the last century described the process more or less. I
need not therefore go into details. After the wool was cleared,
460 Gaelic Society of fhuerness.
carded, and dressed, it was the duty of the females to spin it
into worsted or threads, and the doing so gave occupation to
the old and infirm as well as the young, and grannie at the
spinning wheel has always been a favourite subject for Scottish
painters and poets. The distaff was a more ancient form of
spinning, and had the advantage of being done on the hillside,
and I have met the girls herding on the hillside and busily
spinning with the distaff. The working of the distaff is very
simple and picturesque, viz. — A bundle of wool is held under
the arm and also a staff about 4 feet long, which is allowed to pro-
ject in front, and over the projecting end passes the thread of
worsted. The end hangs down a foot or two, and on a spindle
is hung the whorl or ring of stone, which is the fly-wheel, and which
is spun round from time to time and twists the wool ; gradually
the thread is fed out from the store under the arm, and as spun it
is rolled into a ball above the whorl. In almost all cairns and pre-
historic dwellings, these whorls are to be found, often made of
steatite, but any soft stone will suit.
The preparation of the wool for weaving, and also the dyeing
of it, was a matter which gave scope for much ingenuity, and I
have made a list of the different dyes used, which may be interest-
ing. Now the mineral dyes have superseded the native, which
were as a rule vegetable, but alum, copperas, and urine were used to
clean the wool and fix the colours.
Many of the colours were extremely bright and pretty, though
it was at all times difficult to produce the bright scarlets of the
regular dyester, and amongst the home-made cloths we find certain
quantities of the brightest dyes creeping in from the regular manu-
facturers. The following is, however, a list of such dyes and their
results as I have been able to procure, viz.: —
DYES.
1. Heather, with Alum Dark Green.
The Heather must he pulled before flowering,
and from a dark, shady place.
2. Ci o tie, a eoarse kind of Lichen (Parmelia saxalllis) Philamot— Yellow-
ish Brown (colour
of a dead leaf).
3. Crottle Corkir (white and ground, and mixed with
urine) (Lecanoratartarea) Scarlet or Crimson.
4. Common Yellow Wall Lichen ( Parmtlia parietina ) Brown.
5. Rock Lichen (Ramalina scopulorum) Red.
6. White Crottle (Lecanora pallescens) Red.
7. Limestone Lichen (Urceolaria calcarea) Scarlet.
Used hy the peasantry in limestone districts
(Shetland. &c.)
8. Park Crottle (Parmelia ceratophylla ) Brown.
Old Highland Industries. 401
DYES.
9. Whin Bark (Furze) Green.
10. Dulse, a sea-weed, or Duilisg, "The leaf of the
water. ' Brown.
11. " Shillister," (Iris) root Black or Grey.
12. Alder Black.
13. Soot (Peat) Dirty Yellow
14. Blaeberry, with Alum or Copperas Blue
15. Blaeberry, with nut Galls Dark Brown
16. Blaeberry, with Alum, Verdigris and Sal-Ammoniac Purple Red.
17. Elder, with Alum Blue.
18. Privet Ripe Berries, with salt Scarlet Red.
19., Do Green.
20. "Euonymus," (spindle tiee burning bush), with
Sal- Ammoniac Purple.
21. Currant (common burning bush), with Alum Brown.
22. Apple Tree, Ash, and Buckthorn, also Poplar and
Elm Yellow.
23. Broom (Common) Lively Green.
24. Rut- (Galium Verum), or Ladies' Bed Straw Fine Red.
25. Roid, or Bog Myrtle, a plant of sweet flavour,
also called Gual Yellow.
26. Dandelion Magenta.
27. WildCress Violet.
28. Carmeal (Braoom Fraoich Violet.
29. Root of Common Dock, with copperas Finest Black.
30. Root of Ash Tree Yellow.
31. Tormentil (also used for Tanning) Red.
32. St, John's Wort Rich Yellow.
33. Tensel Yellow.
34. Wild Mignonette, with Indigo Green.
35. Bra cken Root Yell o w .
36. Bramble Dark Orange.
37. Sundew (Drosera Rotundifolia) Purple.
38. Do. with Ammouia Bright Ytllow.
In Italy a liquor is distilled from this plant,
and called " Roesoli."
The crottle (2), which yielded a brown dye, is the stone and
heath parmelia — Parmelia saxatilis and omphalodes. Another
lichen which was in great favour ome, and produced a bright
crimson dye, is No. 3 — the corcar lichen — Lecanora tartarea.
More than a hundred years ago indigo had entirely superseded
woad to produce blue. It was with woad, or ylastum — Isatis
tinctoria — that the ancient Britons used to stain their bodies
when going to battle. The Bog Myrtle, or Myrica (25), has
several Gaelic names, but on the mainland ,the prevalent one is
Roid. It is the badge of the Campbell clan, and before the days
of Peruvian bark, it supplied febrifuge and worm-killing medicine
not to be despised. Koid leaves are yet put in beds and among
packed-up clothes to keep away fleas and moths. It is a highly
402 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
aromatic plant. The cairmeal (28) is the orobus tuberosus. A
fermented liquor was in olden times made from its tuberous roots,
after being ground down into meal.
Logwood and Redwood are much in demand now; but these
are foreign dyes, though long known and used. I saw a dye
being made in one case in Jura. The large pot was filled with
alder leaves and twigs, from which a black dye is prepared by a
simple infusion (like tea), and the colour is made fast by the
addition of logwood and copperas.
The process of dyeing with vegetable home dyes was — To
wash the thread thoroughly in urine (long kept, and called in
Gaelic "fual,") rinsed and washed in pure water, then put
into the boiling pot of dje, which is kept hard a-boil on the fire.
The thread is now and again lifted out of the pot on the point of
a stick, and plunged back again till thoroughly dyed. If blue the
thread is washed in salt water, any other colour in fresh. The
yarn is then hung out to dry, and when dry is gathered into balls
or clews, and it is then ready for the weaver's loom.
I am able to show you a small bit of tartan, dyed in the
Highlands 130 years ago, and used ever since; the green being
purely from the heather, the red possibly from Crottle, No. 3.
After the wool is spun and dyed, and the weaver has made
the cloth, comes the waulking or felting of the cloth, which in
manufactories is done by the waulking mill, formerly formed of
ponderous wooden hammers which beat the cloth in a damp state
till the open wove cloth is closely felted together and made a suit-
able protection against wind and rain. In the Highland districts
women make use of their feet to produce the same result, and a
picturesque sight it is to see a dozen or more Highland lassies set
round in two rows facing each other. The web of cloth is passed
round in a damp state, each one pressing and pitching it with a
dash to her next neighbour, and so the cloth is handled, pushed,
crushed, and welded as to become close and even in texture. The
process is slow and tedious, but the ladies know how to beguile
the time, and the song is passed round, each one taking up the
verse in turn, and all joining in the chorus. The effect is very
peculiar and often very pleasing, and the waulking songs are
very popular in all the collections.
I have on various occasions watched the waulking process,
but seldom in recent years. It is often the occasion of a little
boisterous merriment and practical joking, for, should a member of
the male sex be found prowling near by, he is, if caught, uncere-
moniously thrust into the centre of the circle and tossed with the
Old Highland Industries. 403
web till, bruised with the rough usage and blackened with the dye,
he is glad to make his escape from the hands of the furies.
LINEN. — The growing of lint, which had formed a valuable
and extensive feature amongst the peasantry, came to an end some
30 or 40 years ago, and, except as an experiment, it is never grown
now.
It was introduced some 400 or 500 years ago, and was uni-
versally cultivated throughout Scotland. The first I have an
account of in this quarter is at Portsoy, where lint was first grown
in 1490. In 1686, to promote the use of linen, an Act was passed
ordaining that no corpse of any person whatsoever be buried in
any shirt, sheet, or anything else, except in plain linen, the cost
not exceeding 20 shillings Scots per ell. The nearest deacon or
elder of the parish, with one or two neighbours, were required to
see that this was complied with.
The cultivation of lint or flax became a national industry, and
lint was grown on almost every farm in Scotland, and it was to
promote the linen trade that the British Linen Company was com-
menced in 1746 — it is now, as you are aware, entirely a banking
company. Factories were established in every district. We had
an extensive trade in Inverness, and mills were built at Cromarty,
Spinningdale, and as far north as Kirkwall and Stornoway. Pen-
nant gives a statement of the various quantities manufactured in
each county and town, and accordingly we find that Inverness,
when at the height of its prosperity in 1770-71, produced 223,798
yards, at an average price of 6d. per yard, or a total value of
£6425. 5s. 2d. I can remember the Citadel buildings and Factory,
now Albert Place,* filled with handlooms; but Forfarshire seems to
have been the great seat of this trade in Scotland. In my early days,
in Forfarshire I used to see the lint grown and steeped in pools, or
"lint pots" as they were called, and every village and clachan had
its handloom weaver, and from whom as boys we used to beg a
bunch of threads, or " thrums," as they were called, to make cords
and strings, and every old wife span the lint to supply the house-
hold linen. Much of this old linen still remains in old families,
and my grandmother's entire family linen was home-made.
The quality of this linen was very superior, and the beauty
of the patterns and artistic character of the designs is surprising.
I have been favoured with some very fine specimens from Mr
Roderick Maclean, of Ardross. These I show you were grown at
Redcastle and Conan in the years 1810-20, and woven by hand-
* These latter buildings, I am informed, were used for cotton thread
spinning — not linen weaving.
404 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
loom weavers in Inverness — that from Conan woven by one Mac-
phail, hand-loom weaver, in 1855, he being then about seventy
years old, and was his last weavings.
Perhaps the most interesting is a tablecloth lent me by Mrs
Aitken, which bears the name of Marion Elliot, 1722, and a
specimen, J 754, of very finp quality. I might multiply specimens,
but time will not permit.
POTATOES. — A debate arose after Mr Maclean's paper on
" Rosskeen," the other evening, on the cultivation of potatoes, and
as this is an important article of food in the Highlands, I shall
make a few notes as to the introduction of this valuable and uni-
versal industry, as it has had a very importar t effect on the habits
and mode of life in the Highlands. The potato was at first viewed
with jealousy aud dislike, and began to be cultivated with hesita-
tion, about its moral character, for it was believed " that some of
the more uncontrollable passions of human nature were favoured
by its use."
It is said potatoes were first introduced into Ireland about
1585, by Sir Walter Raleigh, and so extensively cultivited there
that they were a succour to the poor when their cereal crops were
destroyed by the soldiers during the civil war. The exact date
of the introduction of potatoes seems uncertain, for Martin in his
"Western Isles" says that in 1689 potatoes were the common food
of the peOple in Skye. From Ireland they were introduced into
England about the end of the 17th century, and sold in 1694
at 6d. and 8d. per pound. They were first heard of in Scotland
in 1701, and the Duchess of Buccleuch's household book mentions
the esculent as brought from Edinburgh, and costing 2s. 6d.
a peck. In 1733 it began to be cultivated in gardens. Accord-
ing to Chambers's "Domestic Annals," the field culture of the
potatoes was first practised in the county of Edinburgh by a
man Henry Prentice in 1746. Parker says: — "Potatoes were
introduced into TJist in 1743. In the spring of that year Clan
Ranald was in Ireland, and saw with surprise and approbation
the practice of the country, and brought home a cargo of potatoes.
On his arrival the servants were convened, and directions given
how to plant them, but they all refused, and were immediately
committed to prison. After a time they gave way, and agreed
to plant these roots. When ripe, many of the tenants laid these
potatoes at the laird's door, saying, ''I he laird might order them
to plant these foolish roots, but he could not make them eat
them.' " It was ten years later before they reached Barra. Some
doubt on this story is raised by the fact that Martin in his
Old Highland Industries- 405
description of the Western Isles says that in 1689 they were the
ordinary food of the common people in Skye at that date.
KELP. - One of the most important industries was Kelp. From
the eighteenth century, kelp was the great staple of Highland ex-
port, and during the war in the beginning of the century, the kelp
stores yielded over 5000 tons of kelp, *t the average price in the
market of £16 per ton, yielding not less than £80,000, exceeding
five times tho rent of the thirty thousand acres of Hebridean arable
land.
Since the introduction of Spanish barilla and other substi-
tutes, kelp fell in price from two-thirds to one-third of the former
average, but as it is manufactured at a cost only of from £3 to
£4 per ton, it is still produced in the Hebrides, and along the
West Coast of Scotland.
Mr Macleod, the late proprietor of Harris, in a letter to Lord
Glenelg, then Secretary of State, dated April 10th, 1829, says : —
" The production of and manufacture of kelp, which has existed
more than 200 years, had for a great length of time received a
vigilant and special protection against the articles of foreign or
British growth or manufacture, which compete with it in the
market, namely, barilla, pot and pearl ash, and black ash, the last
of which is formed by the decomposition of salt, effected chiefly by
the use of foreign sulphur, which sulphur forms three-fourths of
the value of the manufactured alkali."
Up to the year 1822, considerable duties were leviable on all
the commodities just enumerated, but in that year the duty on salt
was lowered from 15s. to 2s. a bushel. Shortly afterwards the im-
post on barilla was considerably reduced. This measure was
quickly succeeded by a repeal of the remainder of the salt duties
(duties which had lasted more than 130 years), and of the duty on
alkali made from salt. Close upon this followed a considerable re-
duction in the duty on pot and pearl ash, and an entire removal of
*,hat on ashes from Canada, and this last step was accompanied by a
diminution in the duty on foreign sulphur from £15 to 10s. a ton.
Such is the succession of the measures which now threatens the
total extinction of the kelp manufacture, and with it (in reference
to Scotland alone) the ruin of the landed proprietors in the
Hebrides and on the West Coast, the most serious injury to all
descriptions of annuitants on kelp estates, and the destitution of a
population of more than 50,000 souls, Mr Bowie, in his evidence
before the Select Committee on Emigration in February 1871, says
— " I know one estate where formerly 1 100 tons of kelp were manu-
factured annually, another where 1200 tons were manufactured
406 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
annually; and assuming that the price got at market was only
£15 a ton, taking the expense of manufacturing and conveying to
market at £3, we had there a profit of £12 a ton ; so in the one
case we should have a profit to the proprietors of £13,200 a year,
and in the other case a profit of £14,400, and this independent of
the land rental. But th%whole of that kelp rental has vanished,
the proprietors are reduced to their nominal land rental, and
while so reduced to their land rental they have thrown upon their
hands a large surplus population, whom they cannot assist, and
for whom they have not the means of employment."
The mode of manufacturing kelp I shall describe, as it is,
though often referred to, little known beyond the shores where it
is collected and manufactured.
It is a very interesting sight on a fine summer day to see the
little groups of busy men and women along the shoi'es collecting
and keeping alight the dried sea weed, and the smoke rising high
in the air, or drifting in picturesque clouds across the hillocks, forms
a sight to be long remembered, whilst the odour of iodine strongly
taints the air, and the pungent flavour is not unpleasing.
About the year 1862 the British Sea Weed Company, Limited,
built chemical works at Dalmuir, near Glasgow, and took a lease
of the North Uist shores from Sir John Orde, paying as a Royalty
£1000 a year, for the right of getting all the kelp made on the
North Uist shores.
In 1865 over 1200 tons were made in North Uist and shipped
to Glasgow ; the price paid to crofters and cottars was from 35s.
to 63s. per ton. For the following eight years the average amount
of kelp made in North Uist was about 900 tons.
On the east side of North Uist there is a number of bays
and islands, round which a great quantity of what they call cut or
black sea weed grows on the inshore rocks and stones.
The weed is cut once in three years, that is to .say, the part of
shore cut this year will not be cut again for three years, so as
to allow the weed to grow to a full ripe crop.
The crofters and cottars remove from their homes to the stores
of these bays an,d islands and live in sheilings during kelp making,
generally from 15th June till 15th August.
The first thing to be done is to roof the old sheiling and make
it as comfortable as possible for from four to six people to live in
for two months. When the tide is out, the weed is cut from the
rocks -and stones with a common corn hook ; they take a heather
rope and warp it all round with sea weed, and stretch it outside
where they are cutting the sea weed, When the tide comes in,
Old Highland Industries. 407
the rope and sea weed float, and at high water they drag at both
ends of the rope and pull it ashore, with the sea weed enclosed, as
salmon fishers do when dragging for salmon in the River Ness.
When the tide goes back from the weed that is thus taken
ashore, the weed is put into creels on horses' backs, and sometimes
on men and women's backs, and sprea4 on the grass to^ dry, and
treated as hay is treated, until it is dry enough to burn.
When ready for burning, say a quantity to make a ton of
kelp, a trench is formed, which is called a* kiln, 12 to 24 feet, by 2
feet 6 inches by 2 feet deep, the sides and ends formed with stones,
the bottom having a layer of turf. The weed is set aburning by a
little straw or heather; the weed has to be kept on constantly to
keep down the flame as much as possible, and exclude the air from
the burning mass inside.
The heat is intense during the four to eight hours' burning.
Men and women do the burning ; some women are better burners
than men. When the kiln is full of burning sea weed, two or
three strong men rake, mix and pound the whole mass together
with iron clubs, having long handles. When this is done, the
kiln is covered over with sea weed and stones to keep the kelp
dry. In twenty-four hours, although still hot, it can be broken
into large lumps and shipped, if a vessel is waiting. The kelp
is weighed by the kelp officer on board the ship, 22£ cwt. to the
ton. This extra 2| cwt. is put on for stones, sand, or gravel,
which sometimes find their way into the kelp, and not always
unknown to the helper, especially in Ireland; lately 20 cwt. per
ton is the rule.
Drift or red weed comes ashore on the west or Atlantic side
of the Islands, during the whole year. In winter the farmers and
crofters use it for manuring their land, from June till October.
It is made into kelp, when there is demand for it. During the
last five years there has been little demand for kelp.
The red weed is 50 per cent, more valuable than the cut weed
for producing Bromide of Potassium, Iodine, Iodide, Potash,
Salts, &c., &c.
The best red weed kelp will produce 20 Ibs. <jf Iodine per ton,
cut or black weed from 3 to 8 Ibs.
The principal places where kelp is now got from is — Donegal,
Sligo, Galway, and Clare, in Ireland ; Orkney, North and South
Uist, Barra, and Tyree. There is no cut weed kelp made in Ire-
land, all being drift. The price in Ireland is from .£4 to £2
per ton.
ROPES. — I shall now refer to a few specimens of native ingen-
408 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
uity — specimens of which, by the kindness of a few friends, I am
able to show you. The first is a specimen of rope made from the
long fibrous roots of the bog fir which grow in the bogs. The gentle-
man, Mr Robertson of Portree, who procured it for me, said his
attention was attracted to it one day by observing that, when a
boat from. Rona, moored by it, at the Portree Pier, was blown away
by the wind, the rope never sank, like a manilla rope, but floated
by its own buoyancy. These ropes possess great strength, and are
thoroughly serviceable. The root is split up into long thread-like
fibres, and then spun like ordinary hemp, and might readily be
mistaken at first sight for a manilla rope.
LOCKS. — By the kindness of Mr L. Ross, Portree, I am able to
show you two specimens of old-fashioned locks, whichjare exceedingly
ingenious, and possess tumblers and all the leading feature* of a
patent tumbler lock. I tried to get an old lock, but they ara not
to be had, but I have been fortunate enough to find a mechanic
who could make them. These locks are in common use in St
Kilda, and I found them on all the barns and byres, though of less
perfect construction than the specimen shown.
CLOCKS. — The next is a wooden clock made entirely of beech-
wood; all the wheels and cogs are of wood, except where for axles
and escapement a small amount of steel and brass are introduced,
and these seem to be bits of ordinary stocking wire.
It has been kindly lent me by Mr William Sutherland, of
Lochcarron, and he says it belonged to his great-grandmother, and
was brcmght by her from Fairburn, in the parish of Urray. He
says — " I remember the clock very well in my father's house. It
kept excellent time. It had a dial of wood, also hour and minute
hands of carved wood. The clock must be at least 150 years old.
If I had taken an interest in it when a boy, I might have found
out the maker's name."
BROGUES. —The making of brogues was a matter of some
importance, and it was not unusual before starting on a journey
to sit down and make the brogues. These were simply rough
leather uppers sewed to the soles without welts, or strips of leather
which in our modern shoes are considered necessary for attaching
the soles to the upper leather, and which enables the shoemaker to
produce the elegant and highly-finished articles now made.
The old brogue maker began by sewing the sole on to the
upper leather (which he had previously shaped) by means of along
thong of leather, and when he had done so, he turned the shoe,
while still soft, outside in, thus concealing the sewing, and pro-
ducing the finished article. These brogues were not meant to be
Old High lard Industries. 409
water-tight, but simply as a protection, and their duration was
not great.
They are now almost extinct, and I had great difficulty in get-
ting a specimen. I am indebted to Mr Macphail, Glenmore, Skye,
and Mr J. Macallum, Fort- William, for the specimen now shewn.
A still more primitive kind of shoe is still used in Shetland,
namely, the " rivelan." It is, as yon will see, a piece of untanned
leather, *aken while still flexible, and tied round to the shape of
the foot, and then allowed to harden. A lace of cord is then
introduced round the upper edge, and so the shoe is held on. It
is a curious contrast to see the women working in the peat bogs,
one half of them clad in modern Indiarubber goloshes, the other
half in native rivelans. The specimens shown were prepared, and
worn into shape by a young lady at Scalloway, and cost me 2s 6d.
The people in the outlying districts had to provide themselves
with most of their utensils, and necessity made them handy and ex-
pert in many trades, and the custom still obtains of assisting the
village craftsman. I was struck with this in Jura, for on enter-
ing one of the cottages I saw the occupant dropping burning peat
through a small hole 3 or 4 inches in diameter. On asking what
was the object of this, I was informed he was making peat char-
coal. I examined the process and found that below this hole was
a small chamber about 2 feet in diameter, built of stones about 20
inches deep, and covered with a flat stone very much like the up-
per stone of a quern.
The peats are burned to a red heat in the open fire and then
dropped in all aglow through the small hole referred to, and when
the chamber is quite full sods are placed over the hole to exclude
the air, and so the charcoal is prepared. This charcoal is used by
the clachan blacksmith, and is said to greatly improve the quality
of iron. It is not so powerful as coal but answers the purpose other-
wise very well. The arrangement with the smith is peculiar.
There were twelve tenants in the clachan or club farm, and each
pays the smith 1 5s. per annum for his work, the smith being
bound on his part to do all jobbing for the tenants. The crofters
must each provide and bring his own fuel, blow the bellows and
work the forehammer.
In this same clachan, I saw a peculiar kind of pigsty, made
by building a hollow peat stack against the gable of the house in
the autumn. Into this hollow, which is capable of accommodating
three pigs, the young porkers are thrust inside, where they stay
over winter. Meanwhile the stack is being gradually reduced, and
by the time the peat is consumed, the pigs are fit for the market.
27
410 Gaelic Society of Inuerness.
DRINKS. — Of the early beverages of the Highlanders little is
known. Whey was their common drink, but tradition says that
a kind of ale was made from the heather, a punch from the moun-
tain ash, and mead from honey. Boethius says, — " Drinks were
distilled from thyme, mint, and anise." The heather ale was from
the tops in bloom, which contained a large amount of honey, being
out, steeped and boiled, and fermented. Honey was also boiled
with water, and fermented ; and though it is often said the art is
lost, " Nether-Lochaber" told me he had seen and drunk heather
ale in Rannoch as late as 1840. While a liquor is got by tap-
ping the silver birch — and this is practised at the present time —
it is sometimes fortified by spirits, and when kept resembles cider.
The roots of the " Orobus Tuberosus," the Oor-meil or Carmel
of the Highlanders, was used for chewing to remove the feeling of
hunger, and a fermented liquor was also made from it.
Wine was also made from currant and elder flower. I have
tasted some red currant wine over 60 years' old, ver^ good and
strong, although I was assured, on the most reliable evidence, no
spirit was ever put into it.
I had written an account of whisky as known to the ancients,
but I find that Mr. Macdonald, of Dingwall, has so fully gone
into the question in a former paper, that it would only be repeat-
ing what has already been thoroughly done by him. I shall,
therefore, content myself with one or two remarks on this subject,
as applicable to Scotland and the Highlands.
Until the close of last century whisky was less used than
rum and brandy, which were landed on the West Coast, and
thence conveyed over the interior ; indeed, it was not till the
beginning of the last century that spirits of any kind were so
much drunk as ale, which was formerly the universal beverage.
French wines and brandy succeeded the general use of ales
among the gentry.
It is said that in the seventeenth and the early part of the
eighteenth century " Inverness enjoyed almost a monopoly in the
art and practice of malting, and supplied all the Northern counties.
One half of the aggregate architecture of the town was a huge and
unsightly agglomeration of malting houses, kilns and granaries,
but from the date of the Revolution onward, this trade suffered a
gradual decline ; and at one time it threatened to involve the
whole interests of the community in its fall. So low had the
times sunk even at the date of the Civil War of 1745-46, that it
looked almost like a field of ruins the very centre of it contain-
ing many forsaken and dilapidated houses,"
Old Highland Industries. 411
Whisky house is a term, till recently, almost unknown in
Gaelic. Public houses were called Tigh-leanna, that is ale houses,
and had whisky been the common drink of two hundred years
ago, ihere certainly would have been some notice taken of it in
the laws affecting the Highlands, the accounts of society as
it then evisted, and more particularly in their songs, tales, and ac-
counts of convivial meetings which have come down to us; but
there is no such thing, while the allusion to ale is very common.
It is true among the gentry that the latter three-fourths of the last
century saw a marked increase of the use of French wines, and
ale became less used.
It is not difficult to seek and find the causes for the intro-
duction of whisky into the Highlands, apart from Government
encouragement. The gradual improvement of agriculture pro-
duced more grain, particularly barley, than was required for the
consumption of the country, much of the crops were reaped in a
damp and unripe state, and there being no roads it could not be
conveyed to the Lowlands, where the manufacture of whisky was
largely carried on, in a state such as to enable the farmer to pay
to his landloid a gradually increasing rent.
By Act of Parliament the Highland district was marked out
by an arbitrary and imaginary line running at the base of the
Grampians. North of this area no distillation was allowed,
except from stills containing 500 gallons, and this, as a matter of
course, was a complete interdict against the use of barley legally
within the area, as there was neither consumption for the grain
nor disposal of the produce, as one still in a few months would
have worked up the whole crop*. However, distillation was the
easiest way of disposing of it. The people thus were forced into
illegal distillation in order that they might use their crops, keep
credit with their landlords, and acquire the more expensive
necessaries for their families, which an improving state of society
demanded.
From the ill judged acts of the Government proceeded illegal dis-
tillation, and all its subordinate results to the people in the country.
We must distinguish between fermentation and distillation.
Fermented liquors seem to have been known, common to all races,
but the first distinct account of distillation, was spirit distilled
from wine in the 13th century. At this time Raymond Lully
of Majorca regarded it as an emanation from the divinity newly
revealed to man, but hidden from antiqiiity because the human
race was too young to use the beverage. The discovery was
supposed to indicate the end of the world and the consumatiou
412 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
of all things. The liquor was called aqua vitse. This spirit was
imported into this country soon after, and its manufacture encour-
aged by Government, with a view to prevent the large export of
money for French and Dutch spirits, and in 1695 the Scottish
Parliament forbade the use of rum as interfering with the " Con-
surnpt of strong waters made of malt," and because " the article
(rum) was rather a drug than a liquor, and prejudicial to the health
of all who drank it."
The common drink of the people till about 1725 was a light
ale, which sold in pints (equal to two English quarts), for '2d., and
hence the name " twopenny." At this time 6d. per bushel of a
malt tax was imposed, and the Edinburgh brewers struck, and a
riot took place. The " twopenny " grew scarce, and several of the
brewers were incarcerated in the Canongate Tolbooth, for not
exerting themselves to continue the trade of brewing. Fortun-
ately they thought better of it and resumed work.
In Inverness, from 1730 till 1760, the price of wine was,
for claret, sherry, and port 14s. to 20s. per dozen.
Smuggled brandy, claret, and tea were common, but in 1744
the Town Council entered strong protests against them, as, they
said, " they threatened to destroy the health and morals of the
people," and the Councillors bound themselves to discontinue the
use of these " extravagant and pernicious commodities in their
own families."
In 1761, a Dutch merchantman of 250 tons, loaded with
wines, brandy, spices, iron, and salt was cast ashore on the coast
of Strathnaver ; all the country flocked round, and not knowing
the strength ot brandy and such foreign liquor, drank to excess of
it, and it is said that this very ship's lading debauched Caithness
and Strathnaver to that degree that very many lost their lives
through their immoderation (see C.D.A. Annals, page 103).
In 1652 a representation to Queen Maiy was made regarding
the poverty of the Presbyterian Clergy. They nay " Most of them
led a beggar's life;" and in the proceedings of the General As-
sembly 1576, they were compelled to eke out their stipends by
selling ale, and the question formally put was, " Whether a mini-
ster or reader may tap ale, beer, or wine, and keep an open
tavern V to which it was answered, " Any minister or reader that
taps ale, or beer, or wine, and keeps an open tavern, should be
exhorted by the Commissioners to keep decorum."
In the Glasgow Town Accounts whisky figures as early as
1573, under the name of aqua vitse, the quart being charged at
24s., as " The Magistrates and divers honest men " did occasion-
Old Highland Industries 413
ally treat themselves to a dijune, but this was after the comple-
tion of some public business, tending to the honour and profit of
the common weal.
In 1697 claret sold at lOd. the mutchkin.
In 1720 the Edinburgh prices were: — Neat claret, lOd. ;
strong claret, Is. 3d. ; and white wine, Is. per bottle.
It has been said no record exists of a home manufacture of
whisky till 1708, but this does not seem quite correct, and
Inverness seems to have been well a-head of the times, for in the
Town Council books of 1650, the Council ordered three gallons of
the best aqua vitse to be distilled, and six pairs of the best white
plaids to be made and sent South, to be bestowed, by the Town's
Commissioner in Parliament, on such as he may think proper.
An amusing conversation is recorded between Dr Johnson
and Bos well, when in Skye, regarding the drink of the Scots.
Johnson asserted " That they (the Scots) had hardly any trade,
any money, or any elegance before the Union. We have taught
you (said he) and will do the same, in time, to all barbarous
nations." Boswell said — "We had wine before the Union."
Johnson — " No, sir ; you had some stuff, the refuse of France,
which would not make you drunk." Boswell — " I assure you, sir,
there was a great deal of drunkenness." Johnson — " No, sir ;
there were people who died of dropsies, which they contracted,
trying to get drunk."
In 1708 about 50,000 gallons of whisky were produced, and
the production went up in 1756 to 433,000 gallons. Shortly after
this a demand for Scotch whisky sprang up in England, and in
1776 an import duty of 2s. 6d. per gallon was imposed on all spirits
sent into England. Here, I think, was another cause of smuggling,
and it is stated by a recent writer that in that year 300,000
gallons ci-ossed the Border. Of course, as the restrictions on
licensed distillers were increased, the temptations were greater to
the smuggler, and a bill was passed in 1823, sanctioning legal
distillation at 2s. 6d. per gallon, the Highland proprietors agree-
ing to put down illegal manufactures. Since then the practice has
gradually declined. Though we speak of Highland smuggling,
it was by no means confined to the Highlands, though it has
lingered there longest ; for in Edinburgh in 1777 there were 8
licenced stills, and about 800 unlicenced.
Ferintosh smuggling was well known and long practised in
the district, and much more whisky seemed to come from the dis-
rict than could well be made. The privilege arose from the losses
sustained by the Culloden family in 1689-90, estimated at
414 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
.£49,400. 6s. 8d. Scot. King "William III. gave the family,
instead of money, the perpetual privilege of distilling from grain
raised on the estate for a small composition in lieu of excise.
It was known much abroad, and one author says it produced as
much whisky as all Scotland put together, and the licence was
withdrawn in 178/5, and a compensation of £21,500 paid. The
greatest sufferers were the Dingwall lawyers, whose business and
support mainly depended on defending smugglers and redding
quarrels from that district.
Time will not permit me to refer at length to all the occupa-
tions of the Highlander, and his various devices for providing for
his daily wants. The merchant and commercial traveller provides
him with cheaper articles if not so good ; but I think his life has
lost much of its pictui'esqueness, and his ingenuity and ready-
handedness seems in a large measure gone or in abeyance. In
these olden times there was ever ready at hand light, agreeable
tasks to fill up his time. His long evenings were taken up mak-
ing his brogues, a lock, ropes, fishing tackle, and hunting gear.
Now everything is pui'chased, and when not actually engaged in
regular employment, the Highlander spends his time in idling
about his doors, or the useless and delusive task of discussing
politics, his rights and his wrongs, which, by the way, in my ex-
perience, he knows far better than his duties. The result of all
this is that the Highlanders of the West Coast do little for their
own comfort, and it is consistent with my own knowledge that the
amount of food and luxuries brought into the Islands is far in
excess of what they were 30 years ago, and that the natives
seem to make less use of the articles ready to hand than they
formerly did. For instance, a Highlander does not kill his pig
and cure it for his family, using all the portions to the
best advantage. He sells it cheap and imports cured hams
at a high rate. He does not use his poultry, but sells all his eggs
by barter to little merchants, and purchases tea and sugar and
coffee to use in his family instead. He does not make soup and
cook the shellfish so plentiful on the coast, but exports them for,
after all, a small return, and I cannot regard it as a good sign of
the times, when everything is imported and little done at home.
For instance, in the case of the rope made of the moss roots, it
was a substantial article, and sufficiently good for its purpose, and
when asked why he did not always make and use such, his reply
was, " Ach, it's too much bother, we can buy a hemp one easier."
No doubt this is true, but is it wise 1 During the long winter
nights, the time wasted might be profitably occupied by these
Old Ecclesiastical Records of Badencch. 415
home-mades, but I fear the inclination is gone, and the agitation
which has been carried on for the last few years has tended much
to put a stop to these useful and economical occupations.
At no time does the Highlander ever seem to have had great
artistic instincts, one seldom sees a bit of ornamentation or carving,
or any attempt at drawing.
Occasionally the handle of a dirk or a walking-stick with a
big crook is manufactured, but such articles of artistic merit as the
Swiss mountaineer makes in the long winter nights in his Alpine
village, are foreign to the instincts of the Highlander ; not that the
skill and ingenuity are altogether wanting, but the mind has been
turned from it. An active, roving life better suits the Celt, and
the precarious life of a fisherman, in lieu of the hunter's, pleases
him better than the drudgery of agriculture and spade labour, and
even the dangerous and risky occupation of smuggling has greater
charms for some of them than any regular employment in the long
winter nights.
I would not wish to be understood as saying that the Scottish
Highlander wants the aptitude for adapting himself to his situa-
tion, nor the capacity of turning anything he requires to account.
I have ghown the contrary in the foregoing notes ; but I think
the cessation of home work and home-made appliances has rendered
him too dependent on foreign aid, and led him to look for
outside support, when he ought to be able to help himself, and
to turn to his us^s and comfort much that lies ready to hand, and
which would save him actual outlay of money, and add much to
his comfort and pleasure.
5-TH MAY 1886.
On this date (being the concluding meeting of the Session),
Paul Liot Bankes of Letterewe, was elected a life member of the
Society, while Alexander Machardy, chief constable of Inverness-
shire ; R. J. Macbeth, 42 Union Street, Inverness ; Rev. John
Cameron, R.C., Dornie, Kintail ; John Fraser, 57 High Street,
Inverness; and Hugh Bannerman, 213 Lord Street, South port,
were elected- ordinary members. Thereafter, the Secretary read
the following paper by Mr Alexander Macpherson, solicitor,
Kingussie : —
GLEANINGS FROM THE OLD ECCLESIASTICAL
RECORDS OF BADENOCH.
PART I.
In these times of never-ending ecclesiastical and political
416 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
controversies and conflicts, giving rise to such unrest in our every-
day life, one not unfrequently hears long-drawn sighs for the
" Good old Times " to which no particular epoch has yet been posi-
tively assigned. Amid the microscopical distinctions so unhappily
prevailing in our Presbyterian Churches, and the wranglings and
strife of rival factions, " the spirit of love and of a sound mind " — to
use the words of the large-hearted Christian leader, so recently
taken from us — "is often drowned in the uproar of ecclesiastical
passion." It would, I believe, be productive of the most beneficial
results in our religious as well as in our political life if, combined
with the "sweet reasonableness" and large tolerance of spirit
which so pre-eminently characterised Principal Tulloch, we had
more of such plain honest speaking as that of the great reformer,
John Knox, who learned, as he himself says, " to call wickedness
by its own terms — a fig a fig ; a spade a spade." But the so-
called " March of Civilisation " has changed the whole current of
our social and religious life, and affected the spirit of the age to
such an extent that it may be reasonably doubted whether the
most orthodox and constitutional Presbyterian in the Highlands
would now submit to the administration of discipline to which, in
days gone by, the Kirk-Sessions of Badenoch, without respect of
persons, so rigorously subjected the wandering sheep of their
flocks.
Knox's system of Church discipline has been described as a
theocracy of such an almost perfect character, that under it the
Kirk-Sessions of the Church looked after the life and conduct of
their parishioners so carefully that in 1650 Kirkton, the historian,
was able to say — " No scandalous person could live, no scandal
could be concealed in all Scotland, so strict a correspondence was
there between the Ministers and their congregations." The old
Church annals of Badenoch contain in this respect abundant evi-
dence of the extent to which the Ministers and Elders of byegone
times in the Highlands acted as ecclesiastical detectives in the
way of discovering and discouraging " the works of darkness," and
the gleanings which follow give some indicaaon of the remarkable
powers exercised for such a long period by the Courts ef the Church.
These gleanings have been extracted from the old Kirk-Session
Records of the parishes ot Kingussie, Alvie, and Laggan, compris-
ing the whole of the extensive district, distinguished by the general
appellation of Badenoch — so long held and despotically ruled by
the once powerful family of the Comyns — extending from Corry-
arrick on the west, to Craigellachie, near Aviemore, in the east —
a distance of about forty-five miles.
Old Ecclesiastical Records of Badenoch. 417
So early as 1597 a deputation appears to have been appointed
by the General Assembly to visit the northern Highlands, and in
a report subsequently presented by the deputation to the Assembly,
James Melvin (one of their number) states as the results of his
own observations in the wild and then almost inaccessible district
of Badenoch. " Indeid, I have ever sensyne regrated the esteat
of our Hielinds, and am sure gif Chryst war pretched amang
them they wald scham monie Lawland professours" — a prediction
which, if any fearless, independent member of the " Highland
Host " would venture, after the manner of the old covenanting,
trumpet-tongued lady-friend of Norman Macleod, simply to ask
certain Lawland " Principals as well as Professours," to Gang
ower the fundamentals — might probably be held to be verified even
in the present day.
According to Shaw, the historian of "The Province of Moray,"
Kingussie was a parsonage dedicated to St Colum (Columba), and
Insh a vicarage dedicated to St Ewan. " How early", says
Shaw, " these parishes were united 1 find not." Insh was erected
as a Parliamentary Church, declared to be a quoad sacra parish
by the General Assembly in 1833. and erected as such by the Court
of Teinds in 1 869. The village of Kingussie occupies the precints of
the ancient Priory founded by George, Earl of Huntly about the year
1490, and traces of the Chapel of the Monastery are still to be seen
in the old Church-yard behind the village. "There were," as stated
by Shaw, " Chapels at Invertromie and Noid, and Brigida's Chapel
at Benchar."
The existing Records of the Parish of Kingussie and Insh
date back to the induction of the Rev. William Blair as minister
of the Parish in September 1724. There is an unfortunate gap
from 25th June 1732, to loth June 1746, in regard to which there
is an explanatory memorandum inserted to the effect "that through
the frequent changes of Session Clerks, many confusions, defects, and
disorders have happened in the Minuts. The Minuts in Mr John
Macpherson's time, who dyed at Aberdeen, are lost, and also the
Minuts in time of Mr John Grant, schoolmaster and Session Clerk."
The glimpses which the Kirk -Session Records furnish of the religious
and social state of the Highlands during the last century, are such
as may, after all, tend to make the sighs for the so-called " Good
old Times" less deep, and render us somewhat more contented
with the times in which wo now live. One of the most striking
features of these Records is the burning zeal which appears to
have animated the Ministers and Elders of the time in ferreting
out and chronicling the most minute particulars bearing upon the
418 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
wanderings of the erring sheep of the Kingussie fold. In numer-
ous instances several closely-written pages are devoted to the
narration of a single case of discipline. Many of the details re-
corded are such as would not certainly be legarded in the present
day as tending to edification, and only such gleanings are given
as are of general interest in the way of illustrating the manners and
customs prevailing among the Highland people, down in the case
of some parishes even to the third or fourth decade of the present
century.
It would appear that there were black sheep calling for the
exercise of ecclesiastical discipline in those days even among the
"Ministers' men." At the Session Meeting on 21st March 1725,
"John Macdonald, in Kingussie," was appointed to make "public
satisfaction " for drinking a whole Sabbath night till ten o'clock
next morning, and " caballing " with other men and "some women"
in the Minister's house, "the Minister being that day in the parish
of Insh." Apparently the too-trustful Minister had in his tempor-
ary absence, left all his belongings under John's charge, and the
"caballers," it is recorded, not only consumed ell the aquavitae in
the Ministers house "at ye time," but also. " four pints aquavitie,
carried out of William Frasers house." John maintained that
" they had but three chapins aquavitie,'' and boldly defended " the
innocency of their meeting by their not being drunk as he alledges."
Proving anything but obsequious to the appointment of the Ses-
sion, John, as " the ringleader of the cabal," was solemnly referred
to the Presbytery of the bounds for contumacy. The Presbytery
in turn remitted him back to the Session, " to satisfie according to
their appointment, otherwise be charged before the Comissary and
be punished in his Person and Goods, in case of not satisfying for
his prophanation of the Lord's day, and insnaring oyrs forsaid to
ye same sin." The crest-fallen John had perforce no escape for it
in the end, but humbly to stand before the congregation and be
" severly rebuked for his wickedness."
Here is a singular enactment by the Kingussie Session anent
" Pennie Weddings," which appear to have been prevalent in
Badenoch down even to within living memory : —
"April 4th 1725. — The Session enacts that nocoupplebe matri-
monially contracted within the united parishes of Kingussie and
Insh till they give in into the hands of the Session Clerk 3 Ibs.
Scots or a white plaid, or any other like pennieworth, worth 3 Ibs.
Scots as pledge that they should not have pennie weddings, other-
wise to forfite their pledges if they resile."
A few months later it is recorded that " Malcolm Bain in
Old Ecclesiastical Records of Badenoch. 419
Milntown of Kingussie " was delated and rebuked for a " manifest
breach of the Lord's day, by selling shoes on that day to some who
came to his house." Under date 31st May 1726, there is an entry
to the effect that the Session had " debursed to Alex. Glass Mertin,
Kingussie, 22s. Scots for tobaco which he gave to millers for
gathering meal to the orphan at their milns, and this by command
of the Minister." The next extract is instructive, as indicating
the starving process to which the Revenue Authorities of the time
resorted in the way of recovering "debts of excise": —
"May 29«A, 1726. — The case of Lachlan Roy in Ruthven
being represented to the Session, they find he is an object of
charity, and for present at Inverness in prison for his Debt of
Excise, in a starving condition, having nothing to support him for
his present relief. Therefore appoint twenty sh. Scots be sent
him, which was done accordingly."
The prison discipline to which the poverty-stricken Lachlan
was so callously subjected in the Highland Capital appears to have
not only transformed the unfortunate man himself into an aban-
doned and hardened criminal, but to have grievously affected his
marital belongings. Some months later it is recorded that the
Session " understand that Lachlan Roy in Ruthven, his wife and
daughter, have been banisht out of Ruthven upon account of yr
abominable practices, such as thieving and whoring, and yt they
are gone out of the Parish."
Under date July 1726, we come upon the first of numerous
similar entries, exhibiting a most deplorable picture of the pollu-
tion with which Badenoch was impregnated by the establishment
of the Barracks at Ruthven, built by the Government of the day a
few years after the Rising of 1715, on the site of the old Castle of
the Corny ns. It may be of interest to mention, in passing, that in
the immediate neighbourhood of the Barracks stood the village of
Rxithven, which, for many years previously, was distinguished as
possessing the only school of importance from " Speymouth to
Lorn." Here in 1738 was born James Macpherson, the celebrated
translator of Ossian's poems, where, for some years after finishing
his studies at King's College, Aberdeen, he filled the honourable
position of parochial schoolmaster. The site of the old village is
now indicated by the farm-house of the same name. The Kingussie
Session could not apparently see their way to extirpate the rowdy
Lowland garrison bodily, but they did not hesitate, as the follow-
ing extract shows, to adopt the most summary measures to have
the utterly abandoned and disreputable followers of the alien Red-
coats banished out of the district : —
420 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
" July Wth, 1726. — The Session understanding yt yr are a
great many stragglers and vagabonds come into this Parish with-
out testimonials, as also a great many dissolute and unmarried
women from different parts of the kingdom, commonly follow
the soldiers at the Barrack of Ruthven, and are sheltered in some
houses in the Parish, where they and the soldiers have frequent
mettings, and very often upon the Lord's day, to the great scandal
of religion, and profanation of ye Sabbath : Therefore the Session
think it necessary to apply to the Civil Judge that all such as
shelter such women and vagabonds shall be condignly punished,
and fined in twenty pounds Scots toties quoties, and this to be in-
timated from the Pulpit."
A week later the Decreet of the Bailie is referred to as
follows : —
" July 17th, 1726. — This day it is informed yt the Session
had applied to the Baillie, in pursuance of a former resolution
anent vagabonds and strangers coming into the Parish without
testimonials, and that the Baillie hath passed a Decreet of ten
pounds Scots toties quoties agt all person or persons that shall
harbour such vagabonds for three nights successively, which Act
was this day intimated from the Pulpit that none pretend ignor-
ance."
We have next the complaint of an alien settler at Ruthven,
against his Highland Janet, who had — probably from incompati-
bility of temper — failed "to do him ye duties of a married wife."-
" September 25th, 1726. — This day Donald Rotson, in Ruth-
ven, compeared before the Session, and gave in a complaint before
the Session against Janet Grant, his married wife, showing yt ye
said Janet hath deserted him some time ago, and that he cannot
prevaile with her to return to him, or to do him ye duties of a
married wife, and entreats the Session would summond her before
them, and prevaile with her to be reconciled to him, or els give a
reason why she will not. The Session, considering yt ye course
that said Janet has taken is a manifest perjury and breach of her
marriage vows, and yrfor is ground of scandal and offence, do
appoint her to be summond to next Session ; meantime, that the
Minister and Donald M'Pherson, of Culinlin, converse with her yr
anent and make report."
It is subsequently recorded that the rebellious Janet was
ultimately persuaded by the Session to return to her disconsolate
Donald. Alas, howevei*, for the vanity of Donald's wishes !
Nearly six years later the long-suffering mortal appeared before
Old Ecclesiastical Records of Badenoch. 421
the Session, and gave in a petition, showing that the faithless
Janet hal " deserted him these five years past, not knowing qr
she is." Poor Donald's patience had apparently become quite
exhausted, and he beseeches the Session " that he might have
liberty to marry anoyr." The Session considered the case of
such an intricate nature, that we are told they referred the
matter to the Presbytery, "but I have been unable to trace whether
Donald subsequently obtained the " liberty " he so ardently desired.
Here is one of many similar entries of " grievous scandals "
and "breach of Sabbath": —
"July 9th, 1727. — The Session do find the following account
to be true and genuine, namely, that upon the eleventh of June,
being the Lord's day, it happened that Alister Roy, in Croft's
sheep, had run into Donald Ban, in Dell of Killiehuntly's corn,
and Donald .Ban's wife hastening to take ym away in order to
ho\ise them, Alister Roy's wife and daughter came and took them
away by force, qrupon the said Marjorie craved a pledge qch was
refused, and then she went and took away a door as pledge brevi
manu ; then Alister Roy's wife and daughter took hold of her and
pulled and tore ye linnens off her head, and gave her several
scandalous names, upon qch Donald Ban came out and attacked
the said Alister, and had some blows with hands and feet,
hinc inde."
In a subsequent minute we find a "John M'Lawrence and
James Robertson in Brae-Ruthven" delated for being both drunk
on the Lord's day. Mn their way home after attending Divine
service, it is recorded that they " did struggle with one anoyr. and
had blows hinc inde, and were grappling when the said John Mac-
pherson came upon ym, who separated them. It is also to be ob-
served yt said John M'Lawrence had creels carrying on his back on
the Lord's day. The Session do find that these persons have been
guilty of drunkenness and breach of Sabbath, appoint that both
parties stand before the congregation next Lord's day and be
severely rebuked for the said scandal."
Here is an extract giving, it is believed, a fair indication of
the lamentable state at the time of a large number of the Church
Buildings throughout the Highlands —
"November IQth, 1727. — The Session considering that the
commons in this Parish, with beggars and others out of the Parish,
do commonly burie within the Church of Kingussie so that the
floor of the Church is oppressed with dead bodies, and of late un-
ripe bodies have been raised out of their graves to give place to
422 Gaelic Society of Inverness
others for want of room qch frequently occasions an intolerable
and unwholesome smell in the Congregation, and may have very
bad effects on the people while attending Divine worship. The
Session do refer the consideration yrof to the Pbty entreating they
may put a stop to such a bade practice."
The fiddling propensities of the Badenoch people of the time
appear to have been altogether irrepressible, and to have, for a
lengthened period, greatly exercised the reforming zeal of the
Kingussie Session. Here is one of numerous entries of what the
Session term " heathenish practices " at Leickwakes —
March \Qth, 1728. — This day were called John Campbell, in
Kinvonigag, John M'Edward, in Knockichican, and Donald
M'Alvea, in Killiehuntly, and only compeared John M'Edward,
who confessed that he had a fiddler in his house at the Leickwake
of a dead person, but said he did not think it a sin, it being so long
a custome in this country. The Session finding that it is not easie
to rout out so prevailing a custome, do agree that for the more
effectual discouraging such a heathenish practice, the Minister re-
present from the Pulpit how undecent and unbecoming to the
designs of ye Christian religion such an abuse is, they all appoint
that the civil Judge be applied for suppressing the same."
The result of the application to the Civil Judge is recorded a
few days later as follows : —
"March 17 tk, 1728. — This day the Minister read from the
pulpit an Act of the Court, enacting and ordaining that all fiddlers
playing at any Leickwakes in time coming shall pay to James
Gordon, Procurator-Fiscal of Court, five pounds Scots for each
contravention, and each person who calls or entertains them in
their families shall pay to the said James Gordon twenty pounds
Scots for each contravention, and the said James Gordon is hereby
empowered to seize any fiddlers so playing at Leickwakes, and to
secure ym until they pay their fines, and find caution they shall
not play at Leickwakes in time coming."
The watchful Session appear to have been fully alive to the
possible danger of allowing unaccredited interlopers to settle in the
Parish. In one of their minutes, an " Angus M'Intire, now in
Coirarnisdel "—even although a " Mac " and presumably a High-
lander— is peremptorily summoned to appear before them to " give
an account of himself, as a stranger come into the Parish without
a testimonial."
In the next extract we have an enactment directed against
matrimonial contracts on the Saturdays :
Old Ecclesiastical Records of Badenoch. 423
"December 6th, 1728. — The Session finding that it is a
common practice for people to contract in order to matrimony upon
the Saturdays, by which they frequently sit up in Change-houses,
and incroach upon the Lord's day. The Session do enact yt none
shall be contracted upon the Saturdays within this Parish in time
coming, and that this may be intimated from the Pulpit, that none
pretend ignorance."
In the following year, it is recorded that " Mary Kennedy in
Benchar, while being reproved for her sin, uttered several foolish
and impertinent expressions." Mary appears to have been a
regular Jezebel, and we are told that she " gave such great offence "
that she was there and then bodily " seized " by the redoubtable
Ki'k officer, brought before the Session, and sentenced " to stand
in sackloath next Lord's day and be i%ebuked."
In the beginning of 1729 we come upon an entry, indicating
the extent to which the Kingussie Session had anticipated the
famous Forbes Mackenzie by at least a century and a half !
" January 6th, 1729. — Kenneth Macpherson, changekeeper,
in Balnespick, compearing was examined anent his entertaining
severals in his house upon the Lord's Day, and found he was
guilty of the forsaid abuse, and likewise yt it has been a pre-
vailing custome in the Parish for people to assemble together in
Taverns, especially after divine service, to remain till late at night.
The Session for preventing such an abuse do enact yt all change-
keepers within the Parish be henceforth discharged from giving
to any person yt may frequent yr houses on the day forsaid above
a chapine a piece as they shall be answerable."
With all the zeal of the Session what strikes one as remarkable
is that if the delinquents confined themselves to the moderate (?)
allowance of " a chapine a piece " on the " Sabbath " they might
apparently, without any fear of being subjected to the punishment
of standing in the " publick place of repentance," indulge to their
heart's content in the most liberal potations of " aquavitie " on
any other day of the week.
We have next the judgment of the Session anent what is
termed the "scandalous abuse of gathering nuts upon the
Sabbath."—
" August 17 th, 1719. — The Minister understanding that it is a
common practice in this Parish with severals, especially with
children and servants, to prophane the Lord's Day by frequenting
the woods and gathering nuts upon the Sabbath, made publick
intimation from the Pulpit, that if any person or persons, young or
old, should be found guilty of said scandalous abuse, that they
424 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
should be insisted against for breach of Sabbath and punished
accordingly, and that the Heads of families would be made lyable
for the transgressions of their children and servants in these
cases."
Here is the case of two worthies falling " a scolding " on
the Lord's Day, with an apparent ferocity not excelled even in the
memorable battle of the Kilkenny cats, and all " about eating
of corn." —
" May 31st, 1730. — This day there was delated to the Session
a scandal yt broke forth last Lord's Day after divine service betwixt
Alexander Keannich in Knockicchien and James Glass Turner in
Knockichalich in Killihuntly, showing that the said Alexander
Keannich was travelling with an armsfull of peats, and, meeting
with said Glass, they fell a scolding about eating of corn, and
yrafter did beat and bruise one anoyr until they were separated by
the neighbours, viz.: — Donald Fraser, Angus Kennedy, and
Fin! ay Ferguson, weaver, all in Knockichalich or yr abouts."
The Session, finding that this was " a notorious breach of the
Lord's Day, very much to be testified against, appointed the
delinquents to stand before the congregation and be rebuked."
Here is the case of a jealous husband tempted, as he owned, " by
Satan " making his uneasy wife, Elspet, "swear upon a knife." -
"June 2nd, 173ft. — This day compeared John Stuart in
Farlettor, and Elspet Kennedy, his wife, who were confronted, and
the said John being interrogate Imo, If he entertained any
jealousie of his wife with Duncan Gordon in Farelettor, owned he
did ; 2nd, being asked what grounds and presumptions he had to
do so, answered that sometime in March last a stirk in the town
being amissing, he observed the said Duncan and his wife separate
from the company in search of that beast— that then Satan, he
owned, had tempted him to entertain a jealousie ; 3rd, being asked
if he put her to an oath of purgation, owned he drew a knife and
obliged her to swear, as she would answer to God in the Great
Day, that she would never have any offspring or succession, if
she did not tell the truth, and that he had done this three or four
times, and once upon a Lord's Day ; 4th, being asked if his wife
complied with the said oath, both he and she owned she did. She
being asked what made her leave her own house, answered yt he
was daily so uneasy to her that she was obliged to leave him, and
declared that she would never return until she got satisfaction for
the scandal that was raised upon her. The Session considering
that this is an affair of an intricate nature, refer to the Presby-
tery for advice."
Old Ecclesiastical Records of Badenoch. 425
We have next a batch of four sadly-misguided Highlanders
dealt with by the Session " for fishing upon a Sabbath evening." —
"October 7th, 1730. — This day Thomas and Murdbw Mac-
pherson and John Shaw in Invereshie being summoned and called,
compeared, and being interrogate anent their guilt in prophaning
the Lord's Day by fishing, as was delated. They owned that they
fished upon a Sabbath evening upon the water of Feshie at
Dugarie. Compeared also John Macpherson, boatman at Insh,
who owned himself guilty of art and part in buying the said fish
yt night, all of them being rebuked and reproved. The Session
considered the whole affair, and appointed ym to compeare befoi-e
the congregation here Sabbath come a fortnight, and be sharply
rebuked for ye said transgression."
In the next extract we have the case of a husband and wife
delated for "a customary practice of bakeing bread upon the
Lord's Day."—
" October 18th, 1730. — This day, Anne Macpherson, spouse to
Donald Eraser in Knochachalich, formerly delated, being sumd. and
called, compeared with her husband, and owned only that she did
bake a little bannock for an herd, who was to go off early next
morning."
Anne's ingenious plea that it was " only a little bannock for an
herd," led the Session, it is recorded, to let off the culprit with a
— You must never do it again, Anne — in the shape of " asharpe
Sessional rebuke with certification."
From the following entry it would appear there must have
been a considerable number of bad halfpennies in circulation in
the Highlands at the time, but apparently the " bawbees," bad as
they were, were considered by the contributors good enough for
the Church box : —
"December 2±th, 1730. — There is found in the box Two
pounds and eleven sh. Scot., over and above what is marked,
qch makes twentie-seven Ibs. and eighteen sh., Scots. intheTreasrs
hands, of quch there is of bad halfpennies thirteen pounds seven
sh. Scots., wereof there are are twelve sh. st. given at ninepence
per pound weight, which amounts to two sh, three pence st. of
good money."
Here is the record of the dealing of the Session with parties
travelling on a Lord's Day " with a great many horse."
11 November 2lst, 1731. — This day William Maclean and
Donald Macpherson in Farlotter, John Macpherson in Toliva,
and William Shaw in Knockanbeg, formerly delated, being called
compeared, and being asked if they and some oyrs in the Parish
2
426 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
of Inch did travel on a Lord's Day with a great many horse
loadned with meal, confessing guilt, they were sharply rebuked,
and such of them as were masters of families were ordained to
stand before the Congregation, and servants were dismissed with
a sharpe rebuke before the Session with certification."
Passing over a period of about seventeen years, we come to
the case of an exceptionally wild Highlander asking a spade from
his neighbours, and the terrible language, and dire results, which
followed their refusal of that much prized implement. —
"June 2nd, 1748. — This day was laid before the Session a
complaint and petition from Jean Cameron, spouse to Duncan
Macnicol in Ruthven, against Peter M'Konnich, alias Mac-
donald in Ruthven, and Janet Mackenzie his spouse, setting
forth that upon the 2nd day of May last, the said Peter
came to the complainer's house asking a spade, v.rhich he did
not get. He then said that if he had her husband behind a
hedge he would stamp upon his belly, and reproached her
publicly in the following words : — D n you for a B h your
Fayr was hang'd and d n me if I will deny it : and as he was
passing through the streets said d n his soul if he should deny
what he had said, and that the said Janet his wife, uttered the
words in the streets of Ruthven that the said Jean Cameron's
father and uncle were both hanged for theft, and beseeching the
Session to take these scandalous reflections under their considera-
tion, and that the guilty persons may be censured and brought to
condign punishment. The Session having reasoned thereupon
agreed that such abusive language defaming and scandalizing the
memory of the dead, and entailing infamy upon their posterity, is
in itself injurious and unchristian, and to be discouraged in human
society, and if proven relevant to infer Churcji censure."
Several closely written pages of the Session Records are taken
up with the depositions of the witnesses. Here is the Session
judgment : —
"The Session having summed up the evidence, do find
that . . . both Peter Macdonald and his wife Janet
ought to be subjected to the censure of the Church — the rather
that yre were this day laid before the Session sufficient testimonials
the complainer's father liv'd and dy'd under the reputation of an
honest man — wherefore the Session unanimously agree that the
said Peter and his wife Janet shall stand before the Congregation
at Kingussie next Lord's Day in the publick place of repentance,
and be sharply rebuked for their offence, and for terror to others ;
and the Session do petition the Judge Ordinary here present to
Old Ecclesiastical Records of Badenoch. 427
cause secure their persons in prison until they find caution to ful-
fill and obtemper this sentence, as also until they secure the peace
by a Bond of Lawburrows."
The Session had, it will be seen, taken the precaution to
have the Baillie, or Judge Ordinary, present with them on the
occasion, and it is satisfactory to find that the wild and foul-
mouthed Peter, and his fitly-mated Janet, were there and then
subjected to the "condign punishment" they so justly deserved.
The sentence of " James Stewart," the Baillie of the time, is ap-
pended in the Records to the Session judgment, and runs as fol-
lows : —
" The Baillie ordains the persons of the said Peter McDonald
and his wife Janet to be imprisoned within the Tolbooth of Ruth-
ven, untill they find caution conform to the above sentence.
Apparently the Kingussie Session regarded the Apostolic in-
junction to " be not forgetful to entertain strangers, for thereby
some have entertained angels unawares," as of a very limited ap-
plication. Judging from results, it is to be feared that in some parts
of the Highlands, even in the present day, "angels' visits" are
"few and far between." In the old turbulent times in Badenoch
the prospect of such visits appears to have been considered so very
remote that the canny Session felt constrained to restrict to a
single night the time within which a " stranger" could be developed
into such a visitor, and the efficacy of his visit exemplified. So
distrustful was the Session of importations from other quarters
that any " stranger" coming into the District without sufficient
credentials was bracketed with the wandering " vagabond." Here
is the stringent prohibition directed against either the one or the
other being entertained in the Parish " two nights on end" : —
" June 18th, 1749. — The Session considering th it there are
several strangers and vagabonds who come into this Parish without
certificates and are sheltered therein, the Session agree to apply to
the Judge-Ordinary if the persons of all such will be apprehended
and incarcerated, and that such as entertain one or more of them
two nights on end shall be fined in 20s. sterling."
Here are the very moderate dues fixed by the Session for
digging the graves of every " person " come of age and of every
" child ; " " the gentlemen," it will be observed — doubtless with a
lively anticipation of favours to come — being " left to their own
discration " : —
" June 23rd, 1749. — The Kirk-Session considering that it
would be extremely convenient for the Parish the Kirk Officer
should be employed in digging the graves, and do appoint him to do
428 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
yt service to any that shall employ him, and yt he shall have a
sixpence for every person come to age and fourpence for every
child, and the gentlemen shall be left to their own discration ;
and the Session appoint their Clerk to give him a crown out of
their boxt for buying tools."
We come next upon the record of a singular payment made
by the Session : —
" December 9th, 1750. — Petition John M'Intosh, Court Officer
at Ruthven, creaving that the Kirk-Session may allow him pay-
ment for his trouble and pains at the Session Desire in apprehend-
ing the person of Christian Guthrie,and incarcerating and retaining
her in the Tolbooth of Ruthven for the space of 21 days, by which
he is entitled to prison wages. The Session appointed 3 sh. and
6d str. to be given him, and that the Minister pay him out of the
funds in his hands."
In of the following year we have the complaint of a
greviously afflicted "Jean Macpherson," mated to a more than
ordinarily boozy and wicked tailor body, who made a "football"
of his own infant : —
" February IQth, 1751. — Com peared Jean Macpherson, spouse
to John M'Intire, taylor in Ruthven, complaining on her said
husband, that he is a habitual drunkard, frequenting change-
houses, spending his effects, ruining his family, beating the corn-
plainer, and selling his back cloaths and bed cloaths for liquor, and
that, when he comes home drunk, he tosses his own infant like a
foot-ball, and threatens to take away her own life ; she therefore
begged the Session that they would put a stop to the progress of
his wicked life, and secure the safety of the complainer and her
child, and that they would discharge all the Change-keepers in fche
Parish from giving him liquor."
The deliverance of the Session in the case of the unfortunate
" Jean " would surely satisfy the most ardent temperance reformer
of the present day : —
"The Session, considering this complaint, and being per-
suaded of the verity of the facts, do agree to petition the Judge-
Ordinary to interpose his authority that no Change-keepers or
sellers of liquor votsoever shall gift or sell liquor of any kind,
either ale or aquavitie, to the said John, under the failzie of
twenty shillings str., the one-half of which to be applied for the
support of the complainer and her child, and that this act, when
obtained, shall be intimated from the Pulpit."
Similar interesting extracts from the Kingussie Records could
be almost indefinitely multiplied, but the gleanings already given
Celtic Derivation of English Riuer Names. 429
have extended to such a length, that I must, in the meantime,
desist. Next Session I propose to give some further such glean-
ings, including extracts from the Records of the Parishes of Alvie
and Laggan.
Dr A. H. F. Cameron has contributed the following notes in
reference to his paper in last year's volume of Transactions, on the
CELTIC DERIVATION OF ENGLISH RIVER NAMES.
He says : — I should like to add a few notes on the derivation
of river names. The first I wish to mention is the name Yar or
Yare, which is probably derived from Eavr, an end, a boundary.
Allan supposed to mean a great river may be from Allaidh
Abfiainn, the wild, fierce river. I think the influence of Celtic
river names may be traced even in the heart of London. I have
mentioned my belief that the name Bourne is the Gaelic Burn ',
and in a curious work, entitled " London and its Environs De-
scribed," published in the year 1761, under the word Holborn, I
find the following, " This street was anciently a village called Old-
borne, built on the bank of a brook or borne,* called Olborne or
Hoi bourn, that sprung up near middle row and flowed down the
hill in a clear current till it fell into the river of Wells at Hol-
born Bridge. Tyburn, too, where the last Jacobite execution took
place, was, on the same authority, anciently a village situated on
the eastern bank of the rivulet Tyburn, from whence it took its
name.
I should like to correct one or two printer's errors in my paper
in the last volume of the Transactions. The name of the Teme
in Worcestershire is misspelt, and the second root mentioned by
Mr I. Taylor should be Dwr not Devon.
Scotland with the spelling burn."
* Webster gives " Bourn, a brook, a torrent, a rivulet, obsolete used in
MEMBERS OF THE SOCIETY.
HONORARY CHIEFTAINS.
Sir Kenneth S. Mackenzie of Gairloch, Bart.
Professor John Stuart Blackie, Edinburgh University
Charles Fraser-Mackintosh of Drummond, M.P.
Colin Chisholm, Namur Cottage, Inverness
Alex. Nicolson, M.A., LL.D., advocate, sheriff-substitute, Kirk-
cudbright
LIFE MEMBERS.
Bankes, Paul Liot, of Letterewe, Ross-shire
Baillie, James E. B., of Dochfour
Burgess, Peter, factor for Glenmoriston, Drumnadrochit
Campbell, Alasdair, of Kilmartin, Glen-Urquhart
Chisholm-Gooden, James, 33 Tavistock Square, London
Chisholm of Chisholm, R, D. M., Erchless Castle
Ferguson, R. C. Munro, of Novar
Fletcher, J. Douglas, of Rosehaugh
Finlay, R. B., Q.C., M.P., London
Fraser-Mackintosh, Charles, of Drummond, M.P.
Macdonald, Lachlan, of Skaebost, Skye
Mackay, Donald, Gampola, Kandy, Ceylon
Mackay, George F., Roxburgh, Otago, New Zealand
Mackay, James, Roxburgh, Otago, .New Zealand
Mackay, John, C.E., Hereford
Mackay, John, of Ben Reay
Mackenzie, Sir Kenneth S., of Gairloch, Bart.
Mackenzie, Allan R., yr. of Kintail
Matheson, Sir Kenneth, of Lochalsh, Bart. •
Scobie, Captain N., late of Fearn, Ross-shire
HONORARY MEMBERS
Blair, Sheiiff, Inverness
Bourke, Very Rev. Canon, Kilcolman, Claremorris, Mayo
Burgess, Alexander, Caledonian Bank, Gairloch
Cameron, Donald, Woodville, Nairn
Cameron, Ewen, manager of the Hong Kong and Shanghai Bank"
ing Company, at Shanghai
432 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Cameron, James Randal, Jacksonville, Oregon
Campbell, Duncan, editor, " Northern Chronicle," Inverness
Campbell, George Murray, Jamaica
Chisholm, Captain A. Macra, Glassburn, Strathglass
Davidson, Donald, of Drummond Park, Inverness
Dunmore, the Right Hon. the Earl of
Ferguson, Miss Marion, 23 Grove road, St John's Wood, London
Fraser, Alexander, agent for the Commercial Bank of Scotland,
Inverness
Fraser, A. T. F., clothier, Church Street, Inverness
Grant, John, Cardiff, Wales
Grant, Field-Marshal Sir Patrick, G.C.B., Chelsea, London
Grant, Robert, of Messrs Macdougall & Co., Inverness
Grant, Major, Drumbuie, Glen-TJrquhart
Innes, Charles, solicitor, Inverness
JoDy, William, H.M. Inspector of Schools, Pollockshields, Glas-
gow
Macandrew, H. C., sheriff-clerk of Inverness-shire
Macallister, Councillor T. S., Inverness
Macbean, William, Imperial Hotel, Inverness
MacConnachie, John, M.I.C.E., Mayor of Cardiff
Macdonald, Alexander, of Edenwood
Macdonald, Allan, solicitor, Inverness
MacdoiaM, Andrew, solicitor, Inverness
Mace onald, Captain D. P., Ben-Nevis Distillery, Fort- William
Macdonald, John, Marine Hotel, Nairn
Macfarlane, Alex., Caledonian Hotel, Inverness
Mackay, Charles, LL.D., Fern Dell Cottage, near Dorking
Mackenzie, P. A. 0., Rio de Janeiro
Mackenzie, Rev. A. D., Free Church, Kilmorack
Mackenzie, Major Colin, late of 78th Highlanders, 49 Pall Mall,
London
Mackenzie, Mackay D., National Provincial Bank, Gateshead-on-
Tyne '
Mackenzie, Malcolm, St Martin's, Guernsey
Mackenzie, Osgood H., of Inverewe, Pool ewe
Mackintosh of Mackintosh, Moyhall
Mackintosh, Angus, of Holme, Palace Chambers, 9 Bridge Street,
Westminster
Mackintosh, Eneas W., of Raigmore
Mackintosh, P. A., C.E., Bridgend, Glammorgan
Macmillian, E. H., manager of the Caledonian Bank, Inverness
Macpherson, Colonel, of Glentruim, Kingussie
Members. 433
Menzies, John, Banavie Hotel, Fort-William
Moir, Dr F. F. M., Aberdeen
Rose, Major, of Kilravock
Ross, Rev. William, Cowcaddens Free Church, Glasgow
Scott, Roderick, solicitor, Inverness
Shaw, A. Mackintosh, Secretary's Office, G.P.O., London
Stewart, Col. Charles, C.B., O.M.G., C.I.E., Ornockenach, Gate-
house of Fleet
Stoddart, Even, Mudgee, New South Wales, Australia
Sutherland, Evan Charles, of Skibo
Wilson, P. G., Inverness
ORDINARY MEMBERS.
Aitken, Dr Thomas, Lunatic Asylum, Inverness
Baillie, Peter, Inverness
Bannerman, Hugh, 213 Lord Street, Southport
Barclay, John, accountant, Inverness
Barren, James, " Courier" Office, Inverness
Bisset, Rev. Alexander, R.C., Stratherrick
Black, G. F., National Antiquarian Museum, Edinburgh
Buchanan, F. C., Clarinnish, Row, Helensburgh
Cameron, Miss M. E., of Innseagan, Fort- William
Cameron, A. H. F., 2 Shield Road, Liverpool
Cameron, Rev. Alex., Sleat, Skye
Cameron, Donald, of Lochiel
Cameron, D., teacher, Blairour, Aonachan, Lochaber
Cameron, Rev. John, Dornie, Strome Ferry
Cameron, William, Keeper of the Castle of Inverness
Campbell, Angus, hotel-keeper, Tongue
Campbell, Fraser (of Fraser & Campbell), High Street, Inverness
Campbell, George J., solicitor, Inverness
Campbell, Paul, shoemaker, Bridge Street, Inverness
Campbell, T. D. (of Gumming & Campbell), Inverness
Carter, J. J., Inland Revenue Collector, Inverness
Cesari, E., Station Hotel, Inverness
Ohisholm, Alpin, High Street, Inverness
Chisholm, D. H., 21 Castle Street, Inverness
Chisholm, Duncan, coal merchant, Inverness
Chisholm, Archibald, P.F., Lochraaddy
Chislu^m, Colin, Namur Cottage, Inverness
Chisholm, Simon, Flowerdale, Gairloch
Clunas, James, Nairn
434 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Cockburn, Thomas, Royal Academy, Inverness
Cook, James, commission agent, Inverness
Cran, John, Kirkton, Bunchrew
Gumming, James, Allanfearn, Inverness
Davidson, Andrew, sculptor, Inverness
Davidson, D., Waverley Hotel, Inverness
Davidson, John, grocer, Inglis Street, Inverness
Davidson, William, Ruthven, Stratherrick
Dott, Donald, Caledonian Bank, Lochmaddy
Durie, William, H.M. Customs, Londonderry
Douglas, William, Town and County Bank, Inverness
Elliot, Matthew, flesher, Inverness
Fergusson, Charles, The Gardens, Cally, Gatehouse, Kirkcud-
brightshire
Fergusson, D. H., pipe major, I.H.R.Y., Inverness
Forbes, Duncan, of Culloden
Forsyth, John H., wine merchant, Inverness
Fraser, ./Eneas (Innes & Mackay), Inverness
Fraser, Alexander, solicitor, Inverness
Fraser, Alexander, Schoolhoase, Kingussie
Fraser, A. R., South Africa
Fraser, Miss Catherine, 25 Academy Street, Inverness
Fraser, D., Glenelg
Fraser, Donald, registrar, Inverness
Fraser, Dr Hugh A., Morven, by Fort- William
Fraser, Wm., Elgin, Illinois
Fraser, Rev. James, Erchless, Strathglass
Fraser, James, C.E., Inverness
Fraser, James, Mauld, Strathglass
Fraser, John, Rowan Cottage, Kenneth Street, Inverness
Fraser, Miss H. G., Farraline Villa, North Berwick
Fraser, Miss Mary, 2 Ness Walk, Inverness
Fraser, Roderick, contractor, Argyle Street, Inverness
Fraser, William, Haugh Brewery, Inverness
Galloway, George, chemist, Inverness
Gillanders, K. A., Drummond Street, Inverness
Gillanders, John, teacher, Denny
Gow, Alex., " Dundee Advertiser." Dundee
Glass, C. 0., 122 North Street, St Andrews
Grant, Rev. J., E.G. Manse, Kilmuir, Skye
Grant, Dr Ogilvie, Inverness
Grant, William, Manchester
Gray, James, slater, Friar's Street, Inverness
Members. 435
Gunn, William, draper, Castle Street, Inverness
Hood, Thomas, chemist, Patrick Street, Cork
Home, John, 41 Southside Road, Inverness
Jerram, C. S., Woodcote House, Windlesham
Kennedy, Neil, Kishorn, Lochcarron
Kerr, Thomaaj Caledonian Bank, Inverness
Livingston, Colin, J''ort- William
Macbain, Alexander, M.A., F.S.A. Scot., head-master, Raining's
School, Inverness
Macbean, Mrs, grocer, Neale Place, Rose Street, Inverness
Macbean, W. Charles, solicitor, 22 Union Street, Inverness
Macbean, Ex-Bailie William, Union Street, Inverness
Macbean, George, writer, Church Street, Inverness
Macbean, James, 77 Church Street, Inverness
Macbeth, R. J., 42 Union Street, Inverness
MacCord, Collector of Customs, Inverness
Macdonald, Alex., Audit Office, Highland Railway, Inverness
Macdonald, Alexander, messenger-at-arms, Inverness
Macdonald, Alexander, flesher, New Market, Inverness
Macdonald, Charles, Knocknageal, by Inverness
Macdonald, David, St Andrew's Street, Aberdeen
Macdonald, Dr William, Port Elizabeth, South Africa
Macdonald, John, banker, Buckie
Macdonald, Thomas, builder, Hilton, Inverness
Macdonald, Donald, flesher, New Market, Inverness
Macdonald, D. C., solicitor, Aberdeen
Macdonald, Finlay, Druidaig, Kintail
Macdonald, Hugh, 2 Petty Street, Inverness
Macdonald, Huntly, Mile-end, Inverness
Macdonald, John, supervisor, Dingwall
Macdonald, John, merchant, Castle street, [nverness
Macdonald, John, superintendent of police, Inverness
Macdonald, Kenneth, town-clerk, Inverness
Macdonald, Ewen, flesher, New Market, Inverness
Macdonald, William, sheriff-clerk-depute, Inverness
Macdonald, John, 14 Shore Street, Inverness
Macdonald, William, master carpenter, Innes Street, Inverness
Macdonald, Ralph Erskine, Corindah, by Bowen, Downs, Queens-
land
Macdonald, Dr Sinclair, Inverness
Macdonald, William, clerk, 63 Church Street, Inverness
Macdonald, Altona, Pennsylvania, U.S.A.
Macdonald, Alexander, 62 Tomnahurich Street, Inverness
436 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Macdonell, Alexander, prison warder, Inverness
Macgillivray, Finlay, solicitor, Inverness
Macgillivray, William, Denny Street, Inverness
Macgregor, Alexander, solicitor, Inverness
Macgregor, John, hotel-keeper, Invermoriston
Machardy, Alex., chief constable, The Castle, Inverness
Macintyre, Donald, Episcopal School, Inverness
Maciver, Duncan, Church Street, Inverness
Mackay, Bailie Charles, Culduthel Road, Inverness
Mackay, James John, London
Mackay, Rev. G. W., Beauly
Mackay, William, solicitor, Church Street, Inverness
Mackay, William, bookseller, High Street, Inverness
Mackay, William, Elmbank, Drummond, Inverness
Mackenzie, Mrs, Silverwells, Inverness
Mackenzie, Alexander, editor, " Celtic Magazine," Inverness
Mackenzie, Alexander, wine merchant, Church Street, Inverness
Mackenzie, A. C., teacher, Mary burgh, Dingwall
Mackenzie, Andrew, ironmonger, Alness
Mackenzie, Dr F. M., Inverness
Mackenzie, H. F., Caledonian Bank, Dornoch
Mackenzie, John, Auchenstewart, Wishaw
Mackenzie, John, grocer, 1 Greig Street, Inverness
Mackenzie, Simon (Harrison & Co.), Chambers Street, Edinburgh
Mackenzie, William, Clarence Cottage, Drummond, Inverness
Mackenzie, William, clothier, Bridge Street, Inverness
Mackintosh, Duncan, Bank of Scotland, Inverness
Maclachlan, Dugald, Caledonian Bank, Portree
Maclachlan, Duncan, publisher, 64 South Bridge, Edinburgh
Maclachlan, Dr Alexander, Beauly
Maclachlan, Rev. Lachlan, St Columba Church, Glasgow
Maclennan, John, teacher, Inverasdale, Gairloch
Maclennan, Alex., Macdougall's Tartan Warehouse, Inverness
Maclennan, Dr D. U., Widnes, near Liverpool
Maclennan, Alex., flesher, New Market, Inverness
Maclennan, Angus, factor, Askernish, South Uist
Maclennan, Donald, commission agent, Inverness
Mackintosh, Hugh, ironmonger, Inverness
Maclean, Alex., teacher, Culloden
Maclean, Roderick, factor, Ardross, Alness
Macleay, W. A., birdstufler, Inverness
Macleish, D., banker, Fort- William
Macleod, Reginald, Dunvegan Castle, Skye
Members. 437
Macleod, John, Myrtle Bank, Drummond, Inverness
Macleod, Neil, " The Skye Bard," 7 Royal Exchange, Edinburgh
Macmillan, D., Church Street, Inverness
Macnee, Dr, Inverness
Macphail, Alexander, Strathpeffer
Macphail, Alex., Ruthven House, Aberdeen
Macpherson, Duncan, 8 Drummond Street, Inverness
Macpherson, Alex., solicitor, Kingussie
Macpherson, Hugh, Castle Street, Inverness
Macpherson, John, Glen-Affric Hotel, Strathglass
Macrae, A. Fraser, 172 St Vincent Street, Glasgow
Macrae, Rev. A., Free Church Manse, Clachan, Kintyre
Macrae, Rev. Angus, F.C., Glen-Urquhart
Macrae, Duncan, Ardintoul, Lochalsh
Macrae, R., postmaster, Beauly
Macrae, John, solicitor, Dingwall
Macrae, Kenneth, Dayville, Grant County, Oregon
Macraild, A. R., Fort- William
Macritchie, A. J., solicitor, Inverness
Mactavish, Alexander, ironmonger, Castle Street, Inverness
Mactavish, Duncan, High Street, Inverness
Matheson, Dr Farquhar, Soho Square, London
Medlock, Arthur, Bridge Street, Inverness
Menzies, Duncan, farmer, Blairich, Rogart
Millar, William, auctioneer, Inverness
Mitchell, Alex., The Dispensary, Inverness
Morrison, Hew, Andover House, Brechin
Morrison, J. A., Fairfield Road, Inverness
Morrison, William, schoolmaster, Dingwall
Morrison, Dr D., West Bow, Edinburgh
Mortimer, John, 344 Great Western Road, Aberdeen
Munro, A. R., Eden Cottage, Lady pool Lane, Birmingham
Murdoch, John, Meikle Aikenhead, Cathcart
Murray, Francis, Lentran
Nicolson, Alex., M.A., LL.D., advocate, sheriff- substitute of
Greenock
Noble, John, bookseller, Castle Street, Inverness
O'Hara, Thomas, Inspector of National Schools, Portarlington,
Ireland
Ramsay, Donald, 3 Anderson Street, Inverness
Robson, A. Mackay, Constitution Street, Leith
Rose, Hugh, solicitor, Inverness
Ross, A. M., " Northern Chronicle," Inverness
438 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
Ross, Alex., architect, Inverness
Ross, Alex., traveller, Teaninich Distillery, Alness
Ross, D. R., inspector of poor, Glen-Urquhart
Ross, Duncan, Hilton, Inverness
Ross, George, ironmonger, Ding wall
Ross, Jonathan, merchant, Inverness
Sharp, D., 81 Scott Street, Garnethill, Glasgow
Shaw, David, Caledonian Bank, Bonar-Bridge
Simpson, George B., Broughty-Ferry
Sinton, Rev. Thomas, Glengarry
Smart, P. H., drawing-master, Inverness
Stewart, Colin J., Dingwall
Stuart, W. G., draper, Castle Street, Inverness
Sutherland, Rev. A. C., Adelaide
Sutherland, George Miller, solicitor, Wick
Thomson, Rev. R. W., Fodde-ty, Strathpeffer
Thomson, John, 57 Argyle Place, Aberdeen
Thoyts, Canon, Tain
Whyte, David, Church Street, Inverness
Whyte, John, librarian, Free Library, Inverness
Wilson, George, S.S.C., 20 Young Street, Edinburgh
APPRENTICES.
Cameron, Ewen, Edinburgh
Carter, Eldon M., Craigellachie Villa, Millburn, Inverness
Chisholm, C. 0., factor's office, Highland Railway
Maccorquodale, Roderick, 42 Union Street, Inverness
Mackenzie, Hector Rose, Park House, Inverness
Mackintosh, John, clerk, 74 Church Street, Inverness
DECEASED MEMBERS.
Rev. Dr Thomas Maclachlan, Edinburgh
E. H. Wood of Raasay
Dr Duncan Mackay, Inverness
Dr Thomas Stratton, Devonport
LIST
OP
NAMES OF BOOKS. DONOR.
Ossian's Poems (H. Society's edition, \ Colonel Mackenzie
Gaelic and Latin), 3 vols. . . / of Parkrnount
Smith's Gaelic Antiquities . . • ditto
Smith's Seann Dana .... ditto
Highland Society's Report on Ossian's
Poems ..... ditto
Stewart's Sketches of the Highlands, 2 vols ditto
Skene's Picts and Scots .... ditto
Dain Osiein Mhic Fhinn . . . ditto
Macleod's Oran Nuadh Gaelach, . . ditto
An Teachdaire Gaelach, 1829-30 . . ditto
Carew's Ecclesiastical History of Ireland. Mr W. Mackay
Grain Ghilleasbuig Ghrannd, two copies . Mr Charles Mackay
Council's Reul-eolas .... ditto
Maclauchlaii's Celtic Gleanings . . Rev Dr Maclauchlan
Maclauchlan's Early Scottish Church . ditto
The Dean of Lismore's Book . . ditto
Macleod and Dewar's Gaelic Dictionary . ditto
Highland Society's do., 2 vols . . Sir Ken. S. Mackenzie
of Gairloch, Bart.
Ritson's Caledonians, Picts, and Scots . ditto
Dr Walker's Hebrides, 2 vols . . ditto
Campbell's Language, Poetry, and Music
of the Highland Clans . . . Mr John Murdoch
Macnicol's Remarks on Dr Johnston's Tour
in the Hebrides .... ditto
Somers' Letters from the Highlands . ditto
440 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
NAMES OF BOOKS. DONOR.
Cameron's Chemistry of Agriculture . Mr John Murdoch
Sketches of Islay ditto
Cameron's History of Skye . . . ditto
Kennedy's Bardic Stories of Ireland . ditto
Hicky's Agricultural Class-Book . . ditto
Grain Ghaelach Mhic Dhunleibhe . . ditto
The Wolf of Badenoch . . . * . ditto
Familiar Illustrations of Scottish Life . ditto
Antiquity of the Gaelic Language . . ditto
The "Dauntless Red Hugh of Tyrconnell . ditto
The Kilchoman People Vindicated . . ditto
Caraid a' Ghaidheal — Sermon . . . ditto
Highland Clearances the Cause of High-
land Famines .... ditto
Co-operative Associations . . . ditto
Lecture ditto
"Review of " Eight Days in Islay " . . ditto
Gold Diggings in Sutherland . . . ditto
Review of Language of Ireland . . ditto
Highland Character ditto
An Teachdaire Gaelach, 1829-30 . . ditto
The Scottish Regalia .... ditto
Campbell's West Highland Tales, 4 vols . Mr Alex. Mackenzie
Bliadhna Thearlaich .... ditto
Macfarlane's Collection of Gaelic Poems . Miss Hood
Old Gaelic Bible (partly MSS.) . . J. Mackenzie, M.D.,
of Eileanach
MacHale's, Archbishop, Irish Pentateuch Canon Bourke
Irish Translation of Moore's Melodies . ditto
The Bull " Ineffabilis " (Latin, English,
Gaelic and French) . . . ditto
Celtic Language and Dialects . . . ditto
Bourke's Irish Grammar . . . ditto
Bourke's Easy Lessons in Irish . . ditto
Mackenzie's Beauties of Gaelic Poetry . Rev. W. Ross, Glas-
gow
Mac-Crimmon's Piobaireachd . . . Rev. A. Macgregor
Stratton's Gaelic Origin of Greek and Latin ditto
Gaelic Translation of Apocrypha (by Rev.
A. Macgregor) .... ditto
Buchanan's Historia Scotise . . . Mr William Mackay
The Game Laws, by R. G. Tolmie . . ditto
Library.
441
NAME OP BOOKS.
St James's Magazine, vol. i. .
Fingal (edition 1762) ....
Collection of English Poems (2 vols.)
Philologic Uses of the Celtic Tongue
Scoto-Celtic Philology ....
Dana Oisein (Maclauchlan's edition)
Munro's Gaelic Primer ....
M' Alpine's Gaelic Dictionary .
M'Pherson's Duanaire ....
Munro's Gaelic Grammar
Grain Mhic-an-t-Saoir ....
Orain Uilleim Ros .....
Ceithir Searmoinean, le Dr Dewar .
Carswell's Prayer Book (Gaelic)
Scot's Magazine (1757) .
History of the Rebellion, 1745-46 .
Welsh Bible . . ...
Old Gaelic New Testament
Adhamh agus Eubh (Adain and Eve)
Old Gaelic Bible
Orain Ailein Dughallaich
Macpherson's Poems of Ossian
An Gaidheal for 1873 .
Orain, cruinnichte le Mac-an-Tuainear
The Gospels, in eight Celtic dialects
Fraser of Knockie's Highland Music
The Clan Battle at Perth, by Mr A. M.
Shaw
The Scottish Metrical Psalms .
Sailm Dhaibhidh Ameadreachd (Ed. 1659)
Biographical Dictionary of Eminent )
Scotsmen (9 vols.) . . f
Orain Ghilleasbuig Grannd
Clarsach nam Beann ....
Fulangas Chriost .....
Dain Spioradail .....
DONOR.
Mr Mackay, book-
seller, Inverness
C. Fraser-Mackintosh,
Esq., M P.
Mr D. Mackintosh
Mr D. Maciver
Lord Neaves, LL.D.,
F.R.S.E.
Maclachlan & Stewart
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
Purchased
Mr A. Macbean
Mr D. Mackintosh
Mr L. Mackintosh
Mr L. Macbean
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
The Publishers
Mr A. Mackintosh
Shaw, London
Mr J. Mackay, C.E.,
Hereford
Mr Mackenzie, Bank
Lane, Inverness
The Author
Mr J. Fraser, Glasgow
Mr A. R. Macraild,
Inverness
Mr J. Craigie, Dundee
ditto
ditto
ditto
29
442 Gaelic Society of Inverness.
NAMES OP BOOKS. DONOR.
Spiritual Songs (Gaelic and English) . Mr J. Craigie, Dundee
Alexander Macdonald's Gaelic Poems . ditto
Grain Mhic-an-t-Saoir .... ditto
Leabhar nan Ceist ..... ditto
Co-eigneachadh Soisgeulach (Boston) . ditto
History of the Druids (Toland's) . . ditto
Melodies from the Gaelic . . . ditto
Maclean's History of the Celtic Language ditto
Leabhair Sailm ..... ditto
Origin and Descent of the Gael . . ditto
Stewart's Gaelic Grammar . . . ditto
Macpherson's Caledonian Antiquities
(1798) ditto
Biboul Noimbh (London, 1855) . . ditto
Searmona Mhic-Dhiarmaid . . . ditto
Dain Oisein ...... ditto
Fingal(1798) ditto
Life of Columba (1798) . . . ditto
Orain Roib Dhuinn Mhic-Aoidh . . ditto
Dain leis an Urr, I. Lees . . . - ditto
Searmons leis an Urr, E. Blarach . . ditto
Eaglais na h-Alba, leis an Urr A. Clare,
Inbhirnis ..... ditto
Bourke's Aryan Origin of the Gaelic Race Mr J. Mackay, Here-
ford
Reid's Bibliotheca Scoto-Celtica . . ditto
Munro's Gaelic Primer (three copies in
library) ..... Purchased
Eachdraidh na h-Alba, le A. MacCoinnich
(three copies) .... The Author
Dain Ghailig leis an Urr. I. Lees . . Rev. Dr Lees, Paisley
Philologic Uses of the Celtic Tongue, by
Professor Geddes (1872) . . The Author
Philologic Usesof the Celtic Tongue(1873) ditto
Poems by Ossian, in metre (1796) . . Mr Alex. Kennedy,
Bohuntin
Proceedings of the Historical and Archaeo-
logical Association of Ireland
(1870-86) The Society
Shaw's Gaelic Dictionary (1780) . . Rev. A. Macgregor
History of the Culdees, Maccallum's . ditto
Macdiarmid's Gaelic Sermons (MS. 1773) ditto
Library. 443
NAMES OP BOOKS. DONOR.
Gaelic Grammar, Irish character (1808) . Rev. A. Macgregor
Gaelic Pentateuch, Irish character . . ditto
Gaelic Book of Common Prayer (1819) . ditto
Gaelic Psalter, Irish character . . ditto
Transactions of the Gaelic Society of In-
verness, 12 vols. ....
Bibliotheca Scoto-Celtica
Grain le Rob Donn ....
Leabhar Oran Gaidhealach
Vible Casherick, Manx ....
Biobla Naomtha, Irish ....
Dr Smith's Sean Dana ....
Evans' Welsh Grammar and Vocabulary
Orain TJilleim Rois ....
Grain Dhonnacha Bhain
Co-chruinneachadh Orain Ghailig .
Book of Psalms, Irish ....
Orain Nuadh Ghaidhealach, le A. Mac-
Dhomhnuill .....
Laoidhean o'u Sgriobtuir, D. Dewar
Leabhar Oran Gailig ....
Am Biobla Naomtha (1690) .
The Family of lona ....
Grant's Origin and Descent of the Gael .
Rathad Dhe gu Sith ....
Dain Spioradail, Tjrr. I. Griogalach
Dara Leabhar airson nan Sgoilean Gaidh-
ealach .....
Treas Leabhar do., do. ....
What Patriotism, Justice, and Christianity
demand for India
Orain Ghaidhealach ....
Priolo's Illustrations from Ossian . . Purchased
Photograph of Gaelic Charter, 1408 . Rev. W. Ross, Glas-
gow
The Celtic Magazine, vol. i. . . The Publishei-s
Do. vols. ii. to x. . . . . . Purchased
Elementary Lessons in Gaelic . . . The Author
Stewart's Gaelic Grammar . . . Mr D. Mackintosh
Irish Pedigrees, by O'Hart . . . The Author
Dan an Deirg agus Tiomna Ghuill (Eng-
lish Translation), two copies . . Mr C. P. Jerram
144
Gaelic Society of Inuerness.
NAMES OF BOOKS.
Gaelic and English Vocabulary (1741) .
Aryan Origin of the Celtic Race and I
Language . . . . • f
Old Map of Scotland (1746) .
Collection of Harp Music
Valuation Roll of the County of Inverness
(1869-70)
Do. do. Ross (1871-72) .
Inverness Directory (1869-70)
Greek Testament .....
Greek Lexicon ....
Gospel of St John adapted to the Hamil-
tonian System (Latin) .
Histoire de Gil Bias de Santillane( French)
Prophecies of the Brahan Seer, 2nd edition
My Schools and Schoolmasters
Gaelic Etymology of the English Language
Dr Charles Mackay
The Highland Echo
The Highlander Newspaper, complete, 4
volumes .....
Hebrew — Celtic Affinity, Dr Stratton
Illustrations of Waverley, published for
theRoyal Association for Promoting
the Fine Arts in Scotland (1865) .
Illustrations of Heart of Midlothian, do.
do. (1873)
Illustrations of the Bride of Lammermuir,
do. do. (1875) .
lllustrationsof Red Gauntlet, do., do. (1876)
Illustrations of the Fair Maid of Perth
Illustrations of the Legend of Montrose .
Gunn on the Harp in the Highlands
English Translation of Buchanan's "Latha
'Bhreitheanais," by the Rev. J.
Sinclair, Kinloch-Rannoch (1880)
An t-Oranaiche, compiled by Archibald
Sinclair (1880) .
Danaibh Spioradal, &c., le Seumas Mac-
Bheathain, Inverness (1880)
DONOR.
Rev. A. Macgregor
Mr John Mackay,
Hereford
Mr Colin M'Callum
London
Mr Charles Fergusson
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
Mr A. Mackenzie
Mr James Reid
J. Mackay, Swansea
Purchased
Purchased
The Author
Miss Fraser, Farraline
ViUa, N. Berwick
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
ditto
Miss Cameron of Inn-
seagan
Translator
Compiler
A. Maclean, coal mer-
chant, Inverness
Library.
445
NAMES OF BOOKS.
Macdiarmid's Sermons in Gaelic (1804) .
Bute Docks, Cardiff, by John M'Connachie,
C.E. (1876)
Observations on the Present State of the
Highlands, by the Earl of Selkirk
(1806) . . .
Collection of Gaelic Songs by Ranald
Macdonald (1806)
Mary Mackellar's Poems and Songs (1880)
Dr O'Gallagher's Sermons in Irish (1877)
John Hill Burton's History of Scotland
(9 vols.)
Burt's Letters from the North of Scotland
(2 vols.)
A Genealogical Account of the Highland
Families of Shaw, by A. Mack-
intosh Shaw (1877)
History of the Clan Chattan, by A.
Mackintosh Shaw (1880) .
Leabhair an t-Sean Tiomna air na
dtarruing on Teanguidh Ughdar-
rach go Gaidhlig tre churam agus
saothar an doctur Uiliam Bhedel
Roimhe so Easpog Chillemhorie 'n
Erin (1830) .
Edmund Burke's Works, 8 vols.
Land Statistics of Inverness, Ross, and
Cromarty in the year 1871, by H.
C. Fraser
Church of Scotland Assembly Papers —
The Poolewe Case
Ossian's Fingal rendered into Heroic
Verse, by Ewen Cameron (1777)
Ossian's Fingal rendered into verse by
Archibald Macdonald (1808)
Clarsach an Doire — Gaelic Poems, by
Neil Macleod ....
MacDiarmid's Gaelic Sermons
DONOR.
Colin MacCallum,
London
The Author
]
}• John Mackay, C.E.,
J Hereford
F. C. Buchanan, Clar-
innish, Row, Helens-
burgh
The Author
John Makay, C.E.,
Hereford.
) L. Macdonald of
I Skaebost
ditto
"I
[• The Author
j
The Author
A. R. Macraild, In-
verness
Mr Colin Chisholm
}> The Author
Mr W. Mackenzie
) A. H. F. Cameron,
J Esq. of Lakefield
ditto
The Author
I Mr Colin MacCallum
J
London
446 Gaelic Society of Inuerne&s.
NAMES OP BOOKS. DONOR.
Laebhar Comunn nan Fior Ghael — The
Book of the Club of True High-
landers ..... Purchased
Grammar of the Gaelic Language (Irish),
by E. O'C. . . . . Mr H. C. Eraser
Esquisse de la Religion des Gaulois. Par
M. Henri Gaidoz. 1879 . . M. Gaidoz
Notice sur les Inscriptions Latines de
1'Irlande. Par M. Henri Gaidoz.
1878 . . . . . M. Gaidoz
Melusine Recueil de Mythologie, &c. Par
MM. Gaidoz et Rolland. 1878 . M. Gaidoz
Guide to Sutherlandshire, by Hew Morri- ) mu
J > The Author
son . . . . . . J
Transactions of the Royal National Eist- ) Mr J. Mackay, C.E.,
eddfod of Wales . . . . j Hereford
Bute Docks. Cardiff, by J. Macconnachie, ) mr A 1.1.
M.I.C.E. . . . . ;) T^ Author
In Memoriam-Earl of Seafield . / The ^wager-Count-
( ess or beatield
Past and Present Position of the Skye i L. Macdonald of Skae-
Crofters ...... J bost
American Journal of Philology
Revue Celtique, vol. vi., No. 3 . . M. Gaidoz
Notes on St Clement's Church, Rowdill,
Harris . . . . .A. Ross, Inverness
Notes on Clan Chattan Names . . J. Macpherson, M.D.
The Proverbs of Wales . Mr J" ^ac^' C'E"
Hereford
PB Gaelic Society of Inverness
1501 Transactions
G3
v.12
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